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F.  W.    PUTNAM,  Chairman  tx-officio ;  F.  W.  HODCJE,  Secretary  ex-officio  ;  JUAN 
FEWKES,    ALICE  C.    FLETCHER,    W.    H. 
HOLMES,    H.   VON   IHERING,   A.    L. 

F.  W.  HODGE,  Editor,  Washington,  D.j:. 


LANCASTER,  PA.,  U.  S.  A. 

I'l'IlLlSHKlJ    FOR 



Prvw  of 
Hm  nnr  Uu  PmNniw 

iv  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

The  Eolithic  Problem  —  Evidences  of  a  Rude  Industry  Antedating 
the  Paleolithic.  George  Grant  MacCurdy.  (plates  xxv- 
XXIX) 425 

Notes  on    the  San    Carlos  Apache.     Ale§  Hrdlicka.     (plates 

xxx-xxxii) 480 

A  Pawnee  Personal  Medicine  Shrine.     George  A.  Dorsey.         .  496 

Dress  and  Ornaments  of  the  New  England  Indians.     Charles  C. 


The  Splayed  or  So-called  '*  Casco  Foot  "  in  the  Filipino.     Albert 

Ernest  Jenks.  (plates  xxxiii-xxxiv)  ....  509 
InMemoriam:  Washington  Matthews,  (plate  xxxv).  .  .514 
Some  More  About  Virginia  Names.  William  Wallace  Tooker.  524 
Systematic  Nomenclature  in  Ethnology.  A.  L.  Kroeber  .  -579 
The  Indian  Population  of  California.  C.  Hart  Merriam.  .  .  594 
The  Mythology  of  the  Shasta- Achomawi.  Roland  B.  Dixon  .  607 
Mechanical  Aids  to  the  Study  and  Recording  of  Language.     P.  E. 

GODDARD.       (plate    XXXVI ) 613 

Religious  Ceremonies  and  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians.  Con- 
stance GoDDARD  Dubois 620 

The  Naming  of  Specimens  in  American  Archeology.  Charles  Pea- 
body  and  Warren  K.    Moorehead     .....  630 

A   Few   Ethnological   Specimens  Collected  by  Lewis  and  Clark. 

Charles  C.  Willoughby.     (plates  xxxvii-xxxviii)    .         .  633 

Maya  Dates.     J.  T.  Goodman 642 

Basket  Designs  of  the  Pomo  Indians.     S.  E.  Barrett,     (plates 

xxxix-xl) 648 

A  New  Method  of  Preserving  Specimens  of  Shell  and  other  Perish- 
able Materials.     Philip  Mills  Jones 654 

Sketch  of  the  Grammar  of  the  Luisefio  Language  of  California. 

P.  S.  Sparkman 656 

The  Social  Organization  of  American  Tribes.     John  R.  S wanton  .  663 

Some  Features  of  the  Language  and  Culture  of  the  Salish.     Charles 

Hill-Tout 674 

The  Obsidian  Blades  of  California.    Horatio  N.  Rust,     (plate  xli)  688 


Ferrand:  Basis  of  American  History  (/r£7//w^x)    .  .         .         .114 

Metcalf  :  Outline  of  the  Theory  of  Organic  Evolution  (  Ward')     .   117 
Thorndike:  Introduction   to   the   Theory   of  Mental   and   Social 

Measurements  (^Wissler)      .         .         .         .  .         .118 


DoiGNEAU  :  Notes  d'arch^ologie  pr6historique  —  Nos  anc^tres  primi- 

tifs  (^MacCurdy)  .  .  .  .120 

Nelson  :  Personal  Names  of  Indians  of  New  Jersey  (^Mooney)  .  123 
Dorsey:  The    Mythology  of  the  Wichita  (J/^^w/y)      .  .123 

Trifkovic:  Vier  Lustspiele  (^Mooney)  .         .  .         .126 

Krause:  Anthropophyteia  (Mooney)  .  .  .         .  .127 

MObiijs:    Beitrage  zur  Lehre  von  den  Geschlechts-Unterschieden 

{Chamberlain)  •         .  .  .129 

Folkmar:  Album  of  Philippine  Types  (5/tfrr)  .  .  .  -131 
Reports  of  the  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition  to  Torres 

Straits,  Vol.  V  {Starr) 132 

BoGORAS :  The  Chuckchee  {Sternberg)  .  .         .         .         .320 

Le6n  :   \jO(s  Vo^loczs  {Chamberlain)  .  .         .  •   324 

I.£HMANN-NiTSCHE :  La  Colecciou  Boggiani  de  Tipos  Indigenas  de 

Sudamerica  Central  ( CAa/«^^r/j/«)  .         .  •  3*5 

Zeitschrift  fUr  Demographie  und  Statistik  der  Juden  (  Casanowicz)  326 
Krause  :  Romanische  Meistererzahler,  unter  Mitwirkung  {Mooney)  327 
Hubbard:  Neolithic  Dew-ponds  and  Cattle-ways  (il/arC«rd^)  .  529 
Livi :  Antropometria  Militare  {HrdlUka)      .  .         -531 

Jenks  :  The  Bontoc  Igorot  ( Chamberlain)  .....  696 
Machado:  a  Universidade  e  a  Na^io  ( C4tf»i^^rAw«)  .  .701 


LoaisUna  Purchase  Exposition  awards,  157.     Preservation  of  antiquities,  164.     Archaeo- 
logical  Institute  of  America,   166.     A  form  of  urn-burial  on   Mobile   bay,    167. 
Facial   casts,    169.     Marquis  de   Nadaillac,    169.     The  Wisconsin  Archeological 
Society,  170.     The  Justin  Winsor  Prire,  171.     Thomas  Varker  Keam,  171.     An 
interesting  broadside,  172.     Tlingit  method  of  collecting  herring-eggs,  172.     Bon- 
toc-Igorot  clothing,  173.     Minor  notes,  173.     American  Anthropological  Associa- 
tion, 354.     Fifteenth  International  Congress  of  Americanists,  355.      Congr^s  Pr6- 
historiqne  de  France,  356.     Congr^  International  d' Expansion  ficonomique  Mon- 
diale,  357.     The   Jews  of  Mzab,   357.     Columbia   University  courses  in  anthro- 
pology, 358.     Head  deformation  among  the  Klamath,  360.     Maricopa  weaving, 
361.     A  Cora  cradle,  361.     Jacob  Vradenburg  Brower,  362.     Minnesota  Historical 
Society,  363.     Minor  notes,   363.     Recent  work  of  the  Wisconsin  Archeological 
Society,  556.     Explorations  at   Cavetown,   Maryland,   568.     Preservation  of  an- 
tiquities, 569.     Supposed  Shoshoneans  in  Lower  California,  570.     Ponce  de  Le6n 
and  the  "  Fountain  of  Youth,''  572.     Recent  Folk-lore  meetings  in  California,  573. 
Moskwaki  Indians  of  Iowa,  575.     Inlaid  objects,  575.      The  so-called   **  oldest 
bouse"   in    Santa    F*,    576.     El   Morro   inscriptions,   576.     Missouri    Historical 
Society,   577.      Minor    notes,    577.     American   Anthropological   Association,  728. 
International   Congress  of  Americanists,   729.     Congr^s   International   d'Anthro- 
pologie  et  d*  Arch^ologie  Pr^historiques,  729.     Jay  feathers  in  Cora  ceremony,  730. 
Minor  notes,  730. 

American  Anthropologist 


Vol.  7  January-March,  1905  No.  i 


The  eminent  place  accorded  education  in  our  social  organiza- 
tion makes  imperative  the  closest  investigation  of  every  factor  in 
educational  practice.  Instruction  is  a  scientific  work  of  the  highest 
order.  Pedagogy  has  no  special  body  of  facts  or  phenomena  of  its 
own  as  material  for  investigation  ;  it  depends  for  its  structure  on  the 
conclusions  of  contributory  sciences.  Its  "sphere  of  influence** 
being  coextensive  with  all  human  welfare,  no  necessity  exists  for 
examining  limits,  but  emphasis  must  constantly  be  placed  on  organi- 
zation. On  the  clear  apprehension  of  the  relation  of  the  contribu- 
tory sciences  of  biology,  psychology,  sociology,  and  anthropology 
to  pedagogy  depends  the  efficiency  of  the  educational  system. 

Before  proceeding  to  the  direct  investigation  of  the  subject  an- 
nounced in  the  title,  it  will  be  necessary  to  consider  briefly  the  results 
of  the  long  discussion  of  the  aims  of  education.  The  keen  analysis 
to  which  this  question  has  been  subjected  in  recent  years  does  not 
disclose  any  real  antagonism  between  the  individual  and  the  social 
aims.  In  practice  in  American  schools  the  individualistic  ideal  is 
unquestionably  predominant,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  in  the 
great  majority  of  our  schools  for  the  training  of  teachers,  empha- 
sis is  placed  on  the  interest  of  society,  and  the  normal  school  that 
gives  no  place  to  the  social  sciences  in  pedagogical  training  is  not 
in  the  professional  class.  A  just  conception  of  the  relation  between 
the  individual  and  society  affords  no  ground  for  placing  especial 
emphasis  on  the  interests  of  either. 

*  Read  before  the  Section  of  Social  and  Economic  Sciences,  A.  A.  A.  S.,  at  the 
PhiUde]pbia  meeting,  December,  1904-January,  1905. 

▲M.  AKTM..  K.  S.,  7 — I  ' 

2  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

In  every  normal  individual  of  any  stage  of  culture  there  exists 
a  feeling  that  the  activities  which  yield  him  the  greatest  satisfaction 
are  those  which  involve  the  interests  of  his  fellow  men.  He  finds 
no  happiness  in  habitual  isolation.  For  the  pleasure  of  association 
with  his  kind  he  submits  to  the  social  will.  In  primitive  stages  of 
culture  he  unconsciously  accepts  the  esthetic,  the  economic,  the 
social,  the  religious  traditions  of  his  tribe.  In  civilized  society  he 
does  not  surrender  his  consciousness  to  the  group.  He  examines 
and  criticizes  social  conditions ;  seeks  to  accelerate  or  retard  social 
progress  ;  strives  to  establish,  annul,  or  modify  customs  and  beliefs ; 
pits  his  individual  reasonings  against  public  motives,  opinions,  and 
acts  ;  yet  withal  submits  to  what  society  sanctions.  But  while  appa- 
rently emphasizing  the  interests  of  society,  he  knows  that  society  is 
the  great  efficient  agent  for  benefitting,  developing,  perfecting  him- 
self. Its  interests  are  his  interests.  In  the  self-renunciation  inci- 
dent to  social  service  he  realizes  his  highest  happiness  and  highest 
individual  perfection.  His  individualization  and  his  socialization 
proceed  simultaneously  by  like  processes.  Antagonism  to  the 
social  order  carried  to  the  extent  of  destructiveness  is  an  aberrant 
condition.  On  the  general  acceptance  of  this  fact  of  the  identity 
of  individual  and  social  interests  depends  the  happy  adjustments  of 
most  of  our  social,  economic,  political,  and  educational  problems. 

Since  an  individual  aim  in  education,  standing  for  the  highest 
development  of  the  powers  of  the  one,  and  a  social  aim,  emphasiz- 
ing the  interests  of  the  many,  proceed  by  simultaneous  and  similar 
processes  to  a  common  end,  it  is  not  necessary  to  accept  any  dictum 
as  to  the  educational  aim.  It  is  individual,  social,  ethnical.  A 
sound,  commonplace  aim  to  keep  in  view  in  educating  Americans 
is  to  make  better  Americans ;  in  educating  Indians  to  make  better 
Indians ;  in  educating  Filipinos  to  make  better  Filipinos;  and  it 
should  especially  be  noted  that  when  the  term  is  applied  to  the 
process  of  improving  any  race  or  group  or  individual  that  is  not 
formally  praying  to  be  absorbed  into  the  citizenship  of  the  United 
States,  it  in  no  sense  implies  to  Americanise. 

The  phenomena  of  the  four  sciences  previously  mentioned  as 
contributing  data  for  the  scientific  study  of  education  are  so  inter- 
dependent that  they  cannot  be  definitely  separated.     The  purpose 


of  this  paper  is  to  examine  anthropological  facts  and  conditions 
which  are  vital  in  the  development  of  the  American  system  of  public 
education.  But  I  am  aware  that  some  of  the  material  chosen  for  con- 
sideration may  justly  be  claimed  to  be  in  the  domain  of  psychology, 
and  all  of  it  in  sociology.  This  delightful  elasticity  and  inclusiveness 
of  our  several  sciences  is  not  altogether  regrettable.  The  cross-fire 
to  which  a  proposition  that  falls  within  these  overlapping  spheres  of 
influence  is  subjected,  compels  a  certain  agility  and  alertness  not 
incident  to  the  study  of  closely  isolated  and  definitely  limited 

It  is  possible  that  the  use  made  in  this  paper  of  the  term  "  ethnic 
mind  **  may  not  be  acceptable  to  experimental  psychologists.  While 
not  in  accord  with  the  extreme  views  of  many  European  scholars 
on  this  subject,  I  accept  the  opinions  of  Wundt  and  Brinton  that 
ethnic  psychology  is  a  valid  science  —  a  branch  of  the  great  un- 
mapped field  of  anthropology  that  awaits  close  investigation.  The 
hypothesis  of  an  ethnic  mind  is  most  serviceable  in  the  study  of 
culture  history,  constructive  sociology,  and  race  pedagogy.  Any 
needed  justification  of  its  use  will,  I  hope,  be  accomplished  as  we 
examine  causes  and  conditions  of  ethnic  development 

It  is  a  trite  saying  that  "  the  teacher  must  understand  human 
nature,"  but  we  do  not  always  consider  the  vast  significance  of  that 
requirement.  It  presupposes  all  the  usually  expected  knowledge  of 
man  as  an  individual,  with  all  his  physiologic  and  psychic  characters 
and  the  immediate  effect  thereon  of  meteorologic  and  dietetic  in- 
fluences. It  demands  an  understanding  of  the  modifications  affected 
by  society  on  individual  psychic  states.  Furthermore,  it  requires  a 
comprehension  of  the  environmental  influences  that  have  worked 
through  the  ages  to  affect  man's  distribution  over  the  globe,  to  con- 
trol his  occupations  and  social  organization,  and  to  compel  the 
thoughts  which  dominated  his  primitive  life  and  fixed  in  every  group 
of  savage  men  a  unified,  collective,  psychic  state.  The  individual 
was  a  cipher.  He  lived,  worked,  thought,  prayed  as  did  his  tribe. 
Nature  was  as  regardless  of  the  individual  in  humanity  as  in  the  lower 
life  forms.  An  ethnic  mind,  an  ethnic  character,  a  race  of  men  was 
the  goal.  Fixed  environmental  conditions  compelled  men  to  certain 
activities,  to  certain  beliefs  and  customs,  equally  coercive  whether 

4  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

true  or  false,  good  or  bad.  Such  was  the  fatalistic  yet  effective 
discipline  by  which  nature  shaped  men  into  ethnic  groups,  by  virtue 
of  which  we  have  Hun  or  Gaul,  or  Apache  or  Hopi.  Such  was  the 
origin  of  ethnic  mind —  "a  blind,  unreasoning,  natural  force"  that 
rules  primitive  men  absolutely  and  to  a  marked  degree  dominates 
the  acts  of  civilized  nations.  The  investigation  of  these  phenomena 
is  the  province  of  anthropology;  the  determination  of  their  use  in 
education  is  the  province  of  pedagogy. 

The  teaching  of  forty  children  of  a  single  race  is  a  compara- 
tively simple  problem.  But  the  teacher  in  an  American  city  school 
may  have  under  her  instruction  representatives  of  half  a  score  of 
ethnic  divisions  with  ethno-psychic  characteristics  that  are  as  distinc- 
tive as  are  their  physical  differences.  The  work  of  the  teacher  is  to 
Americanize  all  these  elements ;  to  inculcate  our  best  ideals  of  per- 
sonal and  civic  righteousness ;  to  eradicate  as  far  as  possible  ideals 
that  are  foreign  or  adverse  to  our  own.  This  is  a  complex  process. 
The  street  does  its  part.  The  general  exercises  of  school  and  class 
advance  the  unifying  process.  That  day  is  lost  in  which  the  teacher 
finds  no  occasion  for  upholding  some  ideal  of  lofty  patriotism,  of 
civic  virtue,  of  family  life,  of  personal  honor.  But  daily  the  neces- 
sity arises  for  dealing  directly  with  individuals  who  fail  to  come  under 
the  influence  of  the  collective  spirit,  with  whom  lawlessness  (which 
may  be  a  misunderstanding  of  our  social  order),  or  incipient  crime 
(which  may  be  but  lack  of  comprehension  of  our  ideals  of  decency) 
and  the  disasters  incident  to  conflict  with  law  or  prevailing  ethical 
sense,  seem  inevitable.  The  teacher  must  know  that  Italian  and 
Bohemian,  and  Celt  and  Hebrew,  and  Anglo-Saxon  and  African 
look  upon  questions  of  honor,  morality,  and  decency  out  of  separate 
ethnic  minds  under  the  coercion  of  centuries  of  fixed  racial  customs 
and  ideals.  What  is  to  us  criminal  tendency  may  be  but  a  survival 
of  a  custom  which,  in  the  view  of  a  more  primitive  race,  was  a  strictly 
moral  act.  Much  that  we  call  evil,  malevolent,  was  in  primitive 
mind  altogether  beneficent.  What  is  to  us  an  indecent  act  is  often 
in  primitive  practice  a  religious  rite.  A  case  of  stubborn  resistance 
to  a  necessary  truth  may  be  a  matter  of  racial  difference  of  opinion. 
So  countless  perplexing  problems  of  the  teacher  root  in  ethnic  mind 
and  can  be  solved  only  when  the  ethnic  factors  in  the  equation  are 


duly  considered  and  the  inheritance  from  savagery  or  foreign  national 
life  is  given  its  proper  value. 

Before  considering  further  the  educational  aspects  of  the  sub- 
ject, let  us  inquire  into  some  fundamental  causes  of  static  racial  con- 
ditions. As  previously  indicated  in  this  paper  this  must  be  primarily 
an  inquiry  into  the  influence  of  physiographic  environment  on  the 
human  mind. 

Dr  Edwin  G.  Dexter  has  shown,  in  an  eminent  contribution  to 
psychological  knowledge,  the  influence  of  definite  meteorological  con- 
ditions on  mental  states.  These  researches  pertain  to  the  immediate 
psychic  response  to  weather  influences,  and  the  results  are  such  as 
to  suggest  an  important  application  in  the  study  of  racial  character 
development  under  the  influence  of  fixed  climatic  conditions.  I 
believe  that  Dexter's  method  might  be  extended  to  the  field  of  racial 
psychology  with  excellent  results. 

Ample  facilities  exist  for  the  study  of  this  subject  by  direct  ob- 
servational methods.  We  may  select  one  element  of  human  nature 
that  is  practically  universal,  namely,  the  religious  element,  and  see 
how  science  accounts  for  its  variations.  Race  religion  is  almost  as 
persistent  as  race  physiology.  All  people  have  beliefs  concerning 
the  supernormal.  Speaking  in  a  very  general  sense,  these  beliefs 
constitute  their  religion.  It  is  a  peculiarly  fruitful  field  of.  study, 
with  abundance  of  material  for  investigation.  The  religious  ideas 
of  primitive  men  are  preserved  in  myths,  in  symbolic  ornament,  in 
pictography  in  its  various  forms,  in  games,  the  interpretation  of  which 
calls  for  the  keenest  insight  of  which  the  anthropologist  is  capable. 
The  system  of  religious  thought  of  every  primitive  tribe  is  embodied 
in  ritual  which  can  be  studied  by  direct  observation. 

A  remarkable  series  of  field  studies  on  the  Hopi  Indians  of  Ari- 
zona by  Dr  J.  Walter  Fewkes  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnol- 
ogy, extending  over  a  period  of  twelve  years,  the  results  of  which 
are  embraced  in  numerous  contributions,  afford  such  a  comprehen- 
sive exposition  of  the  evolution  of  the  religion  of  one  primitive 
tribe  in  response  to  climatic  influences  that,  with  his  kind  permis- 
sion, I  quote  here  at  some  length  his  own  words  on  the  subject } 

'*  In  physical  features  this  province  [Tusayan]  is  a  part  of  the  great 
arid  zone  of  the  Rocky  mountains.     On  all  sides  it  is  isolated  by  a  dreary 

*  A  Study  of  Tnsayan  Ritual,  Smithsonian  Report^  J^S* 

6  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

extent  of  mountains,  mesas,  and  arid  plains  about  6,000  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  sea.  No  permanent  streams  of  water  refresh  these  parched 
canyons  or  fields,  and  the  surroundings  of  this  isolated  tribe,  organic  and 
inorganic,  belong  to  those  characteristic  of  desert  environment.  The  rains 
are  limited  in  quantity — ^liable  to  fail  at  planting  time.  Springs  of  perma- 
ent  water  are  small  and  weak.  .  .  .  Uncompromising  as  was  the  soil  for 
agriculture,  the  resources  of  the  hunter  were  much  less,  and  in  this  region 
man  was  forced  to  become  an  agriculturist.  .  .  .  He  adopted  the  life 
which  environment  dictated,  and  accepting  things  as  they  were,  worked 
out  his  culture  on  the  only  possible  lines  of  development. 

'*  Accepting  the  inevitable,  man's  ritual  became  a  mirror  of  that  part 
of  his  environment  which  most  intimately  affected  his  necessities.  The 
irregularity  of  the  rains,  and  the  possibility  that  the  corn  may  not  grow, 
developed  the  ritual  in  the  direction  indicated.  In  a  bountiful  soil  which 
never  fails  the  farmer,  where  the  seed  dropped  in  the  ground  is  sure  to 
germinate,  and  the  rains  are  constant,  no  ritual  would  originate  to  bring 
about  what  was  sure  to  come.  But  let  natural  processes  be  capricious, 
awake  in  a  primitive  mind  the  fear  that  these  processes  may  not  recur,  let 
him  become  conscious  that  the  rains  may  not  come,  and  he  evolves  a 
ritual  to  prevent  its  failure.  .  .  .  The  cults  of  a  primitive  people  are 
products  of  their  necessities.  .  .  .  The  two  needs  which  sorely  pressed 
the  Hopi  farmer  were  rain  to  water  his  crops  and  the  growth  and  matur- 
ity of  his  corn.  My  problem,  therefore,  is  to  show  by  illustrations  that 
the  two  components,  rain  making  and  growth  ceremonials,  characterize 
the  Tusayan  ritual,  as  aridity  is  the  epitome  of  the  distinctive  climatic 
features  of  the  region  in  which  it  has  been  developed.  .  .  . 

**  In  Tusayan  the  Great  Plumed  Serpent  is  a  powerful  deity  to  bring 
the  rain,  and  is  associated  with  lightning,  his  symbol.  By  simple  obser- 
vation the  untutored  mind  recognizes  that  rain  follows  lightning,  and 
what  more  natural  than  that  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  the  effect. 
He  therefore  warships  lightning  because  of  this  power.  The  course  of 
the  lightning  in  the  sky  is  zigzag  as  that  of  the  snake,  both  kill  when 
they  strike.  The  lightning  comes  from  the  sky,  the  abode  of  the  sun  and 
rain  god,  and  the  simple  reasoning  of  the  Tusayan  Indian  supposes  some 
connection  between  the  lightning,  snake  and  rain.  The  sustenance  of 
the  primitive  agriculturist  comes  from  the  earth,  and  if  the  soil  is  non- 
productive the  sun  and  rain  are  of  no  avail.  The  Tusayan  Indian  thus 
recognizes  the  potency  of  the  earth  and  symbolically  deifies  it  as  the 
mother.  Consequently  earth  goddesses  play  important  rdles  in  his  mythol- 
ogy. ...     No  better  ceremony  could  be  chosen  to  illustrate  the  effect 


of  the  arid  environment  than  the  well-known  Snake  Dance,  the  most 
weird  rite  in  the  Tusayan  calendar.  This  dance  occurs  every  summer  on 
alternate  years  in  five  of  the  Tusayan  villages,  and  although  a  dramatiza- 
tion of  an  elaborate  sun-serpent  myth,  is  so  permeated  by  rain  ceremonials 
that  it  has  come  to  be  an  elaborate  prayer  for  rain.  .  .  . 

*'  The  reptiles  are  believed  to  be  elder  brothers  of  the  priests,  and 
they  are  gathered  from  the  fields  on  four  successive  days  to  participate  in 
the  ceremonies.  It  is  believed  that  these  reptiles  have  more  power  to  in- 
fluence supematiual  beings  than  man,  and  as  the  acme  of  the  whole  series 
of  nine  da]rs'  observances  they  are  thrown  in  a  heap  on  the  ground  in  a 
circle  of  sacred  meal,  and  the  chief  of  the  Antelopes  says  a  prayer  to  the 
struggling  mass,  after  which  they  are  seized  by  the  priests  and  carried. to 
the  fields  commissioned  to  intercede  with  rain  gods  to  send  the  desired 
rains.  In  fact,  the  whole  series  of  rites  which  make  up  the  snake  cele- 
bration is  one  long  prayer  of  nine  days'  duration.   .  .   . 

"Another  component  of  the  Tusayan  ritual  which  occurs  each  year 
in  the  month  following  that  in  which  the  Snake  Dance  occurs,  is  the 
ceremony  of  the  women  priests  for  the  maturation  of  the  com.  I  refer 
to  the  September  rites  called  the  Lalakonti,  celebrated  by  a  priesthood 
of  the  same  name. 

"The  ceremony  for  growth  of  the  crops,  which  is  practically  for 
the  harvest  of  maize,  is  directly  the  outgrowth  of  those  climatic  conditions 
which  have  made  the  Tusayan  people  agriculturists.  A  ^lure  of  this  crop 
means  starvation,  and  maize  is  far  from  a  spontaneous  growth  in  those 
desert  sands.  Hence  the  elaborate  nature  of  the  appeals  to  the  supernat- 
ural beings  which  control  this  function.  This  great  ceremony  is  natur- 
ally of  special  concern  to  women,  the  providers.  .   .  . 

"  The  influence  of  arid  climatic  conditions  is  shown  in  the  character 
and  intent  of  s3anbols.  The  conventional  figure  of  the  rain  clouds  and 
£dling  rain  is  depicted  more  than  any  other  on  various  paraphernalia  of 
worship.  It  is  painted  on  the  altars,  drawn  in  sacred  meal  on  the  floor  of 
his  sacred  rooms,  or  kivas,  embroidered  on  ceremonial  kilts.  ...  By  a 
natural  connection  it  is  often  replaced  by  figures  of  animals  or  plants  as- 
sociated with  water.  The  frog  and  tadpole  appear  when  the  rain  is  abun- 
dant, and  for  that  reason  the  priest  paints  the  figures  of  these  animals  on 
his  medicine  bowl,  or  places  effigies  of  it  on  the  altar.  .  .  .  The  dragon- 
fly which  hovers  over  the  springs,  the  cotton  wood  which  grows  near  the 
springs,  the  flag  which  loves  the  moist  places,  becomes  a  symbol  of  water. 
Water  itself  from  the  ocean  or  from  some  distant  spring,  in  his  concep- 
tion, are  all  powerful  agents  to  bring  moisture.     There  can  be  but  one 

8  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

reason  for  this  —  the  aridity  of  his  surroundings.  The  clouds  from  which 
rain  falls  are  symbolized  by  the  smoke  from  the  pipe  in  his  ceremony,  and 
he  so  regards  them.  He  pours  water  on  the  heads  of  participants  in  cer- 
tain ceremonials,  hoping  that  in  the  same  way  rain  will  fall  on  his  parched 
fields.  Even  in  his  games  he  is  influenced  by  the  same  thought,  and  in 
certain  races  the  young  men  run  along  the  arroyos,  as  they  wish  the  water 
to  go  filled  to  their  banks.  .  .  . 

**  The  necessities  of  life  have  driven  man  into  the  agricultural  condi- 
tion and  the  aridity  of  the  climate  has  forced  him  to  devise  all  possible 
means  at  his  control  to  so  influence  his  gods  as  to  force  them  to  send  the 
rains  to  aid  him.  Wherever  we  turn  in  an  intimate  study  of  the  cere- 
monials of  the  Tusayan  Indians  we  see  the  imprint  of  the  arid  deserts  by 
which  they  are  surrounded,  always  the  prayer  for  abundant  crops  and 
rains  for  his  parched  fields. ' ' 

In  thus  attempting  to  epitomize  briefly  some  results  of  this 
investigation,  I  have  done  scant  justice  to  the  eminent  student 
who  conducted  it.  In  this  series  of  researches  principles  are  de- 
rived which  are  capable  of  wide  application.  There  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  the  same  method  will  show  that  primitive  social  organ- 
ization, economic  systems,  and  esthetic  life  are  in  great  measure 
results  of  definite  physiographic  environment. 

Everything  in  human  nature  must  be  regarded  as  a  product  of 
growth.  Ideas  and  ideals  that  have  been  rooted  for  ages  in  the 
ethnic  mind  can  not  and  should  not  be  eradicated  in  a  generation. 
Biology  has  demonstrated  that  no  appreciable  increment  of  brain 
power  can  be  effected  in  the  lifetime  of  an  individual.  Ethnology 
has  shown  how  ideals  of  religion,  of  welfare,  of  morals  that  have 
become  ingrained  in  racial  character,  along  with  color  of  skin  and 
shape  of  skull,  are  likewise  persistent  under  the  artificial  environ- 
ment of  civilization.  With  a  race  a  thousand  years  are  as  yester- 
day with  an  individual.     Nature  will  not  be  hurried. 

There  are  facts  that  are  particularly  applicable  to  the  great  task 
to  which  we  have  set  ourselves  in  the  education  of  alien  races. 
The  education  of  the  Indian  is  a  work  that  we  have  had  on  hand 
for  many  years,  and  much  diversity  of  opinion  exists  as  to  the  val- 
ue of  our  results.  Apparently  the  idea  of  educating  the  Indian 
away  from  his  native  environment  is  losing  ground.     The  trans- 


planting  of  isolated  spedmens  of  primitive  races  to  a  totally  new  en- 
vironment has  never  been  productive  of  happy  results.  The  reser- 
vation Indian  school  is  successful  so  far  as  its  ideal  is  to  make  of  the 
Indians  better  Indians.  Unhappily,  Americanization  is  often  thought 
to  be  education. 

Probably  no  one  will  be  considered  better  qualified  to  express 
the  ideals  that  have  dominated  our  Indian  educational  policy  and  to 
speak  of  the  difficulties  which  have  beset  it  than  Dr  W.  H.  Hail- 
mann,  for  some  years  national  superintendent  of  Indian  schools. 
Dr  Hailmann  says^  (italics  are  mine)  : 

"There  can  be  no  doubt  that  an  education  which  inculcates  the  tastes 
and  establishes  the  ideals  of  current  civilization  constitutes  the  proper  first 
step  in  the  work  of  introducing  the  Indians  into  American  citizenship.  It 
is  equally  evident  that  the  cultivation  of  these  tastes  and  ideals  is  well  nigh 
impossible  under  the  conditions  and  influences  of  tribal  life  on  Indian 

"  The  mere  recital  of  a  few  of  the  leading  differences  between  the  two 
civilizations  will  sufficiendy  emphasize  these  difficulties.  The  Indian 
civilization  looks  upon  the  tribe  or  family  as  a  unit ;  with  us  it  is  the  indi- 
vidual. With  the  Indian  he  is  richest  who  gives  most ;  with  us  it  is  he 
who  keeps  most.  The  Indian  claims  hospitality  as  a  right  until  the  means 
of  the  host  are  exhausted  ;  and  this  hospitality  is  freely  granted.  To  the 
Indian  land  is  as  free  as  the  water  he  drinks ;  proprietorship  continues 
only  so  long  as  the  land  is  dlled  or  otherwise  in  use.  The  Indian  prizes 
the  worthless  pony,  whilom  his  companion  and  friend  in  the  lost  occupa- 
tions of  the  chase  and  war.  The  cow  is  to  him  only  a  poor  substitute  for 
the  buffalo ;  he  knows  nothing  of  her  value  as  a  giver  of  milk  and  a 
breeder  of  cattle.  Woman  in  Indian  civilization  is  a  producer  and  pos- 
sesses in  full  Indian  life  an  economic  7falue  and  independence  to  which  in 
our  ciinlization  she  is  largely  a  stranger.  His  religious  rights  and  cere- 
monies afford  the  Indian,  in  addition  to  a  certain  degree  of  spiritual  eleva- 
tion, opportunities  for  intense  social  enjoyment  for  which  he  looks  in  vain 
in  the  mw  civilization.  Add  to  this  that  the  wants  of  the  Indian  are  few 
and  easily  gratified  by  simple  forms  of  homely  skill  in  which  the  industries 
and  other  acquirements  of  the  Indian  school  find  little  application ;  that 
chiefs  and  medicine-men  in  the  very  nature  of  things  look  with  distrust 

*  Education  of  the  Indian  ;  Monographs  on  Education  in  the  United  States,  No. 
19.  by  W.  H.  Hailmann. 

lO  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  r90S 

and  disdain  upon  a  civilization  which  robs  them  of  power  and  influence  ; 
that  time-honored  tradition  imposes  upon  the  young  Indian  silence  and 
obedience, —  and  you  have  an  array  of  adverse  conditions  which  is 

**  Against  these  odds  the  Indian  schools  are  pitted.** 

Might  it  not  have  been  better  if  the  Indian  schools  had  never 
been  pitted  against  these  conditions  at  all,  but  rather,  devoted  to 
the  cultivation  of  just  what  could  be  found  in  the  Indian  that  was 
worthy  of  stimulation  ?  Like  ourselves,  the  Indian  possesses  many 
traits  that  are  worthy  of  the  highest  nurture  and,  like  ourselves, 
many  for  which  the  world  would  be  better  if  eradicated.  A  system 
of  practical  education  must  recognize  in  the  subjects  to  be  educated, 
potentialities  worthy  of  development.  If  such  potentialities  do  not 
exist,  then  education  will  be  futile.  That  the  Indian  is  a  worthy 
subject  for  education,  all  will  agree,  but  that  his  potentialities  are 
along  the  lines  of  our  peculiar  culture  is  not  disclosed  by  history  or 
ethnology.  He  takes  rather  kindly  to  education,  but  resists  the 
overthrow  of  his  religious  and  social  customs.  The  need  for  the 
overthrow  of  these  (with  few  exceptions)  is  not  apparent. 

I  know  of  no  persistent  attempt  on  the  part  of  government  or 
philanthropy  to  develop  the  inherent  Indian  character  by  stimulating 
him  to  the  perfection  of  his  own  arts,  his  own  social  institutions,  his 
own  religion,  his  own  literature.  When  the  Indian  wants  citizen- 
ship and  prays  for  absorption  into  the  body  politic,  then  will  be  time 
to  Americanize.  After  centuries  of  contact  with  us  he  chooses  to 
remain  an  Indian.  Candid  investigation  from  his  point  of  view  as 
well  as  ours  might  lead  us  to  approve  his  choice.  At  great  cost  to 
childhood  we  have  learned  that  about  all  we  can  do  for  the  young 
mind  is  to  stimulate,  direct,  accelerate,  or  retard  its  unfoldment. 
All  that  we  attempt  to  impose  on  it  that  is  foreign  to  its  nature  can 
only  work  to  its  detriment.  It  is  likewise  with  a  race  that  is  in  its 
childhood.  Its  development  must  be  from  within.  An  ethno-edu- 
cational  experimental  station  on  the  reservation  of  one  of  our  most 
isolated  tribes,  which  should  have  for  its  task  the  development  of 
Indian  character  (which  is  inherently  noble)  along  strictly  Indian 
lines  ought  in  a  few  generations  to  yield  us  definite  knowledge  on  the 
subject  of  educating  and  governing  primitive  races. 

hewett]  ethnic  factors  IN  EDUCATION  1 1 

We  are  now  attacking  an  ethno-educational  problem  of  enor- 
mous proportions,  the  education  of  some  millions  of  subjects  in 
the  Philippine  islands.  In  the  evolution  of  our  national  life,  our 
frontier  has  moved  westward  to  the  other  side  of  the  earth.  We 
are  in  possession  of  a  new  domain,  peopled  mainly  by  the  Malay 
race,  consisting  of  numerous  tribes,  in  every  stage  of  culture  from 
absolute  savagery  to  semi-civilization.  Of  these  ethnic  groups, 
none  of  which  approaches  the  Caucasian  race,  we  know  but  little. 
With  their  customs,  morals,  ideals,  religious  beliefs,  modes  of  rea- 
soning, which  have  arisen  and  become  ingrained  through  ages  of 
relation  to  definite  conditions,  we  are  just  beginning  to  become 
acquainted.  We  are  carrying  to  them  an  exotic  civilization,  devel- 
oped under  environment  as  different  from  theirs  as  it  is  possible  for 
this  planet  to  aflTord.  We  propose  to  prepare  them  for  self-govern- 
ment, and  to  that  end  have  placed  over  them,  in  slightly  modified 
form,  our  highly  specialized  American  public  school  system,  our 
only  guide  to  the  efficacy  of  this,  when  imposed  upon  other  races, 
being  the  results  of  our  experience  with  the  American  Indians. 

The  purposes  and  expectations  of  the  government  in  this  respect 
are  officially  set  forth  in  the  report  *  of  Dr  David  P.  Barrows,  Gen- 
eral Superintendent  of  Education  for  the  Philippine  islands,  under 
date  of  September  15,  1903. 

"The  definite  purposes  in  introducing  this  educational  system  are 
unique  in  the  history  of  colonial  administration.  Professedly,  openly, 
and  with  resolute  expectation  of  success,  the  American  Government 
avowed  its  intention  through  public  schools  to  give  to  every  inhabitant  of 
the  Philippine  islands  a  primary,  but  thoroughly  modem  education,  to 
thereby  fit  the  race  for  participation  in  self-government  and  for  every 
sphere  of  activity  offered  by  the  life  of  the  Far  East,  and  to  supplant  the 
Spanish  language  by  the  introduction  of  English  as  a  basis  of  education 
and  the  means  of  intercourse  and  communication.*' 

In  justification  of  this  purpose  Dr  Barrows  says  : 

*'  Such  an  educational  plan  would  never  have  been  practicable  had 
it  not  been  in  fact  the  demand  of  the  Filipino  people  themselves. 
Thoroughly  American  as  our  school  system  is,  it  represents  the  ideas 

*  Report  of  the  Philippine  Commiaion,  I903»  P^rt  III,  p.  694. 

12  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

which  theoretically  command  the  desires  of  the  Filipino.  His  request 
was  for  free,  secular  schools,  open  to  all  inhabitants  and  teaching  the 
English  tongue  and  the  elementary  branches  of  modern  knowledge." 
Again  we  are  told  that  the  Filipino  father  is  desirous  that  the  intellectual 
advance  of  his  child  ''  should  be  unaffected  by  ecclesiastical  control,  and 
that  the  instruction  of  the  church  shall  be  separate  from  that  of  the 
school.  .  .  .  For  common  intercourse,  as  well  as  for  education,  the  Fili- 
pino demands  a  foreign  speech.  To  confine  him  to  his  native  dialect 
would  be  simply  to  perpetuate  that  isolation  which  he  has  so  long  suf- 
fered and  against  which  his  insurrection  was  a  protest.  Opponents  of 
English  education  find  no  sympathizer  among  the  Filipino  people." 

These  desires,  if  accurately  portrayed,  reveal  on  the  part  of  the 
Filipino  people  a  profound  insight  into  the  causes  and  conditions  of 
both  individual  and  national  progress  —  an  intelligence  already 
equal  to  that  of  the  most  enlightened  nations,  and  diflficult  to  recon- 
cile with  other  statements  made  in  the  same  discussion,  of  which 
the  following  are  examples  : 

**  The  race  lends  itself  naturally  and  without  protest  to  the  blind  leader- 
ship and  cruel  oppression  of  its  aristocracy.  ...  It  is  in  these  rural 
spots  that  the  great  mass  of  the  population  finds  its  home.  These  are  the 
centers  of  ignorance,  the  resorts  and  recruiting  ground  for  the  ladrones, 
and  they  perpetuate  the  ignorance  and  poverty  of  the  race,  which  has  re- 
mained constant  for  three  hundred  years. '  * 

It  is  somewhat  difficult,  too,  to  share  the  buoyant  enthusiasm  of 
Dr  Barrows  for  the  value  of  the  English  language  to  the  Filipino  : 

"  It  is  without  rival  the  most  useful  language  which  a  man  can  know. 
It  will  be  more  used  within  the  next  ten  years,  and  to  the  Filipino  the 
possession  of  English  is  the  gateway  into  that  busy  and  fervid  life  of 
commerce,  of  modern  science,  of  diplomacy  and  politics  in  which  he 
aspires  to  shine.  Knowledge  of  English  is  more  than  this  —  it  is  a  pos- 
session as  valuable  to  the  humble  peasant  for  his  social  protection  as  it  is 
to  the  man  of  wealth  for  his  social  distinction.  If  we  can  give  the 
Filipino  husbandman  a  knowledge  of  the  English  language,  and  even  the 
most  elemental  acquaintance  with  English  writings,  we  will  free  him  from 
that  degraded  dependence  upon  the  man  of  influence  of  his  own  race 
which  made  possible  not  only  insurrection  but  that  fairly  unparalleled 
epidemic  of  crime  which  we  have  seen  in  these  islands  during  the  past 
few  years.  *  * 


The  above  statement  of  occupations  in  which  the  Filipino  aspires 
to  shine  should  be  considered  in  connection  with  the  following  state- 
ments as  pointing  to  some  obvious  conclusions  concerning  him  as  a 
subject  for  education : 

''  American  investors  and  promoters  in  the  Philippines  at  the  present 
moment  are  deeply  disgusted  with  the  Filipino  as  a  laborer  and  are  clam- 
orous for  the  introduction  of  Chinese  coolies.  They  claim  that  the  Fili- 
pino hates  and  despises  labor  for  itself,  will  not  keep  a  laboring  contract, 
and  cannot  be  procured  on  any  reasonable  terms  for  various  enterprises  in 
which  Americans  desire  to  invest  effort  and  money.  When,  however,  we 
looked  a  litde  more  closely  into  the  demands  of  these  men,  it  is  apparent 
that  what  they  really  want  here  is  a  great  body  of  unskilled  labor,  depen- 
dent for  living  upon  its  daily  wage,  willing  to  work  in  great  gangs,  submis- 
sive to  the  rough  handling  of  a  boss,  and  ready  to  leave  home  and  family 
and  go  anywhere  in  the  islands  and  to  labor  at  day  wages  under  condi- 
tions of  hours  and  methods  of  labor  set  by  their  foreign  employers  .  .  . 
Now,  the  Filipino  detests  labor  under  these  conditions.  It  is  probably 
true  that  he  will  not  work  in  a  gang  under  a  <  boss,'  subjected  to  condi- 
tions of  labor  which  appear  to  him  unnecessarily  harsh  and  onerous. ' ' 

These  are  interesting  conditions,  pointing  to  entirely  different 
lines  of  development  from  those  possible  to  the  Chinese  and 
Japanese  and  to  a  commercial  civilization,  with  a  leaning  to  science, 
diplomacy,  and  politics,  yet  unsupported  by  any  sturdy  laboring 
class  comparable  to  our  Irish  and  Italian  citizens  who  have  made 
possible  our  vast  mining,  railroad  building,  and  other  great  con- 
structive enterprises. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  our  present  knowledge  of  the  Filipino 
does  not  warrant  very  deep  convictions  with  reference  to  his  future 
possibilities.  His  habitat  is  the  zone  that  has  not  produced  sturdy 
civilized  races.  Climate  and  physiography  are  decidedly  against 
him.  He  is  of  a  race,  the  Malay,  that  has  as  yet  produced  no 
strong  ascendant  ethnic  groups.  Ethnology  has  little  to  promise 
in  his  favor. 

There  is  really  much  in  science  and  history  to  guide  us  in  this 
matter  —  enough  to  teach  us  that  it  is  questionable  whether  we  can 
prepare  any  primitive  people  for  self-government  by  placing  them 
under  our  institutions.     Every  nation  on  the  globe  that  is  fit  for 

14  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

self-government  prepared  itself  for  it  by  centuries  of  racial  experi- 

I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  being  opposed  to  an  educa- 
tional policy  for  the  Philippine  islands,  but  I  do  regard  it  as  prema- 
ture and  wasteful  to  establish-  there  a  public  school  system  in  ad- 
vance of  any  considerable  scientific  knowledge  of  the  mind  and 
character  of  the  Malay  race.  A  number  of  educational  experi- 
ment stations  there,  where  for  some  years  educational  policy,  based 
on  the  ascertained  capability  and  desires  of  the  people,  could  be 
carefully  wrought  out  and  the  best  of  their  young  people  stimu- 
lated to  lead  in  their  intellectual  and  social  life,  thus  developing 
such  inherent  qualities  of  leadership  as  may  exist,  would  be  eco- 
nomical and  sensible,  would  determine  if  there  are  any  strong 
ascendant  ethnic  groups  and  develop  the  methods  by  which 
the  racial  potentialities  could  be  brought  out.  Such  a  policy  is 
fraught  with  no  possibility  of  injustice  to  our  subjects.  These 
people  have  waited  some  thousands  of  years  for  Americanism. 
Let  us  not  inaugurate  another  "  century  of  dishonor"  by  malprac- 
tice on  another  alien  race.  There  is  really  no  cause  for  haste.  It 
is  hardly  time  to  put  the  Filipinos  to  school  to  us.  Let  us  go  to 
school  to  them  for  a  while.  We  can  learn  much  from  them  that 
will  be  for  their  good  and  ours.  We  should  study  the  social  order, 
the  religious  beliefs,  the  ethnic  mind  of  these  subjects,  and  accept 
the  fact  tliat  we  have  here  a  problem  in  which  we  must  count  re- 
sults by  generations  and  not  by  years. 

These  are  conditions  which  suggest  a  wide  extension  of  the  func- 
tions of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  and  of  the  Bureau  of  Edu- 
cation. Our  vast  educational  interests  call  for  some  constructive 
statesmanship.  The  present  system  is  wasteful  and  inefficient.  Edu- 
cation in  the  Philippines  was  organized  by  the  War  Department  and 
is  conducted  by  the  Philippine  Commission.  The  Office  of  Indian 
Affairs  shapes  a  policy  of  Indian  education.  The  Bureau  of  Edu- 
cation takes  care  of  all  educational  interests  not  otherwise  let  out. 
It  is  difficult  to  understand  how,  under  any  consideration  of  effi- 
ciency, economy,  or  businesslike  management,  such  a  system 
should  be  tolerated.  This  condition  is  best  known  to  those  who 
have  been  intimately  connected  with  it.  I  quote  again  from  Dr 
Hailmann's  monograph  on  Indian  Education  : 


"The  direction  and  supervision  of  the  Indian  schools  rest  with  the 
Indian  office  which,  in  its  turn,  is  under  the  direction  and  supervision  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  In  the  Indian  office  the  details  of  the  work 
are  intrusted  to  the  education  division,  now  probably  the  most  important 
division  under  its  control.  The  education  division  consists  of  a  chief 
clerk,  with  a  corps  of  subordinate  clerks,  stenographers  and  copyists.  To 
this  division  all  reports  are  made ;  by  it  all  directions  and  orders  are 
drafted  and  issued. 

"  The  education  division  is  aided  in  its  work  by  the  superintendent 
of  Indian  schools  and  by  five  supervisors,  assigned  in  their  work  to  five 
districts  respectively.  These  officials  constitute  a  branch  of  the  Indian 
school  service  which  occupies  a  very  uncertain  position,  which  can  be 
designated  neither  as  subordinate  nor  as  coordinate,  and  which  in  its 
effectiveness  depends  wholly  on  the  force  of  character  of  the  incumbents 
and  the  good  will  of  the  commissioner.  They  have  duties,  but  no  rights ; 
and  even  their  efforts  to  perform  these  duties  may  be  rendered  practically 
nugatory  by  the  ill-will  of  the  education  division  or  of  the  commissioner. '  * 

This  is  a  statement  of  the  condition  in  one  of  our  several  great 
uncorrelated  departments  of  education.  The  American  people 
claim  to  have  supreme  confidence  in  our  democratic  educational 
system.  They  would  look  with  favor  upon  a  more  definite  recog- 
nition of  education  by  the  national  government,  and  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  educational  system  upon  an  equal  footing  with  commerce, 
agriculture,  and  war.  No  executive  department  of  government  has 
in  its  care  interests  more  vast  and  important  than  our  combined 
educational  interests  would  be.  The  organization  of  these  interests 
demands  the  elevation  of  the  Bureau  of  Education  to  the  status  of 
an  executive  department. 

The  conclusions  of  this  paper  may  be  summarized  as  follows  : 

1 .  Ethnic  mind,  character,  ideals,  and  motives  are  developed  pri- 
marily by  definite  physiographic  conditions  of  age-long  duration. 
Ethnic  traits  persist  through  generations  of  new  influences.  This 
fact  is  of  vital  importance  to  teachers  in  the  management  of  indi- 
vidual cases. 

2.  The  development  of  a  race  must  be  from  within.  A  civiliza- 
tion imposed  from  without  is  usually  harmful,  often  destructive, 
and  always  undesirable.  This  fact  is  the  keynote  to  all  that  should 
be  attempted  by  way  of  educating  alien  races. 

l6  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

3.  Normal  schools  and  other  institutions  for  the  training  of 
teachers  should  give  a  prominent  place  to  anthropological  sciences. 

4.  A  rational  educational  policy  for  the  various  primitive  races 
now  under  our  care  must  be  based  on  specific  scientific  knowledge 
of  racial  mind  and  character.  This  suggests  a  wide  extension  of  the 
functions  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  and  the  establish- 
ment of  ethno-educational  experiment  stations. 

5.  Our  national  educational  interests  have  been  greatly  increased 
and  complicated  by  the  acquisition  of  new  races.  The  system  of 
distributing  these  interests  among  unrelated  departments  is  wasteful 
and  inefficient  and  calls  for  the  organization  of  an  executive  Depart- 
ment of  Education. 



Our  knowledge  of  prehistoric  surgery  is  limited  to  operations  tha 
afiected  the  bony  tissue.  One  of  the  best  known  and  most  remark- 
able operations  performed  by  our  neolithic  ancestors  is  without 
question  that  df  trepanation,  the  evidence  of  their  skill  and  success 
in  the  use  of  rude  instruments  being  nothing  short  of  marvelous. 

The  object  of  this  paper  is  to  call  attention  to  a  peculiar  type  of 
prehistoric  surgery  having  certain  points  in  common  with  trepan- 
ning, and  which  have  been  brought  to  light  during  the  last  decade. 
So  far  as  at  present  known,  this  type  occurs  in  France  over  a  limited 
area  lying  to  the  north  of  Paris,  between  the  Seine  and  the  Oise. 
The  history  of  the  series  of  discoveries,  as  well  as  of  Prof.  L.  Man- 
ouvrier's  successive  observations  and  attempts  at  an  explanation  until 
finally  the  correct  solution  was  reached,  forms  an  interesting  chapter 
in  methods  of  arriving  at  scientific  facts. 

The  crania  bearing  marks  of  the  operation  in  question  are  not 
only  from  a  limited  area,  but  are  also  from  dolmens  belonging  to 
the  neolithic  period.  The  Dolmen  de  la  Justice  at  Epone,  near 
Mantes  (Seine-et-Oise),  had  been  known  since  1833 — in  fact  so 
long  that,  owing  to  its  dilapidated  condition,  it  was  supposed  to  have 
been  already  robbed  of  its  contents.  However,  M.  Perrier  du 
Came,  of  Mantes,  thought  it  worth  while,  in  188 1,  to  obtain  from 
the  owner,  Madame  Piot,  a  permit  to  excavate,  and  was  very  much 
surprised  to  find  the  sepulture  intact.  In  addition  to  pottery,  stone 
implements,  and  ornaments,  he  obtained  portions  of  about  sixty  skele- 
tons, including  twelve  crania.  Professor  Manouvrier,  to  whom  the 
human  bones  were  referred  for  examination,  observed  that  three  of 
the  female  crania  were  marked  by  curious  and  similar  mutilations  in 
the  region  of  the  vertex.  In  every  case  the  cicatrice  is  T-shaped. 
The  antero-posterior  branch  begins  just  above  the  anterior  curve  of 
the  frontal,  extends  along  the  sagittal  suture,  and  terminates  near 
the  obelion    where  the  transverse  branch  is  encountered.      The 

AM.  AKTM^  n.  s.,  7 — a. 



1 8  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

latter  descends  on  either  side  to  a  point  back  of  the  parietal  pro- 
tuberances. The  scars  are  evidently  the  result  of  lesions  of  the 
scalp  made  during  life,  and  deep  enough  to  affect,  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, the  periosteum. 

Searching  through  the  Broca  collection,  Manouvrier  found  three 
other  examples  of  the  cicatrice  in  T,  and  all  three  on  feminine  subjects. 
They  came  from  three  dolmens  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  dolmen 
of  Epone,  namely,  Vaureal,  Conflans-Sainte-Honorine,  and  Feigneux, 
all  in  the  department  of  Seine-et-Oise.  In  one  of  these  three  cases 
the  cicatrice  was  very  slight,  in  another  the  diploe  was  uncovered 
by  either  the  wound  or  the  suppuration. 

In  every  instance  the  lines  forming  the  T  were  broken  at  inter- 
vals, giving  the  appearance  of  successive  operations.  The  operation 
on  the  scalp,  however,  may  have  been  performed  at  one  time  and 
in  a  continuous  line  without  affecting  the  skull  at  all  points.  None 
of  the  crania  presents  pathological  characters.  As  to  the  meaning 
of  these  marks,  Manouvrier  suggested  that  an  explanation  might  be 
found  in  practices  connected  with  religion,  war,  penal  justice,  mourn- 
ing, therapeutics,  or  coiffure.  While  admitting  that  the  peculiar 
shape  of  the  scar  might  be  due  to  the  hieratic  value  attributed  to 
T,  he  expresses  preference  for  a  simpler  and  more  rational  explana- 
tion. What  could  be  more  simple,  for  instance,  than  to  suppose  that 
a  surgical  operation  on  the  scalp  should  follow  the  natural  partings 
of  the  hair.  One  of  these  is  the  median  line  from  the  forehead  to 
the  whorl  at  the  crown  ;  the  other  descends  laterally  from  the  crown 
on  either  side,  and  they  account  for  a  feminine  fashion  of  combing 
the  hair  which  is  still  in  use. 

Dolmens  to  the  north  of  Paris  and  within  a  radius  of  50  kilo- 
meters were  searched  for  further  examples,  and  they  were  soon 
forthcoming.  Of  eighteen  crania  found  by  M.  Fouju  in  the  dolmen 
of  Menouville,  near  Tlsle  d'Adam  (Seine-et-Oise),  one  bore  the 
antero-posterior  branch  of  the  lesion  in  question,  one  was  marked 
by  an  enigmatical  oval  scar  in  the  region  of  the  bregma  (evidently 
to  be  classed  as  a  variation  of  the  same  general  type  of  operation), 
and  three  were  unquestioned  cases  of  trepanation  —  a  large  per- 
centage for  a  sepulture  containing  not  more  than  forty  skeletons. 
The  reduction  of  the  so-called  "sincipital  T"  to  a  line  in  the  one 


instance  and  to  an  oval  in  the  other  led  Manouvrier  to  substitute 
for  the  name  first  chosen  that  of  "  sincipital  marks  "  ;  and  the  pres- 
ence in  the  same  dolmen  of  crania  thus  scarred,  in  juxtaposition 
with  trepanned  crania,  supported  his  favorite  hypothesis  that  the 
sincipital  marks  were,  like  trepanation,  the  result  of  therapeutic 

Vemeau's  description^  of  certain  skull  fragments  from  the 
Dolmen  des  Mureaux,  published  five  years  before  the  discovery  of 
the  Epone  specimens,  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  Manouvrier's 
contributions,  is  invested  with  a  new  interest.  The  fact  that  the 
fragments  of  a  right  parietal  and  a  left  parietal  were  "  trepanned  " 
along  the  line  of  the  sagittal  suture,  points  to  the  most  persistent 
feature  of  the  sincipital  markings  in  question.  One  operation  would 
account  for  both,  in  case  the  two  pieces  could  be  referred  to  the  same 
skull.  The  strength  of  the  supposition  would  not  be  impaired  even 
if  they  belonged  to  different  skulls.  It  might  be  worth  while  to 
reexamine  these  fragments,  particularly  as  the  allee  couverte  des  Mu- 
reaux is  situated  near  the  dolmens  that  furnished  all  the  specimens 
described  by  Manouvrier  in  a  series  of  papers  the  titles  of  which 
appear  in  the  appended  list  of  references. 

As  regards  the  methods  employed  in  the  operation,  Manouvrier 
had  this  to  say  in  1902  : 

"L'hypoth^se  d'une  cauterisation  par  brfilure  ou  autrement  me 
parait  fttre  la  plus  satisfaisante  et  corrobor^e  par  T existence  non  douteuse 
chez  la  peuplade  n^olithique  qui  v^cut  entre  la  Seine  et  TOise,  de  chirur- 
giens  dont  les  ressources  th^rapeutiques  ne  debaient  pas  Stre  bom^es  a  la 
terrible  trepanation.** 

The  oval  scar  in  the  region  of  the  bregma  cited  above  recalls 
precisely  similar  ones  observed  by  von  Luschan,^  of  Berlin,  on 
ancient  Guanche  crania  from  the  island  of  Teneriffe.  Of  the  210 
Teneriffe  crania  in  the  museums  of  Berlin,  Leipzig,  and  Braunschweig, 
25  have  suffered  scarification  in  the  region  of  the  grand  fontanelle, 
two  of  these  being  completely  perforated  by  the  operation  or  as  a 
result  of  it.  Von  Luschan  regarded  the  operation  as  surgical  and 
related  to  trepanning  proper.     In  his  opinion  the  bone  was  removed 

I  R.  Vcmeau.  L'allee  couverte  des  Mureaux  ;  V anthropologies  1890,  i,  I57- 
'  Vtrhandl,  Berliner  Ges.  f.  Anthr.y  1896,  p.  65. 

20  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

by  scraping.  To  show  that  similar  results  could  be  obtained  by  the 
use  of  a  counter-irritant,  Virchow  produced  the  skull  of  a  patient 
who  was  treated  about  the  year  1846  at  the  Charity  Hospital  (in- 
sane ward),  Berlin.  When,  as  a  young  man,  Virchow  ^  was  assis- 
tant at  the  Hospital,  Professor  Ideler,  the  physican  in  charge,  often 
applied  tartar-emetic  ointment  (Brechweinsiein-Salbe)  to  the  scalp  of 
demented  patients  in  order  to  drive  out  supposed  inflammation. 
The  unguent  caused  suppuration  that  occasionally  attacked  the 
skull  even  to  the  extent  of  producing  a  perforation. 

Von  Luschan  was  the  first  to  point  out  the  analogy  between 
the  oval  lesions  on  the  crania  from  the  Canary  islands  and  the 
T-shaped  lesions  on  neolithic  crania.  This  analogy  became  all  the 
more  evident  with  Manouvrier's  description  of  the  two  Menouville 
crania,  calling  forth  a  timely  article  by  Lehmann-Nitsche  ^  in  which 
he  quotes  from  the  ancient  chroniclers  of  the  Canaries  as  cited  by 
Chil  y  Naranjo.^    The  passage  describing  the  operation  is  as  follows  : 

"They  made  large  scarifications  with  their  stone  knives  on  the  skin  of 
the  part  affected,  and  then  cauterized  the  wound  with  roots  of  Malacca 
cane  {Jonc)  dipped  in  boiling  grease ;  preference  being  given  to  the 
use  of  goat's  grease." 

Almost  coincident  with  the  appearance  of  Lehmann-Nitsche's 
paper,  Manouvrier  had  the  good  fortune  to  find  in  a  recent  work 
by  M.  Auguste  Brachet,*  quotations  from  ancient  books  on  surgery 
that  not  only  serve  as  an  explanation  of  the  sincipital  marks  on 
neolithic  crania,  but  also  prove  that  similar  operations  were  per- 
formed during  the  Dark  Ages  by  the  successors  of  Galen. 

The  texts  are : 

(i)  Under  the  title  **  Purgatio  capitis";  Avicenna.  Canon  I, 
III,  tr.  4.  cap.  X  (T.  i,  p.  485,  col.  i):  "  De  cura  Melancholiae  et 
quandoque  opportet  ut  caput  ejus  secundum  crucem  cauterizetur  si  nihil 
aliud  confert.  * ' 

^VirhLy  etc.,  p.  327. 

'  Notes  sur  des  lesions  de  cr&nes  des  lies  Canaries  analogues  2L  celles  du  cr&ne  de 
Menouville  et  leur  interprttation  probable  ;  Bull,  et  mini,  de  la  Soc,  d^anthr,  de  PariSy 

1903.  P-  492. 

'  M6moire  sur  I'origine  des  Guanches  ou  habitants  primitifs  des  lies  Canaries  ;  Con^r. 
itttem.  des  Sciences  anthropologiques  tenu  d  Paris  du  16  au  21  aoHty  iSySy  pp.  167-220. 

^ Pathologie  mentale  des  rois  de  France:  Louis  XI  et  ses  ascendants ;  Paris, 
Hachette,  1903. 

22  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Manouvrier  on  the  occasion  of  his  recent  visit  to  America,  is  from 
the  dolmen  of  ChampignoUes  (Seine-et-Oise).  Like  all  but  one  or 
two  of  the  seven  or  eight  previously  noted,  it  is  that  of  a  female.  The 
character  of  the  lesions  indicate  that  they  were  made  in  early  life. 
In  the  first  place  there  is  the  sincipital  T  with  a  medial  branch  13 
centimeters  long,  not  perfectly  straight  but  continuous.  It  is  narrow, 
and  suggests  an  incision  of  the  periosteum  rather  than  a  cauteriza- 
tion. The  short  transverse  groove  terminates  at  either  extremity  in 
an  oval  pit  large  enough  to  hold  the  ball  of  the  thumb.  The  one 
on  the  right  actually  penetrates  the  skull,  forming  a  perforation  3  to 
4  millimeters  in  diameter  with  sharp  margins.  Near  the  latter,  and 
in  a  line  with  the  transverse  groove,  is  an  extensive  lesion,  6  centi- 
meters in  diameter,  with  irregular,  oval  contour.  The  central  per- 
foration is  of  the  same  shape,  and  fully  3  centimeters  in  diameter. 
In  aspect,  whatever  the  intention  of  the  operator  may  have  been,  it 
is  a  veritable  trepanation.  Of  the  bony  area  attacked,  almost  one- 
half  was  completely  destroyed.  The  perforation  is  surrounded  by 
a  zone  of  practically  uniform  width,  composed  of  the  inner  compact 
layer  of  the  skull  wall ;  and  beyond  this  zone  rises  the  surrounding 
rim  measured  in  height  by  the  thickness  of  the  external  compact 
layer.  The  irregular  outlines  are  not  such  as  would  be  produced 
by  cutting,  sawing,  or  scraping.  There  is  still  another  oval  cicatrice 
to  be  noted.  It  is  sufficient  in  size  to  lodge  the  tip  of  the  little  fin- 
ger ;  is  on  the  frontal  bone  3  centimeters  to  the  right  of  the  medial 
incision,  and  does  not  amount  to  a  perforation. 

That  these  oval  lesions  are  the  result  of  cauterization  would  be 
evident  even  without  the  support  of  the  ancient  authors  whose 
documentary  evidence  must  have  come  as  an  agreeable  surprise  to 
the  finder  —  all  the  more  so  because  it  was  unexpected.  It  would 
seem  incredible  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  any  primitive  art  is  apt 
to  remain  unchanged  until  transformed  by  the  growth  of  its  com- 
plementary science.  When  we  consider  what  scientific  limitations 
are  imposed  on  the  twentieth  century  art  of  healing  nervous  and 
mental  diseases,  there  is  little  wonder  that  Avicenna,  Albucasis,  et 
al.  should  have  made  so  little  progress  over  the  neolithic  surgeons. 
Rather  do  the  latter  command  anew  our  admiration  because  of  their 
skill   and  courage.     Their  success,  too,  may  be  measured  by  the 



that  survived  treatment,  even  if  they  were  not  cured. 
•f  had  courage  in  daring  to  operate  on  cases  that  would  now 
led  as  hopeless  seems  to  be  abundantly  attested  by  the 
Tiolles  example,  where  the  hardihood  of  the  surgeon  was 
equaled  by  the  fortitude  of  the  patient, 
t  could  better  explain  the  marks  on  these  skulls,  espe- 
e  one  from  ChampignoUes,  than  Avicenna's  prescription 
inchoUa :  "  When  nothing  else  avails,  the  head  is  to  be 
■A  in  the  form  of  a  cross" ;  or  that  of  Albucasis  for  the 
lease,  which  is  even  more  explicit :  "  When  there  is  a  ten- 
ward  hypochondria,  the  cautery  is  to  be  applied  lightly  but 
rous  points.  .  .  .  This  kind  of  cauterization  restores  to  the 
normal  humidity."  For  epilepsy,  the  same  authority  says 
:erize  on  the  vertex,  on  the  occiput,  and  on  the  frontal  pro- 
es"  (forehead).  Cephalalgia  being  caused,  as  he  thought, 
:ces3  of  cold  and  humidity  in  the  brain,  the  proper  corrcc- 
Id  be  found  in  heat,  and  the  resulting  noisome  vapors  would 
exhalation  through  the  points  cauterized.  Such  was  the 
of  Albucasis,  and  it  tallies  perfectly  with  neolithic  practice. 

Tke  Htt  of  papers  by  Professor  Matwuvrier. 
It  T  sincipital  —  Curieuse  mutilation  crinienne  neolithique. 
c.  d'antkr.  de  Paris.  1895,  4*  ser.,  vi,  357  (see  also  p.  273). 
onjectures   sur   le   T   sincipital,    mutilation   prehistorique. 
'anf.  p.  I'av.  des  sciences,  Bordeaux,  1895,  p.  712. 
[ouvelle  mutilation  cranienne  neolithique.     Le  T  sincipital. 
nsuelle  de  I'Mcole  d'anthr.  de  Paris,  1896,  vi,  57. 
tote  sur  un  cas  de  T  sincipital  incomplet  et  sur  une  autre 
ligmadque  du  crane.     Bxdl.  et  mem.,  Soc.  d'anthr.  de  Paris, 
'  ser..  Ill,  601. 

<s  marques  sindpitales  des  cranes  neolithiques  considerees 

reliant  la  chirurgie  classique  ancienne  a  la  chirurgie  pr^his- 

Ibid.,  1903,  5'  ser.,  iv,  494.     (See  also  Revue  de  I'^ole 

'pologie  de  Paris,  1903,  xii,  431,  and  I'Assoc.  fran^aise  p. 



It  is  the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  present  the  results  of  a  study 
of  the  sex-composition,  that  is,  the  number  of  sons  and  daughters, 
respectively,  of  3,000  human  families  of  six  or  more  children  each. 

The  data  for  this  study  were  obtained  from  the  genealogical 
records  presented  in  the  History  of  Hingham^  Massachusetts ^  pub- 
lished by  the  town  ;  in  S.  Judd's  History  of  Hadley^  Massachusetts ; 
in  D.  M.  Hoyt's  Old  Families  of  Salisbury  and  Amesbury^  Massa- 
chusetts;  in  J.  O.  Austin's  Genealogical  Dictionary  of  RJiode  Island ; 
in  W.  W.  Ingraham's  History  of  the  Castle  Family  ;  from  manuscript 
genealogical  and  other  data  in  my  possession ;  and  a  few  data 
(enough  to  complete  the  3,000  familes)  from  James  Savage's  Getu- 
alogical  Dictionary  of  First  Settlers  of  New  England. 

In  order  to  avoid  the  disturbing  numerical  influences  in  small 
families,  the  study  was  confined  to  large  families,  of  six  or  more 
children  each.  Only  those  families  derived  from  a  single  pair  of 
parents  aie  included  in  the  enumerations :  for  instance,  if  a  man 
were  married  more  than  once  and  had  six  (or  more)  children  by  one 
wife  and  fewer  than  six  by  another  wife,  the  six  bom  to  the  one 
couple  were  counted  in  as  a  complete  family,  and  the  others  were 
disregarded.  In  a  few  instances  where  a  man  or  a  woman  had 
more  than  five  children  by  each  of  two  wives  or  husbands,  the  two 
sets  of  children  were  taken  as  two  separate  families.  Each  family 
in  this  series  therefore  represents  the  progeny  of  the  same  father  and 
mother.  The  families  were  taken  as  they  came,  without  any  selec- 
tion whatever. 

The  vast  majority  of  the  families  enumerated  —  probably  more 
than  95  per  cent.  — were  of  Anglo-Saxon  race  and  located  in  New 
England.  An  insignificant  proportion  were  of  Irish,  Scotch,  or 
other  origin ;  no  colored  families  were  knowingly  included.  The 
period  of  time  embraced  by  these  families  covers  more  than  three 
hundred  years,  from  the  year  1600  (and  even  earlier)  to  the  present 




daughters.  The  proportion  of  males  to  females  was  as  108.3  to 
100.  This  proportion  of  males  is  somewhat  higher  than  the  usual 
general  ratio  at  birth,  which  is  ordinarily  in  the  neighborhood  of  105 
or  ro6 ;  thus,  in  59,350,000  births  in  Europe  there  was  a  ratio  of 
106.3  boys  to  100  girls;  and  of  2,063,386  births  in  the  United 
Table  I.     StatiitUs  af  Stx-compasiHati  0/3,000  Famttiei 

























1     . 










































4  14 










5     14 












6    U 









7    14 

































































































































































































— ■ 




























































8    '3 























10    13 









11    13 



States  during  the  census  5'ear  1900  there  were  104.9  niales  to  every 
100  females.  The  figures  of  Janse  and  of  Geissler*  both  show 
that  in  lai^e  families  the  proportion  of  sons  at  birth  is  greater  than  j^ 
in  small  families,  and  the  high  rate  of  sons  found  in  my  series  is 
probably  due,  in  part  at  least,  to  the  fact  that  this  series  is  based  on 
lai^e  families. 

'  5e«  TcfCRDces  at  Ihe  close  of  tbe  uticle. 

28  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

chances  of  a  child  being  a  son  are  taken  as  108  :  208,  and  of  being 
a  daughter  as  100 :  208.  Each  permutation  of  m  sons  and  n  daugh- 
ters would,  then,  have  a  chance  of  occurring  108"*  x  100"  times  in 
208*+*  families.  This  ratio  makes  the  calculations  more  cumber- 
some, but  gives  a  more  accurate  result.  In  Table  I,  along  with  the 
number  of  families  of  each  combination  as  actually  observed  is 
given,  in  the  fifth  column,  the  number  called  for  by  the  theory  of 
probabilities,  calculated  on  the  basis  of  108  :  100.  Thus,  out  of 
603  families  of  6  children,  1 1  consisting  entirely  of  sons  actually 
occurred,  while  the  theory  of  chances  called  for  12  ;  186  families 
actually  consisted  of  3  sons  and  3  daughters,  while  the  probable 
number  was  188  ;  and  so  on. 

It  will  be  immediately  seen  on  examination  of  Table  I  that  there 
is  throughout  a  very  close  correspondence  between  the  number  of 
families  actually  observed  and  the  number  called  for  by  the  theory 
of  probabilities.  In  other  words,  the  sex-composition  of  families 
practically  agrees  with  the  laws  of  chance. 

After  completing  this  enumeration  and  arriving  at  the  results 
stated,  I  found  on  searching  the  literature  two  and  only  two  other 
studies  of  the  same  subject,  those  of  Janse  and  of  Geissler. 

Janse  gives  statistics  of  2,412  families  of  Middelburg,  Holland, 
of  I  to  16  children  each,  aggregating  8,818  children.  He  gives 
(pages  125-142)  the  numbers  of  families  not  only  of  each  combina- 
tion of  sexes  but  also  of  each  permutation  or  order  of  birth  of  sons 
and  daughters ;  he  does  not,  however,  apply  the  theory  of  proba- 
bilities to  the  subject. 

Geissler,  having  at  his  command  the  unexampled  facilities  and 
data  of  the  vital  registry  bureau  of  Saxony,  has  presented  an  analysis 
of  the  statistics  of  no  fewer  than  4,794,304  children,  of  998,761 
families,  bom  in  Saxony,  1876-1885.  In  a  careful  comparison  of 
the  various  sex-combinations  in  his  families  of  2  to  1 2  children  each 
he  found  an  extremely  exact  correspondence  of  the  actual  numbers 
with  the  numbers  called  for  by  the  theory  of  probabilities,  except 
that  in  the  case  of  families  entirely  of  the  same  sex  the  actual  num- 
bers slightly  exceeded  the  probable.  He  also  gives  an  exhaustive 
study  of  the  actuality  and  probability  of  the  sex  of  children  born 
after  given  sex-combinations  already  exist,  and  concludes  that  in 
general  there  is  a  tendency  toward  the  equalization  of  the  number 

30  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

determination  of  the  sex  of  his  or  her  offspring,  the  sex-composition 
of  any  family  bom  to  a  single  pair  of  parents  would  be  the  resultant 
from  the  fusion  of  the  sex-determining  powers  of  the  two  parents. 
Opposite  sex-determining  influences  in  the  two  parents  would  tend 
to  neutralize  each  other,  while  similar  influences  would  be  strength- 
ened. With  a  single  pair  of  parents  it  is  not  possible  to  form  a 
judgment  as  to  the  special  sex-determining  power,  arrhenogenic  or 
thelygenic,  of  either  parent.  A  study  of  families  resulting  from 
multiple  marriages,  in  which  one  parent  was  married  more  than 
once,  might  reveal  a  constant  sex-determining  influence  on  the  part 
of  the  parent  multiply  married  that  would  be  manifest  in  the  off- 
spring by  different  consorts.  It  is  not  often  that  a  father  has  six  or 
more  children  by  each  of  two  wives,  so  that  in  this  study  there  are 
too  few  families  of  this  sort  from  which  to  draw  any  satisfactory  con- 
clusions. The  data  obtained,  so  far  as  they  go,  are  as  follows : 
Fourteen  fathers  who  had  more  than  five  children  by  each  of  two 
wives,  and  each  of  whom  by  the  first  marriage  had  more  sons  than 
daughters,  had  by  the  first  marriages  a  total  of  79  sons  and  34 
daughters,  and  by  the  second  marriages  66  sons  and  42  daughters ; 
if  in  this  series  the  predominance  of  sons  in  the  first  marriages  can 
be  interpreted  as  due  to  a  dominant  arrhenogenic  power  in  the 
fathers,  then  the  same  dominant  tendency  to  the  generation  of  males 
is  in  general  observable  in  the  second  marriages.  On  the  contrary, 
7  fathers,  each  of  whom  by  his  first  marriage  had  more  daughters 
than  sons,  had  by  the  first  marriages  16  sons  and  37  daughters,  and 
by  the  second  marriages  33  sons  and  29  daughters  ;  the  dominant 
thelygenic  tendency  in  the  first  unions  in  this  series  was  not  main- 
tained in  the  second  unions.  These  data  are  insufficient  for  general- 
ization ;  but  a  study  of  larger  series,  embracing  mothers  as  well  as 
fathers  and  not  limited  to  large  families,  might  yield  some  reliable 
conclusions  as  to  the  possession  of  special  sex-determining  powers 
by  individuals. 

If  there  is  any  special  sex-determining  influence,  in  either  an 
arrhenogenic  or  thelygenic  direction,  inherent  in  individuals,  and 
this  tendency  is  transmissible  to  the  offspring,  then  a  study  of  the 
different  families  or  generations  descended  from  the  same  common 
ancestors  might  reveal  traces  of  the  existence  of  such  tendency. 

32  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

sons  and  31  daughters,  a  ratio  of  177  sons  to  100  daughters;  and 
so  with  the  others.  The  total  number  of  families  enumerated  is 
878,  i^ith  a  total  of  7,376  individuals,  and  an  average  ratio  of  108.5 
males  to  100  females,  practically  the  same  ratio  as  in  my  entire 
series  of  3,000  families.  The  different  families  are  arranged  in  the 
order  of  the  ratios  of  sons  to  daughters,  and  range  from  the  Leavitt 
families,  averaging  177  sons,  to  the  Wilder  families,  averaging  only 
72  sons,  to  every  100  daughters.  These  statistics  are  perhaps  too 
limited  to  warrant  any  very  positive  conclusions  ;  but  they  serve  as 
a  contribution  to  the  subject,  and  in  some  of  the  cases,  as  the  47 
Gushing  families  with  a  ratio  of  153  sons,  or  the  37  Beal  families 
with  a  ratio  of  83  sons,  the  number  of  families  appears  sufficiently 
large  and  the  departure  from  the  average  ratio  of  the  sexes  suffi- 
ciently marked  to  eliminate  chance  and  show  that  in  some  individ- 
uals and  families  there  is  a  hereditary  tendency  to  the  production  of 
sons,  and  in  others  of  daughters.  This  table  necessarily  presents 
the  influence  of  only  one  line,  the  male ;  the  female  lines  coming 
in  at  each  marriage  of  course  affect  the  sex-determining  tendency, 
but  both  parental  influences  can  not  be  exhibited  in  this  method  of 
presentation,  and  a  markedly  predominant  tendency  to  produce  all 
children  of  one  sex  even  if  on  one  side  only  ought  to  be  brought 
out  by  this  method.  On  the  whole,  the  data  exhibited  in  Table  II 
would  seem  to  show  that  in  different  families  there  are  marked 
hereditary  differences  in  the  sex-determining  tendencies.  Other 
observers  (von  Lenhossek,  Lorenz)  also  have  expressed  a  belief 
that  in  some  families  there  are  hereditary  tendencies  to  a  predomi- 
nance of  sons,  in  others  of  daughters. 

If  there  is  a  special  parental  sex-determining  power  shown  by 
the  data  in  Table  II,  it  is  exerted,  be  it  noted,  on  the  male  or 
paternal  side ;  and,  contrary  to  recent  theories  that  sex  is  deter- 
mined exclusively  through  the  mother,  indicates  that  in  the  case  of 
man  at  least  the  paternal  side  has  some  sex-determining  influence. 

If  there  is  a  hereditable  sex-determining  power,  it  would  be 
natural  to  expect  that  the  members  of  large  unisexual  families,  in 
which  the  children  are  all  or  nearly  all  of  the  same  sex,  would 
themselves  show  a  marked  tendency  to  produce  children  predomi- 
nantly of  that  sex.     This,  however,  is  often  not  the  case. 

34  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

of  the  comparative  strengths  of  these  two  forces  in  the  parents. 
For  instance,  suppose  one  parent  to  have  a  net  arrhenogenic  power 
twice  the  strength  of  a  net  thelygenic  power  in  the  other  parent ; 
then  the  net  resultant  sex-determining  power  in  the  pair  would  be 
such  that  there  would  be  a  tendency  to  produce  two  sons  for  every 
daughter.  For  the  race  at  large  the  general  average  relative 
strengths  of  the  arrhenogenic  and  thelygenic  forces  are  at  concep- 
tion approximately  in  the  ratio  of  1 1 5  :  \oo  (Rauber),  or  1 1 1  :  100 
(von  Lenhossek),  respectively,  which  after  allowing  for  the  exces- 
sive intrauterine  mortality  of  male  fetuses  yields  the  ratio  at  birth 
of  from  1 05-108  boys  to  100  girls.  The  net  sex-determining  powers 
or  coefficients  vary  through  a  wide  range  in  different  pairs  of  par- 
ents, and,  considering  that  in  each  pair  they  result  from  the  fortuitous 
union  of  individuals  with  differing  or  unknown  coefficients,  these  vary- 
ing powers  are  probably  distributed  among  the  parental  pairs  in  such 
a  way  quantitatively  as  to  agree  with  the  numerical  expression  of  the 
theory  of  chances.  According  to  this  hypothesis,  then,  the  sex- 
composition  of  families  agrees  with  the  laws  of  chance,  not  because  the 
determination  of  sex  is  a  pure  matter  of  chance,  but  because  the  cell- 
ular forces  that  govern  the  determination  of  sex  and  tend  to  produce 
males  and  females  respectively  are  distributed  among  the  various  pairs 
of  parents  in  arithmetical  agreement  with  the  theory  of  probability. 

In  a  comparatively  small  number  of  families  included  in  my 
enumeration  (771)  the  sex  of  the  firstborn  child  was  noted.  Sim- 
lar  statistics  have  been  collected  and  presented  by  Geissler  and  by 
Orschansky.     The  three  series  of  data  are  shown  in  Table  III. 

These  three  series  of  data  agree  with  one  another  in  showing 
that  there  is  a  general  agreement  between  the  sex  rf  the  first 
child  and  the  sex  of  the  majority  of  the  children  in  families ;  in 
families  beginning  with  a  son  there  is  in  general  an  excess  of  male 
over  female  children,  and  vice  versa.  After  deducting  the  firstborn 
children,  however,  the  remaining  children  of  the  families  present,  as 
shown  by  the  last  column  of  the  table,  the  usual  proportions  between 
the  sexes.  The  general  agreement  between  the  sex  of  the  first  child 
and  the  sex  of  the  majority  of  the  children,  therefore,  is  a  purely 
arithmetical  result  of  the  method  of  classification  employed,  and 

36  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

sex-composition  of  the  various  families  all  gradations  were  found 
from  those  exclusively  or  preponderatingly  male,  through  those  in 
which  the  sexes  were  mixed  in  various  proportions,  to  families  pre- 
ponderatingly or  exclusively  female.  It  was  found  that  the  act- 
ually observed  numbers  of  families  of  each  sex-combination  cor- 
respond very  closely  with  the  numbers  required  by  the  theories  of 
probabilities,  calculating  on  the  basis  that  the  general  chances  that 
any  given  child  would  be  a  male  would  be  as  108  in  208.  This 
correspondence,  however,  was  not  taken  as  necessarily  indicating 
that  the  determination  of  sex  in  families  is  entirely  a  fortuitous 
matter,  rather  than  under  the  government  of  forces  resident  in  the 
parents  or  germ  cells ;  although  these  sex-determining  forces 
might  be  distributed  in  varying  strength  among  the  various 
parents  in  quantitative  agreement  with  the  laws  of  chance.  A  com- 
pilation of  numerous  families  in  various  generations  descended  from 
common  ancestors  seemed  to  show  that  parents  may  possess  defi- 
nite and  specific  sex-determining  powers  that  are  transmissible  to 
offspring,  and  vary  in  different  individuals  and  different  families. 
As  in  this  compilation  the  lines  of  descent  were  shown  on  the 
male  side  only,  it  would  seem  that  in  the  case  of  man  at  least 
the  father  has  some  influence  in  the  determination  of  the  sex  of 
his  offspring.  It  was  also  shown  that  in  general  the.  sex  of  the 
firstborn  child  agrees  with  the  sex  of  the  majority  of  the  children  in 
families,  but  simply  as  an  arithmetical  result  from  the  numerical 
advantage    arising  from  arrangement  of  the  families  according  to 

the  sex  of  the  first  child. 


Janse,  L.     Bijdrage  tot  het  onderzoek  naar  de  oorzaken  der  geslachtsver- 

houding  bij  de  geboorten.     Middelburg,  1853.     Pp.  171. 
Geissler,  Arthur.     Beitrdge  zur  Frage  des  Geschlechtst^erhdltnisses  der 

Geborenen.      Zeitschrift  des    k,    sdchsischen  staiistischen   Bureaus^ 

Dresden,  1889,  xxxv,  pages  1-24  and  56. 
Rauber,  a.     Die  Ueberschuss  an  Knabengeburien  und  seine  biologische 

Bedeutung.     Leipzig,  1900.     Pp.  220. 
Orschansky,  J.      Die  Vererbung  im  gesunden  und  krankhaften  Zustande 

und  die  Entstehung  des  Geschlechts  beim  Menschen,     Stuttgart,  1903. 

Pp-  347- 
VON  LENHOSSfeK,  M.    Das  Problem  der geschlechtsbestimmenden  Ursachen. 

Jena,  1903.     Pp.  99. 

38  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

more  or  less  sacred  character ;  so  that  in  some  cases  where  the 
medidne  is  mixed  with  water  before  it  is  administered,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  stir  the  mixture  with  the  identifying  article  —  with  the  claw 
of  the  animal,  or  the  beard  of  the  turkey,  or  the  little  stone  arrow- 
head which  may  be  tied  to  the  bundle.  Favorite  objects  for  stirring 
such  fluid  medicine  are  the  claw  or  the  tusk  of  a  bear.  This  no 
doubt  has  relation  to  the  very  common  belief  in  the  bear's  invulner- 
ability and  in  its  power  as  a  healer. 

Formerly  almost  every  man  carried  about  with  him,  tied  to  his 
necklet,  his  shoulder  girdle,  or  perhaps  to  his  hair,  one  or  more 
little  bundles  containing  medicine.  Some  men  have  herb  medi- 
cines of  which  they  alone  possess  the  secrets.  These  may  be 
what  we  would  call  drugs,  or  they  may  be  merely  ma-i-yti'  (mys- 
terious, or  spiritual).  The  old  stories  tell  us  that  the  people  learned 
of  the  various  medicinal  plants,  and  of  the  uses  to  which  they  were 
to  be  put,  by  means  of  dreams ;  and  that  in  other  cases  certain 
mythological  heroes  went  out  with  them  on  the  prairie  and  pointed 
out  plants  which  they  explained  were  to  be  used  for  certain  diseases. 

Medicinal  Plants 

From  my  old  "  mother,'*  Wind  Woman,  of  the  Northern  Chey- 
ennes,  I  have  received  a  number  of  specimens  of  plants  used  in 
healing  by  these  Indians.  The  collection  by  no  means  includes  all 
the  plant  medicines  used  by  the  Cheyennes,  yet  it  was  difficult  to 
secure  even  so  small  a  collection  and  to  properly  identify  the  plants. 
The  species  procured  have  been  very  kindly  named  for  me  by  Mr 
Frederick  V.  Coville,  Botanist  of  the  United  States  Department  of 
Agriculture,  and  also  have  been  submitted  to  Dr  H.  H.  Rusby  of 
the  College  of  Pharmacy  of  the  City  of  New  York.  Dr  Rusby  has 
been  kind  enough  to  comment  on  some  of  the  uses  to  which  these 
plants  are  put,  and  I  have  introduced  his  remarks  under  the  differ- 
ent species.  To  the  list  of  plants  used  in  healing,  two  dyes  are 
added  at  the  close. 

Huu' jiP* hlssp' iyOy  Bark  Medicine  {Balsamarrfiisa  sagittata 
Nutt.).  This  is  used  for  stomach  trouble  and  for  headache.  For 
pains  in  the  stomach,  boil  the  leaves,  roots,  and  stems  together  and 
drink  the  infusion.     For  headache,  steam  the  face  over  the  boiling 

40  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

sores  which  may  break  out  on  the  body.  The  leaves  and  stem  are 
boiled  together,  and  the  affected  parts  are  washed  with  the  infusion. 
If  this  does  not  speedily  effect  a  cure,  the  fluid  must  be  rubbed  on 
hard.  In  severe  cases  some  of  the  tea  must  be  drunk  ;  it  is  used 
in  this  way  to  cure  smallpox.  The  plant  has  no  medicinal  prop- 
erties known  to  science. 

To'wdniyUhkfts^  Fever  Medicine  (** to-make-cold  medicine'*) 
{Psaralea  argophylla  Pursh).  This  is  used  to  reduce  fever.  The 
leaves  and  stems  are  ground  fine  and  boiled  in  water,  and  the  tea  is 
drunk.  To  cure  a  high  fever,  the  leaves  and  stem  ground  to 
powder  are  also  mixed  with  grease  and  rubbed  all  over  the  body. 

The  medicinal  properties  of  this  plant  are  not  known  to  science, 
but  it  is  a  near  relative  of  species  having  active  and  important 
properties,  though  not  much  used  in  medicine.  Its  use  to  reduce 
fever  is  of  great  interest  and  very  suggestive. 

Mahkfta'niywdSy  Poison  Weed  Medicine  {Astragalus  nitidus 
Dougl.).  This  plant  is  used  in  cases  of  poisoning  by  ivy  or  other 
noxious  plants.  The  leaves  and  stems  are  ground  fine,  and  when 
the  poisoned  skin  presents  a  watery  appearance  the  powder  is 
sprinkled  on  the  afflicted  parts. 

The  use  of  this  plant  is  also  interesting,  and  if  a  really  efficient 
and  reliable  remedy  could  be  found  for  ivy  poisoning  (and  it  is  pos- 
sible that  this  plant  might  be  such)  it  might  become  a  very  impor- 
tant article  of  trade.  This  plant  is  closely  related  to  the  famous 
loco  weed. 

Hdh! dhidnSis' tut.  Paralysis  Medicine  ( Uthospermum  lifieari- 
folium  Goldie.).  This  is  used  for  paralysis,  and  also  in  cases  where 
the  patient  is  irrational  from  any  sickness.  For  paralysis  the  leaves, 
roots,  and  stems  are  ground  fine,  and  a  very  small  quantity  of  the 
powder  is  rubbed  on  the  paralyzed  part.  It  causes  a  prickling  sen- 
sation of  the  skin.  It  is  also  said  to  be  sometimes  used  green,  the 
doctor  wrapping  some  of  the  leaves  in  a  cotton  cloth,  then  crushing 
them  with  her  teeth  and  rubbing  the  affected  parts,  when  the 
same  prickling  or  stinging  sensation  is  felt.  Where  the  person  is 
irrational  by  reason  of  illness,  a  tea  is  made  of  the  roots,  leaves,  and 
stem,  and  rubbed  on  the  head  and  face.  The  plant  is  also  used 
when  a  person  is  very  sleepy  —  hard  to  keep  awake.     It  is  chewed 

42  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

M&wd* himohk' shin,  Elk  Mint  {Agastaclu  anethiodora  (Nutt.) 
Britt).  Used  as  tea  by  boiling  the  leaves  and  forming  a  pleasant 
drink.  An  infusion  of  the  leaves  when  allowed  to  get  cold  is  good 
for  pain  in  the  chest  (as  when  the  lungs  are  sore  from  much  cough- 
ing), or  for  a  weak  heart. 

WV Uhkhlssi' hiyOy  Bitter  Medicine  {Acorus  calamtis).  An  infusion 
made  from  a  bit  of  this  root  boiled  in  water  is  drunk  for  pain  in  the 
bowels,  and  the  root  chewed  and  rubbed  on  the  skin  is  good  for 
any  illness.  A  bit  of  the  root  tied  to  a  child's  necklet,  dress,  or 
blanket,  will  keep  the  night  spirits  away. 

This  plant  does  not  grow  in  the  northern  country,  but  is  ob- 
tained by  the  Cheyennes  from  the  Sioux.  In  former  times  they 
smoked  it  with  red-willow  bark. 

Slfiyd'ln&wthlss^' hiyo,  Strong  Medicine  {Anaphalis  niargaritacea 
or  subalpina).  If  a  gift,  to  be  left  on  a  hill,  is  to  be  made  to  the  sun 
or  to  the  spirits,  this  ** strong  medicine*'  is  used  to  smoke  and 
purify  it  before  it  is  taken  out.  The  leaves  of  the  medicine  are 
scattered  over  a  burning  coal,  just  as  sweet  grass  or  sweet  pine  is 
used  in  smoking  other  things.  In  one  of  his  little  medicine  bundles 
each  man  carries  some  of  the  dried  and  powdered  flowers  of  this 
plant,  and  formerly,  when  going  into  battle,  he  chewed  a  little  of  it 
and  rubbed  it  over  his  arms,  legs,  and  body,  for  the  purpose  of  im- 
parting strength,  energy,  and  dash,  and  thus  protecting  him  from 
danger.  A  man  still  puts  a  little  of  the  powder  on  the  sole  of  each 
hoof  of  the  horse  he  is  riding,  in  order  to  make  it  long-winded,  and 
he  also  blows  a  little  of  the  powder  between  the  animal's  ears  also 
for  the  purpose  of  increasing  its  wind.  The  reason  for  rubbing  the 
medicine  on  the  body  is  that  the  warrior  may  be  hard  to  hit  by  an 
enemy.  Spotted  Wolf  warned  his  sons  that  after  this  medicine  had 
been  rubbed  on  them,  they  must  let  no  woman  touch  them,  for  to 
do  so  would  render  the  medicine  powerless. 

The  dried  flowers  of  the  plant  are  made  into  a  very  fine  light 
dust,  which  is  easily  blown  away  or  moved  by  any  force,  and 
the  qualities  that  it  is  believed  to  impart  to  one  treated  with  it  prob- 
ably have  reference  to  this  readiness  with  which  it  is  moved. 

Mdhhfsln,  Mint  (unidentified).  This  mint  is  used  in  making  a 
tea  for  drinking,  chiefly  for  the  sick.  A  little  of  the  plant  may  be 
used  with  the  bark  medicine  to  give  it  a  pleasant  flavor. 



By  a.  E.  SHELDON 

In  the  Bad-lands  region  of  South  Dakota,  on  the  south  side  of 
White  river,  about  1 50  miles  above  where  that  stream  empties  into 
the  Missouri,  flows  the  small  stream  now  called  Lost  Dog.  Be- 
fore 1 89 1  it  had  no  name ;  the  region  was  wild  and  uninhabited 
by  white  men  or  Indians.  It  was  in  December,  1890,  that  Big 
Foot's  band  of  Sioux  from  Cheyenne  River  agency  crossed  White 
river  and  followed  an  old  trail  along  the  bank  of  the  little  stream 
on  their  way  to  the  scene  of  the  Ghost-dance  disturbance  at  Pine 
Ridge.  The  first  night  across  White  river  they  camped  by  a  little 
spring,  since  called  Big  Foot  spring ;  their  second  encampment  was 
beneath  the  evening  shadow  of  picturesque,  pine-crowned  Porcu- 
pine butte.  Here  they  were  located  by  scouts  of  the  Seventh  cav- 
alry, and  the  next  day  were  halted  on  their  march  and  forced  to 
surrender.  The  third  night  both  soldiers  and  Indians  camped  on 
Wounded  Knee  creek.  The  attempt  the  next  morning  to  disarm 
the  band  led  to  a  fight  in  which  thirty  soldiers  and  more  than  a 
hundred  Indians  were  killed  in  what  became  known  as  the  battle  of 
Wounded  Knee,  to  be  remembered  as  the  last  serious  conflict  with 
Indians  within  the  United  States.  The  Indian  survivors  fled  from 
their  camp  to  the  hills  ;  their  tipis  were  set  on  fire  by  the  soldiers  in 
order  to  drive  lingering  hostiles  from  their  shelter,  and  when  the 
fight  ended  some  dozens  of  homeless  dogs  sniffed  about  the  ruined, 
blood-stained  camp.  History  records  the  fate  of  the  fleeing  Sioux 
—  how  some  of  them  were  killed  and  others  captured  in  their 
hungry  and  homeless  flight.  One  of  the  vivid  recollections  of  the 
writer  is  that  of  the  churches  in  Pine  Ridge  which,  a  few  hours  later, 
became  improvised  hospitals  for  the  mangled  men,  women,  and 
children  brought  in  from  the  field. 

A  few  days  after  the  battle  some  cowboys  from  a  ranch  on  the 
north  side  of  White  river  were  searching  the  Bad-lands  for  stock 


46  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

was  the  result  of  fire,  and  then  informed  his  uncle,  who  went  into  the 
canyon  and  examined  the  find,  wondering  whether  it  was  an  Indian 
"  sweat-house  "  and  if  so  how  it  came  to  be  fastened  against  the  side 
of  a  disintegrating  clay  wall  so  far  below  the  top. 

Later  in  the  year  Mr  Famham  informed  Dr  Walker,  surgeon  at 
Pine  Ridge  agency,  of  the  discovery,  and  from  this  gentleman  the 
writer,  then  engaged  in  a  scientific  expedition  to  the  Sioux  reserva- 
tion, received  an  account  of  what  had  been  reported  to  him.  In 
August,  1903,  I  reached  Mr  Famham's  place  with  a  camera  and 
made  the  first  photographs  of  what  was  found  to  be  a  remarkable 
series  of  prehistoric  fireplaces.  Before  my  arrival,  Ulysses  had  dis- 
covered four  similar  deposits  scattered  along  the  canyon  within  two 
miles  of  the  first  one,  and  after  my  appearance  on  the  ground  we 
discovered  two  more,  making  seven  in  all.  Their  common  character- 
istic was  a  mass  of  charcoal,  burned  stones,  and  occasional  fragments 
of  pottery,  clay,  and  bone,  covering  a  space  about  two  feet  in  diam- 
eter and  two  or  three  feet  in  height  The  first  fireplace  found  was 
about  six  feet  below  the  top  of  the  wall  to  which  it  adhered  ;  the 
others  occurred  from  three  to  ten  feet  below  the  present  surface  of 
the  soil.  Near  the  fireplace  which  lies  at  the  maximum  distance 
from  the  top  there  occurs  a  mass  of  kitchen  refuse  consisting  of 
ashes,  charcoal,  a  dozen  different  kinds  of  bones,  and  flint  chips. 
This  mass,  which  is  about  fifteen  inches  thick  and  extends  back  an 
unknown  distance  into  the  cliff,  is  visible  along  the  side  of  the  canyon 
for  a  distance  of  five  or  six  yards.  From  this  debris  I  took  two 
fragments  of  pottery  and  an  arrowpoint.     (See  plates  ii-v.) 

The  soil  above  these  fireplaces  exhibits  from  eight  to  twelve 
distinct  strata,  each  four  inches  to  fifteen  inches  in  thickness  and 
varying  in  substance  from  black  loam  to  yellow  gumbo  clay  and 
soft,  sandy  grit.  A  careful  verticial  section  of  these  strata  was  taken 
out  and  is  now  preserved  in  the  museum  of  the  Nebraska  Historical 
Society  at  Lincoln.  It  was  observed  that  the  stratum  of  soil  at  the 
level  of  the  fireplaces  was  uniformly  of  a  black  humus  material, 
with  stray  root-fibers  here  and  there,  indicating  clearly  that  this 
was  the  surface  of  the  ground  at  the  time  the  Indians  built  the  fires 
and  scattered  the  debris  from  their  kitchens.  One  or  two  feet  above 
this  layer  of  black  soil  is  a  thick  stratum  of  fine,  gray  silt,  indicatifig 


a  deposit  in  comparatively  still  water.  Scattered  thickly  through 
the  silt  are  the  shells  of  several  varieties  of  periwinkle  and  other 
fresh-water  mollusks. 

Lost  Dog  creek  heads  about  12  miles  from  White  river  and  flows 
northeastwardly  into  that  stream.  It  is  about  70  miles  north  of 
Merriman,  Neb.  Its  canyon,  or  Bad-lands  tract,  is  about  ten  miles 
long  by  three  miles  wide ;  it  is  depressed  from  100  to  1 50  feet  below 
the  level  of  the  surrounding  high  prairie,  and  its  walls  are  carved 
and  gashed  into  thousands  of  fantastic  forms  by  the  action  of  the 
waters  upon  the  soft  deposits  which  form  the  basin  through  which 
the  stream  has  deeply  cut  its  way.  The  alternating  strata  which 
lie  above  the  fireplaces  extend  almost  horizontally  across  the  entire 
basin,  appearing  and  reappearing  in  a  hundred  places  where  the 
water  from  the  hills  has  eaten  out  side  ravines  that  feed  into  the 
main  canyon.    (See  plate  11.) 

The  problem  presented  is  this :  At  some  time  in  the  past  these 
fireplaces  and  deposits  of  kitchen  refuse  were  made  by  primitive 
people  who  were  wont  to  camp  on  what  was  then  the  superficial 
level  of  the  country.  Since  that  time  the  entire  basin,  covering  an 
area  of  three  by  ten  miles,  has  been  filled  with  soft  Bad-lands  clay, 
regularly  deposited  by  the  action  of  water  in  eight  or  ten  distinctly 
marked  strata,  some  of  which  are  filled  with  the  shells  of  fresh- 
water mollusks.  After  the  basin  had  been  filled  above  the  old 
level,  where  the  ancients  camped,  to  a  depth  of  at  least  ten  feet, 
erosion  began  its  work,  since  which  time  the  entire  basin  of  hori- 
zontal strata  has  been  cut  into  gullies  thirty  to  sixty  feet  deep,  so 
that  the  present  creek  with  its  lateral  ravines  is  that  much  below 
the  top  of  the  surface  which  extends  from  one  side  of  the  basin  to 
the  other.  In  this  process  of  erosion  these  ancient  fireplaces  have 
been  exposed  to  view. 

The  data  available  for  determining  how  many  years  have  been 
required  to  fill  the  basin  from  ten  to  fifteen  feet  or  more  above  its 
old  level  and  to  cut  ravines  through  these  deposits  to  a  depth  of 
fifiy  or  sixty  feet  are  very  shifting  and  unsatisfactory.  Everyone 
familiar  with  the  Bad-lands  region  knows  that  enormous  masses  of 
its  soft  soil  are  moved  by  a  single  heavy  rain-storm,  in  some  cases 
a  road  being  completely  obliterated  by  a  deposit  of  three  or  four 

48  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

feet  of  gumbo  soil  during  a  single  night.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
filling  of  a  basin  covering  three  by  ten  miles  with  uniform  hori- 
zontal strata  is  manifestly  a  different  task  from  that  of  burying  a 
road  in  a  narrow  canyon.  I  have  talked  with  many  of  the  earliest 
trappers,  traders,  and  Indians,  some  of  whom  have  been  familiar 
with  this  region  for  fifty  years.  They  all  say  that  half  a  century 
ago  the  appearance  of  these  Bad-lands  basins  was  practically  the 
same  as  it  now  is  —  dissected  by  gullies  and  ravines  from  forty  to 
fifty  feet  below  the  surface  of  the  basin  deposit.  I  am  satisfied  that 
their  testimony  is  correct,  having  tested  it  in  many  different  details. 
If  half  a  ^entury  has  made  no  marked  difference  in  the  topography 
which  the  eye  of  an  experienced  man  would  notice,  it  must  have 
required  a  great  many  centuries  to  accomplish  the  changes  that 
have  taken  place  in  these  Bad-lands  basins  since  the  ancient  fire- 
places were  centers  of  social  groups. 

I  sent  prints  of  the  accompanying  photographs  to  Prof.  J.  E. 
Todd,  State  Geologist  of  South  Dakota,  informing  him  of  the  cir- 
cumstances and  asking  his  judgment  of  the  probable  period  covered 
by  deposits  and  subsequent  erosion  in  basins  similar  to  that  of  Lost 
Dog  canyon.  In  reply  Professor  Todd  expressed  deep  interest  in 
the  finds  and  added : 

**  I  regret  that  I  have  never  made  a  careful  study  of  the  rapidity  of 
changes  in  the  Bad-lands,  but  I  doubt  not  that  there,  as  elsewhere,  they 
vary  much  according  to  the  succession  of  wet  or  dry  years.  Having 
had  a  little  experience  in  a  thunder-shower  in  Indian  Draw,  I  am  pre- 
pared to  believe  your  succession  of  strata  may  be  traces  of  annual 
aggradations,  yet  they  may  mark  much  longer  intervals.  Whether  a  par- 
ticular area  is  aggrading  or  degrading  depends  upon  its  local  base  level, 
and  that  may  be  the  result  of  *  river  piracy, '  land  slide,  amount  of 
rainfall,  or  length  of  rainy  season.  As  to  the  geological  age  of  your 
finds,  they  cannot  be  earlier  than  late  Pleistocene  and  more  likely  are 
quite  recent.  The  gravel  beds  on  top  of  Cedar  mountain  and  Sheep 
mountain  I  look  upon  as  Pliocene  or  early  Pleistocene.  They  are  about 
300  feet  above  present  streams.  I  should  think  a  few  centuries,  and  pos- 
sibly considerable  less,  would  cover  the  antiquity  of  your  finds.  To  an- 
swer any  particular  case,  the  relations  to  present  and  former  drainage 
channels  and  the  rate  of  changes  must  be  carefully  considered.  Judging 
from  other  cases,  different  minds  are  likely  to  come  to  widely  different 
conclusions.  *  * 

52  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

places  vertical ;  yet  there  is  hardly  any  natural  obstacle  to  scal- 
ing the  rocks  from  the  lake  side,  and  if  there  were  artificial  defenses 
they  have  completely  disappeared.  Along  the  edge,  and  sometimes 
almost  on  the  brink,  towers  and  quadrangles  are  disposed  at  vary- 
ing distances  from  each  other.  They  form  two  larger  groups  and 
three  smaller  ones,  the  last  one  of  which  stands  some  750  feet  from 
the  extreme  northwestern  point  of  the  peninsula. 

The  central  area  of  the  plateau  has  fewer  buildings.  With  the 
exception  of  the  round  ones  at  h  (plate  vii,  3)  and  a  group  lying  west 
of  w,  they  are  quadrangular.  But  the  northern  edge,  from  a  point 
500  feet  east  of  the  western  end  to  its  eastern  extremity,  supports 
nineteen  round  structures,  the  most  easterly  group  of  which  is  con- 
nected with  a  wall,  more  than  280  feet  long,  running  west  to  east, 
toward  the  edifice  m.  Near  the  lake  shore  and  on  the  northeastern 
spur  of  the  peninsula  is  a  group  of  much  ruined  structures,  and  an 
isolated  tower  rises  near  the  northern  beach.  In  all  (except  the 
vestiges  of  what  appeared  to  be  small  rectangular  cysts,  which  we 
were  not  allowed  to  open),  the  peninsula  at  Sillustani  was  found  to 
support  at  least  ninety-five  buildings,  more  than  eighty  of  which  are 
circular,  not  including  scattered  walls  and  the  so-called  '*  sun  cir- 
cles" of  which  there  are  at  least  five. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  majority  of  the  towers  stand  on  the 
edge  of  the  plateau,  while  most  of  the  rectangular  structures  are 
away  from  it.  The  largest  and  best  built  occupy  prominent  positions. 
Low  and  indifferently  constructed  walls  exist  in  connection  with  one 
or  the  other  group  of  towers,  and  in  a  few  places  they  also  extend 
along  the  brink  of  the  plateau.  But,  as  already  remarked,  nowhere 
is  there  a  trace  of  breastworks  or  walls  of  circumvallation.  The 
andenes  on  the  eastern  flanks  of  the  mesa  (for  the  plateau  is  but  a 
mesa)  recall  the  terraced  lines  around  ancient  villages  in  the  Bolivian 
Cordillera,  and  could  have  afforded  a  stand  for  warriors  fighting  with 
the  sling,  but  without  protection.  This  is  in  harmony  with  the  mode 
of  warfare  and  the  weapons  of  the  aborigines.^ 

'  The  use  of  the  sling  made  ramparts  inconvenient,  whereas  a  platform  that  placed 
the  defenders  on  a  plane  higher  than  the  assailants  was  an  advantage.  The  ruins  in  the 
Cordillera  of  Bolivia  nearly  always  show  such  a  platform,  or  a  series  of  platforms,  with 
hardly  any  trace  of  parapets.     V^^ood  or  brush  were  out  of  the  question. 

54  AMERICAX  ASTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

At  the  base  of  the  chullpa  is  a  tiny  rectangular  entrance  measuring 
about  two  feet  in  width  and  height  (plate  ix.  3.  4,  6,  7,  8).  I  could 
not  crawl  into  any  of  these  chullpas  m>*self,  and  my  wife  had  con- 
siderable difficulty  in  entering  e\'en  the  largest  of  them  from  the 
base.  These  structures  were  absolutely  empt}*,  nor  could  I  learn 
that  anything  had  ever  been  found  in  them. 

The  upper  tier  of  this  chullpa  was  probably  ne\'er  closed  ;  only 
the  lower  chamber  could  have  been  used.  It  is  not  large,  since 
the  facing  and  the  core  have  an  aggregate  thickness  of  eight  feet 
below  and  ten  feet  above,  so  that  two-thirds  of  the  diameter  of  the 
structure  are  occupied  by  its  walls. 

Chullpa  c  (plate  viii,  2)  also  is  completed  to  the  top.  Like  the 
former,  it  stands  on  the  brink  of  the  plateau,  but  on  the  southern 
instead  of  on  the  eastern  edge.  It  is  much  smaUer  than  chullpa 
a^  its  elevation  being  only  22  feet,  of  which  16  feet  form  the  lower 
or  main  part.  Its  width  at  the  bottom  is  16  feet,  at  the  top  18 
feet;  its  other  dimensions  are  proportional.  Like  a,  the  upper 
chamber  has  for  its  sides  only  the  armor  of  polished  andesite  blocks. 
There  is  a  neck  through  the  upper  part  of  the  core  down  to  the  hole 
in  the  apex  of  the  main  chamber ;  the  hole  has  the  same  dimensions 
as  that  in  chullpa  a.  These  interior  chambers  with  the  necks 
recall  the  form  of  a  bottle.^ 

Several  features  of  these  chullpas  attract  attention : 

1.  The  great  solidity  of  construction,  obtained  by  closely  fitting 
the  heavy  blocks  forming  the  outer  facing  or  armor,  and  by  the 
massiveness  of  the  lower  part  of  the  structure. 

2.  The  great  thickness  of  the  walls  encasing  the  main  chamber. 

3.  The  diminutive  size  of  the  apertures,  both  above  and  below. 
A  child  alone  could  pass  through  the  upper  orifice,  while  the  lar- 
gest of  the  doorways  are  not  four  feet  square. 

Mt  is  interesting  to  compare  the  form  of  the  interior  with  the  bottle-shaped  under- 
ground cells  so  numerous  in  the  ruins  of  Cajamarqnilla,  near  Lima.  These  are  well  de- 
scribed by  Sqnier,  Peru^  pp.  92-93.  Mr  Sqnier  very  appropriately  calls  them  "gran 
aries/'  adding  (p.  94)  :  **and  were  no  doubt  intended  for  the  storage  of  household 
supplies."  The  towers  of  Sillustani  resemble  such  granaries,  except  that  they  are 
above  ground.  Compare  also  the  bottle-shaped  structures  of  clay  which  Dr  Lumholtz 
has  descril>ed  from  cave-villages  in  northwestern  Chihuahua  ( Unknown  Mexico,  vol. 
I,  pp.  58,  62,  64,  no). 



56  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

It  may  therefore  be  said  that  the  andesite  used  at  Sillustani  was 
quarried  chiefly  by  lightning.  At  the  foot  of  the  cliffs  many  large 
stones  lie  about,  rudely  chipped  and  ready  for  transport.  A  num- 
ber of  such  blocks  are  also  scattered  through  the  valley,  between 
the  cliffs  and  the  hacienda,  as  if  abandoned  in  transit.  Plate  ix, 
16,  17,  18,  represent  three  sides  of  the  largest  one  seen  by  us,  and 
figure  1 5  of  this  plate  shows  the  front  view  of  a  smaller  one.  The 
former  is  nearly  1 2  feet  long,  7  feet  thick,  and  6  feet  in  height.  On 
its  face  (turned  toward  the  ruins)  protrude  three  knobs,  about  18 
inches  long,  curved  upward  so  as  to  afford  a  fair  hold.  On  the  rear 
are  three  stubs.  The  knobs  suggest  the  idea  of  pulling,  wooden 
levers  being  applied  behind.  These  knobs,  protruding  from  the  face 
of  the  blocks  and  also  from  the  rear,  are  still  seen  on  some  of  the 
partly  cut  stones  lying  about  the  towers.  They  seem  to  be,  if  not 
strictly  peculiar  to  Inca  architecture,  at  least  a  constant  feature  of  it. 
I  have  here  introduced  a  view  of  some  of  the  ruins  of  Ollantay- 
tambo,  near  Cuzco  (plate  xiii),  on  which  the  knobs  are  shown  on 
many  parts  of  the  walls.  The  blocks  thus  abandoned  on  the  way 
have  stone  props  under  them  in  the  rear,  so  that  by  pulling,  push- 
ing, heaving,  and  upsetting,  with  the  characteristic  disregard  of  time 
consumed,  the  huge  stones  were  moved  from  the  cliffs  to  the  plateau, 
where  the  work  of  cutting,  placing  in  position,  and  smoothing  was 

The  tools  employed  in  these  processes  no  longer  exist  at  Umayo 
and  Sillustani,  but  we  are  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  imple- 
ments of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Peru  and  Bolivia  to  safely  assert 
that,  for  breaking  and  chipping,  stone  mauls  and  hammers  were  used. 
Andesite  can  easily  be  worked  with  bronze,  or  copper,  and  even 
with  chisels  of  harder  stone.  Knowledge  of  the  implements  of  the 
Quichua  and  Aymara,  before  iron  was  introduced  by  the  Spaniards, 
sheds  abundant  light  on  the  work  performed  at  Sillustani.  The 
smooth  finish  was  obtained  by  simple  patient  attrition,  and  there  is 
no  necessity  of  resorting  to  hypotheses  of  artificial  stone  or  tempered 
copper.  Each  block  was  finished  on  the  ground  as  far  as  possible, 
but  the  final  close  fitting  and  the  removal  of  the  knobs  were  done 
after  the  blocks  were  placed  in  position  in  the  walls.  This  is  proved 
by  courses  of  the  masonry  and  even  of  sections  of  walls  in  which  the 


knobs  still  protrude.  That  the  curve  was  last  efiected  is  shown  by 
the  upper  tier,  where  the  outer  edges  of  the  blocks  appear  to  form 
a  drcle,  when  seen  from  below,  but  on  closer  inspection  it  is  seen 
that  the  courses  are  polygonal^  with  as  many  sides  as  there  are 
blocks  in  each. 

So  long  as  the  stones  had  not  to  be  raised  above  the  second 
course,  their  placement  was  easily  accomplished,  but  they  are  placed 
as  high  as  thirty-five  feet  above  the  ground.  Windlasses  were  not 
known  to  aboriginal  Americans,  but  the  ruins  at  Sillustani  fortu- 
nately preserve  examples  of  the  devices  by  which  the  raising  of 
the  blocks  of  andesite  was  achieved.  Plates  viii,  ii,  and  ix,  i, 
exhibit  the  remains  of  inclined  planes  of  rubble,  one  of  them  215 
feet  in  length  (f/),  on  which  the  blocks  of  stone  were  gradually 
moved  up  to  the  required  elevation  in  the  wall.  The  incline  abuts 
against  the  tower  and  was  raised  as  the  building  of  the  latter  pro- 
gressed. It  must  also  be  considered  that  the  size  of  the  blocks  was 
reduced  by  cutting,  and  that  the  largest  ones  were  always  used  in 
the  lower  courses.  In  addition,  a  device  was  adopted  for  dimin- 
ishing the  weight  of  the  blocks.  As  seen  in  plates  xi  and  xii,  i,  the 
ends  of  each  block  were  hollowed  out,  and,  once  in  place,  these 
cavities  were  filled  with  small  pieces  of  stone.  This  allowed  the 
blocks  to  be  handled  with  greater  facility,  while  the  subsequent  fill- 
ing practically  restored  their  original  weight. 

The  round  and  handsomely  constructed  chuUpas  are  the  least 
numerous,  and  only  one  of  them  is  ornamented  on  the  outside.  The 
tallest  of  all  (plate  xi)  has  the  figure  of  a  lizard  carved  on  its  surface 
about  midway  between  the  base  and  the  top. 

The  condition  of  the  stone  buildings  at  Sillustani  leads  to  the  in- 
ference that  work  on  them  was  abandoned  before  completion.  This 
is  particularly  the  case  with  the  quadrangular  structures,  all  of  which 
are  unfinished.  Their  condition  is  not  the  result  of  demolition  or  of 
decay.  The  masonry  is  like  that  of  the  towers,  well  laid  and  nicely 
joined.  The  building  m,  shown  in  plates  viii,  7,  and  xiv,  2,  was  fur- 
ther advanced  in  construction  than  the  others,  part  of  its  walls  being 
8  feet  high.  Some  of  the  blocks  are  9  to  1 1  feet  long,  4  feet  thick, 
and  6^  feet  high.  Only  two  sides  were  reared,  one  of  which  measures 
not  quite  28  feet  and  the  other  more  than  35  feet  in  length.     Inside, 

$8  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

and  touching  the  walls  of  the  rectangle,  is  a  circle  of  upright  slabs, 
38  inches  in  thickness,  set  without  mortar,  alongside  of  each  other. 
On  the  longer  side  of  the  rectangle  is  an  entrance*  52  inches  wide. 

Quadrangle  k  (plates  viii,  8  ;  xv,  i)  has  all  four  walls,  measur- 
ing, respectively,  17.3,  17.3,  17.4,  and  17.5  inches.  The  building, 
therefore,  is  nearly  square ;  but  the  opposite  sides  are  not  of  exactly 
equal  length,  there  being  a  difference  of  one  and  two  inches,  respec- 
tively. An  entrance  50  inches  in  width  is  provided  in  one  of  the 
walls.  The  outer  surface  of  the  stones  is  as  well  cut  and  smoothed 
as  any  in  Sillustani,  but  the  blocks  are  not  so  large  as  those  in 
building  m  (plates  vii  (3),  m ;  viii,  7  ;  xvi,  2). 

Structure  /  (plates  vii  (3),  /;  viii,  9)  is  still  less  advanced  in  con- 
struction ;  two  sides  are  partly  laid,  and  on  the  other  side  a  few 
blocks  only  are  in  position.  It  should  be  stated  that  not  a  single 
building  at  Sillustani  is  provided  with  a  foundation  ;  every  struc- 
ture rests  on  the  surface  of  the  ground,  the  size  and  weight  of  the 
stones  alone  insuring  solidity. 

Building  o  (plate  viii,  13)  is  in  as  unfinished  a  state  as  tower  b 
near  which  it  is  situated.  Only  two  feet  of  a  wall  of  cut  stone  are 
visible ;  its  average  width  is  3 1  inches.  This  structure  suggests  the 
commencement  of  a  dwelling.  It  resembles,  in  size  and  ground- 
plan,  the  houses  of  Inca  origin  which  our  excavations  brought  to 
light  at  Kasapata,  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca. 

Several  other  quadrangular  structures,  some  of  them  nearly  ob- 
literated, are  found  here  and  there  on  the  plateau.  These  differ  but 
little  from  those  described,  and,  judging  by  the  first  course  of  stones 
lying  on  the  ground,  they  were  to  have  been  built  in  the  same  man- 
ner and  of  the  same  material. 

I  have  purposely  delayed  mentioning  certain  details  in  the  con- 
struction of  the  stone  buildings  for  the  reason  that  they  exist  in 
both  the  quadrangles  and  the  towers.  First,  it  was  observed  that, 
although  the  workmanship  is  far  superior  to  that  of  any  buildings 
outside  of  actual  Inca  settlements,  it  is  not  so  accurate  as  it  appears 
to  be  —  angles  are  nearly  but  not  absolutely  true,  the  towers  are 
only  approximately  circular,  and  the  stones  themselves  not  per- 
fectly squared.  Rule  of  thumb  here  guided  the  primitive  artisan ; 
he  did  much  better  than  the  builders  of  the  Aymara  structures,  but 


not  SO  well  as  any  European  would  have  done.  The  moving  of  heavy 
masses  was  certainly  an  achievement,  if  we  consider  the  means  at 
the  command  of  these  builders,  but  to  compare  the  results  favor- 
ably with  European  building  of  the  time  is '  benevolent  exaggera- 
tion. Superabundance  of  leisure  was  a  prime  factor.  Where  a 
block  presented  obstacles,  the  troublesome  part  was  taken  ofT,  and 
another  stone  cut  to  fill  the  lack  (plate  ix,  5,  9).  Such  pieces  were 
not  inserted  for  decorative  effect  nor  to  increase  the  solidity  of  the 
structure ;  they  are  simply  indications  that  each  block  was  inde- 
pendently cut,  not  according  to  a  definite  plan,  but  to  suit  the  im- 
mediate occasion.  The  doorways  are  usually  an  open  space  left 
between  two  blocks  in  a  course  (plate  ix,  6,  7) ;  but  where  the  block 
was  too  high,  a  rectangular  opening  was  cut  through  it  (plate  ix, 
8).  This  shows  that  the  small  size  of  the  doorways  had  a  definite 
purpose.  In  the  quadrangular  structures  (plate  viii,  7,  8)  there 
are,  as  before  stated,  wider  entrances,  but  these  were  designed  to 
afford  access  to  round  buildings  within.  In  the  case  of  rectan- 
gular building  ;//,  this  circular  structure  had  been  commenced ;  in  k 
there  is  strong  probability  that  it  was  the  intention  to  erect  one  also. 
The  singular  edifice  i  (plate  ix,  1,2)  is  also  in  a  half-finished 
condition.  This  building  is  unique  among  the  ruins  at  Sillustani ;  it 
is  dome-shaped,  and  the  apex  of  the  cupola  approaches  a  true  arch, 
a  wedge-shaped  keystone  being  set  in  horizontally  to  complete  a 
circle  (see  plate  ix,  2).  The  structure  marked  i  is  10  feet  in  height 
and  consists  of  two  tiers,  each  of  which  has  four  niches  so  placed 
that  the  upper  ones  are  not  immediately  above  those  below.  The 
lower  tier  is  pierced  by  an  entrance  21  inches  wide.  The  inside  of 
this  building  is  lined  with  spalls  forming  a  thin,  fairly  smooth  wall. 
The  cupola  varies  in  thickness  ;  its  outer  diameter  is  about  1 2  feet, 
and  the  inside,  in  size  as  well  as  in  its  niches,  recalls  the  basements 
of  rectangular  chullpas  found  on  the  peninsula  of  Huata  in  Bolivia, 
called  Chinkana  by  the  Aymara.  Around  the  cupola  a  stone 
casing,  like  that  of  the  towers,  has  been  erected  to  an  elevation  of 
six  feet,  indicating  that  it  was  intended  as  a  facing  to  the  rubble 
core.  An  inclined  plane  2 1  feet  long,  1 2  feet  wide,  and  6  feet  high 
(where  it  abuts  against  the  armor),  shows  that  the  structure  was 
abandoned  before  completion.     The  niches  are  not  symmetrical ; 

6o  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

their  height  varies  from  40  to  44  inches,  and  other  dimensions  are 
also  unequal.  Of  the  probable  purpose  of  this  building  we  shall 
treat  later. 

There  is  another  class  of  round  buildings,  and  the  most  numer- 
ous of  all.  They  differ  from  the  chullpas  described  in  being  far 
less  elaborate  and  considerably  smaller.  Plates  viii,  6 ;  ix,  1 2,  show 
two  examples.  The  motive  in  these  is  the  same  as  in  the  towers, 
but  the  outer  finish  is  a  coating  of  white  clay,  mixed  with  grass,  and 
formed  in  irregular  cakes,  varying  in  thickness  from  two  to  three 
feet  according  to  the  structure.  One  of  these  **  white  towers  "  is 
1 3  feet  high  and  48  feet  in  circumference.  The  interior  forms  a 
vault  with  rubble  walls  8  feet  high,  7  feet  in  diameter  below,  and 
4j^  feet  at  the  top.  Where  completed,  these  white  towers  are 
closed  above  with  heavy  slabs  covered  with  rubbish  and  some  clay ; 
hence  there  is  no  neck  as  in  the  stone  chullpas,  and  the  interior  is 
an  imperfect  cupola.  We  could  not  detect  an  opening  at  the  bottom. 
The  structure  rests  on  a  base  of  well-cut  andesite  blocks  eleven 
inches  thick,  showing  that  these  clay-covered  chullpas  were  erected 
by  the  people  who  built  the  other  ones,  and  for  a  similar  purpose. 

Some  of  these  white  towers  stand  in  the  valley  near  the  cliffs 
whence  the  andesite  was  obtained,  and  on  ridges  and  slopes  round 
about.  We  could  not  examine  any  of  those  farther  away  from  Sil- 
lustani,  but  plates  viii,  10 ;  ix,  10-12,  show  the  base  and  section  of 
one  that  may  be  regarded  as  typical.  All  that  remains  of  the  lower 
portion  is  a  circle  of  rough  slabs  resting  on  four  upright  stones  three 
feet  high.  The  wall  (i  i  inches  thick  at  the  base  and  30  inches  at 
the  top)  rises  ten  feet  above  this  circle  and  is  constructed  of  rudely 
superposed  slabs  coated  inside  with  clay  mixed  with  Puna  grass. 
The  elevation  of  this  structure  on  stone  posts  may  have  been  for  the 
purpose  of  protecting  the  contents  from  moisture,  as  the  bottom  of 
the  valley  is  sometimes  flooded. 

The  much  ruined  structures  forming  group  r  (plate  vii,  3),  on  the 
extreme  northeastern  spur  of  Sillustani,  are  in  such  condition  that 
little  can  be  said  about  them.  Most  of  them  appear  to  have  been 
circular  chullpas  of  the  clay-faced  variety.  One  building  may  have 
been  a  rudely  constructed  house  of  three  or  four  rooms  and  with 
rounded  comers.     The  artifacts  found  there  were  potsherds,  both 


of  the  Cuzco  type  and  of  the  ruder  kind  attributed  generally  to 
the  Aymara  Indians.  We  also  found  ckulls  of  both  males  and 
females,  the  former  artificially  flattened  frontally. 

Finally,  on  the  ridge  south  of  the  hacienda,  there  stand  the  few 
buildings  marked  p  on  the  general  plan  (plates  vii  (3);  viii,  12). 
In  regard  to  these  I  do  not  feel  justified  in  asserting  that  they  are 
aboriginal,  nor  can  I  affirm  the  contrary.  The  walls  are  built  of 
roughly  broken  volcanic  stones  from  24  to  33  inches  wide,  laid  in 
mud.  No  tradition  as  to  their  origin  could  be  obtained,  and  while 
they  may  have  been  designed  as  Indian  dwellings,  begun  and  aban- 
doned before  completion  like  the  others  on  the  plateau,  they  may 
also  be  of  Spanish  construction. 

With  few  exceptions,  the  buildings  at  Sillustani  were  unfit  for 
abode.  Only  groups  o  and  p  (provided  the  latter  are  ancient), 
and  perhaps  some  of  group  r,  bear  the  character  of  dwellings.  All 
the  others,  except  i,  are  so  constructed  as  to  indicate  that  they 
were  designed  to  shelter  and  preserve,  as  carefully  as  possible, 
materials  of  the  nature  of  which  we  have  no  knowledge.  Had 
it  been  possible  for  us  to  open  one  or  more  of  the  white  chull- 
pas,  we  might  know  something  of  their  contents,  but  permission 
was  unobtainable.  The  belief  that  valuable  objects  of  metal  are 
therein  concealed  is  deeply  rooted  in  the  minds  of  the  people, 
although  there  is  no  authentic  recollection  of  the  finding  of  any 
**  treasure "  at  Sillustani.  Many  of  the  towers  were  partly  torn 
down  and  searched  long  ago,  but  no  tradition  in  regard  to  what  was 
found  in  them  was  obtainable  by  us.  The  universal  opinion,  pub- 
lished and  unpublished,  is  that  the  towers  of  Sillustani  were  designed 
as  sepulchers,  burial  towers,  or  funeral  monuments,  and  we  held  the 
same  opinion  ourselves. 

One  point  is  certain  :  these  towers  were,  so  to  say,  hermetically 
closed,  or  were  built  with  the  view  of  so  closing  them  as  soon  as 
filled.  It  is  also  evident  that  they  could  not  be  opened  or  entered 
except  with  considerable  difficulty,  and  that  they  were  carefully 
guarded  against  such  intrusion  is  shown  by  their  massive  construc- 
tion. The  towers  cannot  be  scaled,  and  the  aperture  above  is  too 
small  to  admit  an  adult  person.  The  opening  below  is  equally  con- 
tracted, and  if  the  interior  were  closely  packed  it  was  practically 

62  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

inaccessible.  To  break  in  from  the  outside  was  beyond  the  power 
of  Indians  within  a  reasonable  time.  Hence  the  contents  of  these 
towers  must  have  been  of  such  value  to  the  builders  that  they  ex- 
ercised every  effort  to  preserve  them,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  mas- 
siveness  of  the  walls,  the  smooth  finish  which  made  scaling  impos- 
sible, and  their  inverted  conical  shape.  Mortuary  monuments  they 
cannot  have  been  unless,  as  is  generally  supposed,  they  were  de- 
signed to  receive  a  number  of  corpses.  But  the  question  arises. 
How  could  corpses  have  been  introduced  ?  The  opening  above  is 
entirely  too  small,  and  while  the  aperture  below  might  have  given 
passage  to  an  Indian  of  small  stature,  such  a  mode  of  burial  is  com- 
pletely at  variance  with  what  is  known  of  the  mortuary  customs  of 
both  the  Quichua  and  the  Aymara ;  and  to  fill  the  chamber  with 
dead  bodies  would  have  been  a  very  long  and  arduous  task. 

A  question  intimately  related  to  that  of  the  contents  of  these 
towers  is  that  of  the  builders  of  the  Sillustani  structures.  There 
is  no  known  tradition  in  which  the  place  is  mentioned,  and  the  name 
Sillustani  nowhere  appears  in  books  or  documents  of  the  period  of 
early  Spanish  colonization.  Hence  it  might  be  supposed  that  these 
buildings,  like  those  of  Tiahuanaco,  must  be  attributed  to  some 
tribe  the  record  of  which  is  lost.  Although  we  search  in  vain  for 
data  in  regard  to  Sillustani,  we  meet  with  positive  information  con- 
cerning a  site  called  Hattin-Colla,  This  place  (or  rather  Kolla) 
lay  close  to  Umayo,  and  while  there  exist  some  ruins  there  which 
Squier  has  described,^  nowhere  in  the  vicinity  are  there  any  of  the 
type  and  importance  of  those  at  Sillustani.  Cieza  de  Leon,  who 
visited  Hatun-Kolla  in  1 540,  speaks  of  it  as  follows  : 

"From  Pucara  to  HatuncoUa  there  are  something  like  fifteen  leagues; 
in  their  neighborhood  are  some  villages,  as  Nicasio,  Xullaca  and  others. 
HatuncoUa,  in  times  past,  was  the  chief  thing  of  the  Collas  .  .  .  and 
afterwards  the  Incas  embellished  the  village  with  an  increased  number  of 
edifices  and  a  great  number  of  depositories,  where,  by  their  command, 
was  put  the  tribute  that  was  brought  from  the  country  around. ' '   .   .  .' 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  also  mentions  the  construction  by  the  Incas 
of  edifices  at  Hatun-Kolla.' 

1  Peruy  p.  384  et  seq. 

«  Primera  Parte  de  la  Crdnica  del  Peru^  cap.  Cll,  p.  445. 

s  Comentarios  reales,  Primera  parte,  1609,  lib.  ii,  cap.  xix,  f.  45. 


Heirera  certainly  copied  Cieza  de  Leon,  and  perhaps  other 
sources  of  which,  as  yet,  we  have  no  knowledge.  He  mentions, 
although  not  very  clearly,  the  construction  by  the  Incas  of  edifices 
in  what  was  then  called  Collasuyu^  and  it  seems  clear  that  these 
structures  were  in  the  vicinity  of  Hatun-Kolla. 

The  architecture  and  masonry  at  Sillustani  bear  the  stamp  of 
Inca  work.  They  resemble  structural  remains  at  Huanuco  in  central 
Peru,  on  the  island  of  Koati,  and  also  the  quadrangular  towers  of 
well-fitted  stones  at  Kalaki  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Titicaca.  The 
edifices  in  the  latter  two  localities  are  clearly  of  Inca  construction  — 
there  is  abundant  evidence  to  that  effect.  In  regard  to  Huanuco 
it  is  stated  that  the  buildings  (of  large,  nicely  fitted,  and  smoothed 
blocks)  are  also  of  Inca  origin.  The  Indians  who  inhabited  Hatun- 
Kolla,  before  the  Inca  came  in  contact  with  them,  built  with  much 
less  care  and  regularity.  It  is  more  than  likely  that  by  the  struc- 
tures at  Hatun-KoUa  those  at  Sillustani  are  meant  by  Cieza.  The 
two  places  are  very  near  each  other,  and  the  remains  of  Hatun- 
Kolla  can  not  be  compared  in  importance  with  the  former.  Hence, 
also,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  name  Sillustani  is  comparatively 
modem,  otherwise  Cieza  would  certainly  have  known  of  it,  for  he 
must  have  seen  the  ruins  when  at  Hatun-Kolla.  Even  the  white 
chuUpas  are  of  Inca  origin.' 

*  Historia  general  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en  las  Islas  y  la  Tierra  firme  del 
Mar  Ociano,  1726,  vol.  ii,  libro  il  of  dec.  v,  p.  73.  The  Jesuit  Beraab^  Cobo,  who 
lived  in  the  Peruvian  and  Bolivian  highlands  itom  1615  to  1618  (or  1621,  if  Arequipa  is 
included  in  the  sierra,  by  Enrique  Torres  Saldamando,  Los  Antiguos  Jesuiias  del  Peru^ 
Lima,  1885,  p.  99),  also  mentions  ancient  buildings  formerly  serving  as  storage  rooms,  in 
hb  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo  (Sevilla,  1902,  vol.  ill,  lib.  XII,  cap.  xxx,  p.  254)  : 
*<  EdiBcaban  de  ordinario  estos  dep6sitos  i  almacenes  fuera  de  poblado,  en  lugares 
altos,  frescos  y  airosos,  cerca  del  camino  real,  cuyas  ruinas  vemos  hoy  al  rededor  de  los 
pueblos  en  los  collados  y  laderas  de  los  cerros  ;  eran  muchas  casas  cuadradas  y  pequefias 
como  aposentos  ordinarios,  a  manera  de  torrecillas,  desviades  unas  de  otras  dos  i  tres 
pasos  y  puestas  en  hilera  con  mucho  6rden  y  proporcion  ;  en  partes  eran  mas,  y  en  partes 
menos,  segun  la  necesidad  lo  pedia ;  .  .  .  A  veces  eran  las  hileras  de  veinte,  treinta, 
cincuenta,  y  mas  casas,  y  como  estaban  en  sitios  altos  y  por  6rden,  parecian  bien,  pues 
aun  lo  parecen  hoy  las  paredes  que  en  algunas  partes  estan  en  pi6  y  tan  enteras  que  no 
les  falta  m4s  que  el  techo.  El  asenta  en  lugares  altos  estos  dep6sitos  lo  hacian  los  Indios 
para  que  lo  que  en  ellos  se  guardaba  estuviese  defendido  de  las  aguas  y  humedad  y  seguro 
de  toda  corrupcion."  Cobo  also  speaks  of  larger  and  smaller  depositos^  but  does  not 
mention  circular  ones. 

*  Cieza,  Primer  a  Parte,  p.  429  :  <<  Enlo  que  llaman  Guanuco  habia  una  cassa  real  de 
admirable  edificio,  porque  les  piedras  eras  grandes  y  estaban  muy  solidamente  asentadas.'' 

64  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

I  would  also  add  that  the  lai^er  proportion  of  the  potsherds 
found  are  of  the  type  of  Cuzco  pottery,  which  is  sui  generis  among 
Peruvian  and  Bolivian  ceramics.  This  is  another  indication  in  favor 
of  the  assumption  that  the  builders  of  Sillustani  were  Incas. 

Stone  towers  as  military  constructions  are  not  common  among 
the  ruins  of  Peru  and  Bolivia.  There  are  a  few  on  the  coast,  in 
positions  indicating  that  they  were  lookouts.  It  is  manifest  that  those 
at  Sillustani  were  not  for  observation,  still  less  for  residence.  They 
must  have  been  intended  for  either  burial-towers  or  store-houses. 

The  Aymara  Indians  sometimes  buried  their  dead  in  structures, 
resembling  quadrangular  one-story  towers,  built  of  mud  and  rubble,^ 
also  of  cakes  of  clay  mixed  with  straw,  just  as  are  the  walls  of  the 
white  chullpas.  Rectangular,  but  not  circular,  chullpas  are  very 
numerous  on  the  Bolivian  tableland,  and  in  our  examination  of 
hundreds  of  them  we  invariably  found  that  they  had  simply  been 
the  dwellings  of  the  people,  whose  only  building  materials  are  stone 
and  mud,  for  wood  is  entirely  beyond  reach  in  those  vast  treeless 
expanses.  But  the  Aymara,  like  the  forest  tribes  on  the  eastern 
slope  of  the  cordillera,  in  the  great  basin  of  the  Beni,  to  this  day, 
formerly  buried  their  dead  beneath  the  floors  of  their  dwellings^  con- 
tinuing to  live  directly  over  the  remains  of  their  departed.  Even  when 
a  chullpa  becomes  deserted,  it  is  still  used  for  burial.  A  certain 
number  of  the  white  chullpas  at  Sillustani  are  completed  and  still 
absolutely  closed,  hence  were  not  used  as  dwellings.  The  Incas 
buried  their  dead  in  a  sitting  posture,  and  separately.     Moreover, 

He  also  mentions  :  «y  habia  dep6sitos  7  aposentos  de  los  ingas,  muy  bastecidos."  It 
should  be  observed  that  the  tendency  of  the  Spanish  chroniclers  is  to  attribute  to  the  Incas 
all  edifices  that  are  unusually  well  finished.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  (Histoire  des  Incas, 
vol.  II,  p.  274)  says  in  regard  to  Hu&nuco :  ''  lis  y  fondirent  une  Maison  de  Vierges 
choisies."  Herrera  {Historia  general,  vol.  Ill,  dec.  vil,  lib.  iv,  p.  69)  copies  Cieza, 
adding  slightly  to  the  exaggerations  of  the  latter  and  of  Garcilasso.  See  also  Squier, 
Peru,  pp.  215-216  et  seq. 

>  Cieza  (Primera  Parte,  p.  443)  describes  clearly  the  chullpas  of  the  Collao.  "  Por 
las  vegas  y  llanos  cerca  de  les  pueblos  estaban  las  sepulturas  destes  indios  hechas  como 
pequeftas  torres  de  quatro  esquinas,  unas  de  piedra  sola  y  otras  de  piedra  y  tierra,  algunas 
anchas  y  otras  angostas ;  en  fin,  como  tenian  la  posibilidad  las  personas  que  las  edificaban. 
Los  chapiteles  de  algunos  estaban  cubiertos  con  paja,  otros  con  unas  losas  grandes ;  y  pare- 
d6me  que  tenian  las  puertas  estas  sepulturas  hacia  la  parte  de  levante.''  Cieza  did  not 
examine  closely  the  structures  he  describes,  not  having  time  for  it ;  yet  it  is  clear  that  he 
did  not  mean  the  edifices  at  Sillustani. 


as  above  pointed  out,  the  corpses  could  not  have  been  placed  in  the 
towers  from  above,  and  from  below  it  would  have  been  a  most  tedi- 
ous and  difficult  task  to  fill  the  chamber  with  squatting  dead  through 
the  tiny  doorways,  which  seem  to  be  made  rather  for  taking  out 
small  objects.  The  open  space  in  the  second  tier  afforded  neither 
shelter  nor  convenience  for  human  remains. 

The  statement  by  Cieza  that  the  Inca  erected  depositaries  near 
Hatun-Kolla  is  significant.  The  Sillustani  buildings  cannot  have 
been  anything  else  but  such  depositories.  There  is  no  evidence  of 
their  having  been  depositories  of  the  dead,  and  such  was  not  the 
mode  of  burial  either  of  the  Aymara  or  of  the  Cuzco  people ;  hence 
if  they  were  depositories,  it  was  of  stores.  The  tribute  which  the 
Inca  obtained  on  the  tableland  consisted  of  what  could  be  raised  on 
it,  that  is,  potatoes  (made  into  chufiu),  oca^  quinua,  and  a  little  maize. 
The  bottle-shaped  interior  of  the  chullpas  is  as  if  made  for  receiving 
just  such  produce.  A  chullpa  could  readily  be  filled  from  above  with 
chuiiu  and  the  like  by  pouring  it  through  the  orifice,  and  when  the 
stores  had  to  be  used  they  could  as  easily  be  extracted  from  the 
small  opening  afler  removal  of  the  block  which  closed  it. 

To  those  not  familiar  with  the  country  and  with  the  mode  of 
life  of  its  aborigines,  it  may  seem  improbable  that  such  elaborate 
structures  should  have  been  erected  simply  for  preserving  potatoes 
and  other  produce,  but  before  the  Spanish  colonization,  and  even 
to-day,  food  was  and  is  much  more  important  to  the  Indians  in  these 
cold  and  barren  regions  than  what  now  is  called  treasure.  The  Inca 
had  no  standard  medium  of  exchange,  no  currency  or  "  money." 
Gold  and  silver  were  less  indispensable  to  them  than  potatoes, 
quinua,  and  other  products,  for  they  could  use  the  former  only  for 
decoration  and  as  ceremonial  offerings,  whereas  they  depended  on  the 
vegetables  for  subsistence.  Sillustani,  therefore,  as  Cieza  indicates, 
consisted  of  a  cluster  of  storehouses  erected  by  the  Inca  within  the 
Aymara  range  for  preserving  tribute.  From  the  Aymara  of  Hatun- 
Kolla  the  Inca  had  nothing  to  fear,  and  against  extensive  depreda- 
tion the  massive  character  of  the  storage  tower  was  sufficient  pro- 
tection, so  that  it  was  not  even  necessary  to  guard  or  garrison  the 
site.  Such  Inca  magazines  were  established  at  intervals  through- 
out Peru  and  they  were  always  associated  with  buildings  of  a  cere- 
monial character. 

AM.  A1«TM.,  N.  S.,  7-5 

66  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

To  these  latter  the  structure  marked  i  (plates  vii  (3);  ix,  i,  2) 
must  be  referred.  Its  niches,  its  smaller  size  and  larger  entrance, 
make  it  appear  as  an  Inca  place  of  worship.  On  the  peninsula  of 
Huata,  in  Bolivia,  there  are  structures  with  an  analogous  interior  plan, 
but  they  are  built  underground,  beneath  square  towers  of  Inca  make. 
These  ckinkanas,  as  the  Aymara  call  them,  therefore  appear  to  have 
been  storage  houses  and  chapels  combined.  At  Sillustani  a  sub- 
terranean structure  was  out  of  the  question.  Building  i  was  a  place 
of  worship  such  as  we  are  told  (with  much  exaggeration  as  to  size 
and  decoration)  everywhere  accompanied  Inca  storehouses. 

The  white  towers  are  also  of  Inca  construction.  They  could 
have  been  much  more  rapidly  built  than  the  towers  of  stone,  and  it 
is  therefore  possible  that  they  were  erected  as  temporary  store- 
houses until  the  more  solid  ones  were  ready  for  use.  The  quad- 
rangular structures  were  in  part  magazines  also,  and  in  part  (as  o 
and  possibly  p)  dwellings.  There  was  no  need  of  permanent  mili- 
tary occupancy  of  the  site.  Inca  **  garrisons  "  nowhere  were  kept, 
not  even  in  the  great  refuge-place  of  Cuzco,  the  Sacsahuaman, 

As  already  stated,  work  at  Sillustani  was  interrupted  and  aban- 
doned for  some  cause  or  other  and  never  resumed.  This  may 
have  been  in  consequence  of  the  appearance  of  the  Spaniards  at 
Cuzco  in  1534,  but  it  is  more  likely  that  the  abandonment  occurred 
before  or  during  the  time  that  warfare  between  the  Inca  of  Quito 
and  those  of  Cuzco  had  thrown  in  confusion  everything  in  the  south. 
Under  any  circumstance  it  is  probable  that  work  on  the  edifices  was 
begun  in  the  second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  abandoned 
in  the  first  third  of  the  sixteenth.^ 

We  have  yet  to  consider  another  class  of  structures — those 
marked  q  on  plates  vii  (3);  viii,  12,  of  which  there  exist  a  group  of 

1  The  series  of  Inca  head  war-chiefs  becomes  positive  only  with  Tupac  Yupanqui,  the 
third  from  the  last  (counting  Huascar  as  the  last  and  ignoring  Ata  Hualpa,  who  was  an  In. 
dian  from  Quito).  Previous  to  Tupac  Yupanqui  there  is  contradiction  and  confusion  among 
the  chroniclers  and  in  the  traditions.  Tupac  Yupanqui  subjugated  the  Collas,  or,  what  is 
just  as  likely,  they  confederated,  in  his  time,  with  the  Cuzco  tribe.  This  took  place  in 
the  second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century.  To  him  also  are  attributed  the  buildings  said 
to  have  existed  at  or  near  Hatun-KoIIa.  The  appearance  of  the  Quito  warriors  at  Cuzco 
and  the  great  confusion  occasioned  thereby  among  the  Incas  occurred  a  few  years  prior 
to  1 53 1,  when  Pizarro  landed  on  the  Peruvian  coast.  Quotations  are  superfluous,  the  facts 
being  too  well  established. 



four  at  the  foot  of  the  cliff  on  which  the  largest  chullpa  {a)  stands, 
while  an  isolated  one  is  on  the  slope  of  the  northeastern  promontory. 
These  are  called  inH-huatana,  translated  *'  place  where  the  sun  is 
tied  up."  Leaving  aside  etymology,  it  first  strikes  one  that  these 
circles  are  on  the  flanks  instead  of  on  the  plateau,  where  they  might 
be  expected  if  designed  for  astronomical  purposes.  It  is  also  singular 
that  they  are  not  truly  circular  (see  plate  vii,  figure  i) ;  indeed^ 
they  do  not  even  approach  geometrical  accuracy.  The  "  circle " 
proper  is  formed  by  upright  slabs,  little  worked  if  at  all.  The  total 
length  of  the  curve  from  ^  to/is  84  feet,  and  the  average  height  of 
the  stones  three  feet.  Around  this  "  circle  "  was  a  ring  of  handsomely 
cut  slabs  laid  flat  and  having  an  aggregate  width  of  about  two  feet. 
Most  of  this  stone  ring  is  destroyed,  but  what  remains  distinctly 
shows  a  tendency  to  ornamentation  (plate  vii,  i,  2).  The  entrance 
{b\  with  its  upright  stone-posts  (r,  d),  is  a  little  more  than  two  feet 
wide,  and  the  well-cut  block  in  front  of  it  has  two  low  steps.  The 
whole  is  not  symmetrical,  but  is  fairly  accurate  for  work  done  by 
"rule  of  thumb." 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  such  contrivances  as  these  cir- 
cles, situated  as  they  are,  and  of  such  inaccuracy  in  form,  could 
have  been  of  use  for  astronomical  purposes.  It  is  conceivable  that 
a  slender  cone  (tall  as  at  Cacha,  or  a  mere  stub  as  at  Pisac)  might 
have  been  serviceable  for  approximately  determining  equinoxes  by 
noting  the  days  when  the  sun  shed  its  full  light  on  the  top  about 
noontime ;  but,  aside  from  the  fact  that  it  is  very  doubtful  if  the 
Indians  of  Peru  ever  paid  much  attention  to  the  equinoxes,*  the 
** circles"  at  Sillustani  exhibit  nothing  to  indicate  that  they  could 
have  been  used  for  such  a  purpose. 

It  is  equally  difficult  to  conceive  that  the  circular  structures  could 
have  had  other  than  a  ceremonial  object,  but  what  rites  were  per- 
formed within  them  can  only  be  conjectured.  There  are  a  number 
of  such  circles,  less  carefully  built,  on  the  height  called  Kajopi, 
above  the  village  of  Huata  in  Bolivia.     Kajopi  is  1,600  feet  above 

^  The  equinoxes  are  not  well  marked  by  meteorological  phenomena  in  the  highlands 
of  Peru  and  Bolivia.  The  Indians  barely  pay  attention  to  them,  whereas  the  solstices 
are  more  easily  noted.  What  Garcilasso  and  others  say  of  ceremonies  performed  at  the 
time  of  the  equinoxes  must  be  taken  with  allowance. 

68  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

Lake  Titicaca,  toward  which  it  descends  in  partly  vertical  cliffs. 
The  top  is  to-day  a  resort  for  wizards,  and  the  circles  (which,  be  it 
said,  lie  entirely  on  the  inclines  and  therefore  could  not  have  been  of 
any  use  for  astronomical  determinations)  are  regarded  with  super- 
stitious dread,  offerings  constantly  being  made  there.  The  circles 
at  Sillustani  consequently  seem  to  have  been  for  some  sacrificial 
purpose,  and  as  such  I  shall  regard  them  until  evidence  to  the  con- 
trary is  presented.  These  and  the  small  building  (i)  appear  to  have 
been  the  only  structures  at  Sillustani  designed  for  ceremonial  use. 

Sillustani,  therefore,  presents  the  characteristics  not  of  some 
ruin  of  very  ancient  date  but  of  a  cluster  of  buildings  reared  by  and  for 
the  Inca  of  Cuzco  for  storage,  and  not  earlier  than  the  latter  part  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  Few  of  the  better  constructed  edifices  are 
finished.  The  general  condition,  the  evidences  of  mechanical  con- 
trivances for  hoisting,  the  building  stones  abandoned  by  the  road- 
side while  under  transportation,  all  prove  that  the  work  suddenly 
ceased  for  some  cause  unknown,  but  which  was  not  necessarily 
the  appearance  of  the  Spaniards.  Sillustani  is  perhaps  one  of 
the  most  instructive  sites  at  which  can  be  studied  the  strides  made 
by  the  Inca  in  the  art  of  building.  The  ceremonial  structures,  espe- 
cially /,  are  of  particular  interest  as  the  best-preserved  specimens  of 
Inca  religious  architecture  thus  far  examined. 


By  D.  I.  BUSHNELL,  Jr 

During  the  afternoon  of  October  5,  1899,  while  making  a 
canoe  trip  on  the  lakes  and  streams  of  northern  Minnesota  and 
Hunter's  island,  Canada,  I  was  enabled  to  witness  an  interesting 
ceremony  of  the  Ojibways,  held  at  one  of  their  small  settlements 
on  the  shore  of  Basswood  lake.  The  boundary  line  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States  passes  through  this  lake,  but  whether 
the  settlement  was  situated  to  the  north  or  to  the  south  of  the 
border  I  was  unable  to  ascertain. 

The  site  of  the  village  was  well  chosen,  being  situated  on  rising 
ground  at  the  head  of  a  small  bay,  protected  from  the  northern  and 
western  winds  by  dense  underbrush  and  timber.  The  wigwams 
were  of  two  forms,  circular  and  oval ;  all  were  constructed  of  strips 
of  birch-bark  attached  to  a  framework  of  poles,  the  lower  ends  of 
which  were  planted  in  the  ground.  On  the  shore  were  twelve 
birch-bark  canoes,  only  two  of  which  were  decorated  —  one  with 
seven  vermilion  spots,  about  four  inches  in  diameter,  along  each 
side  ;  the  other  with  four  crosses  painted  in  blue,  one  on  either  side 
of  each  end.  Toward  the  east,  not  more  than  a  hundred  yards 
away,  were  a  number  of  graves  with  their  peculiar  box-like  covers 
of  hewn  logs. 

Beyond  the  wigwams,  a  short  distance  from  the  lake  shore,  was 
the  site  selected  by  the  Indians  for  their  ceremony.  It  had  first 
been  cleared  of  brush  and  grass,  then  a  circle  of  pine  and  cedar 
boughs,  some  forty  feet  in  diameter  and  two  or  three  feet  high,  had 
been  formed.  The  circle  had  only  one  opening  or  entrance,  which 
was  toward  the  south.  A  few  feet  from  the  entrance,  toward  the 
east,  on  the  outer  edge  of  the  circle,  a  rudely  carved  wooden  rep- 
resentation of  a  kingfisher,  the  totem  of  the  sub-chief  who  resided 
there,  had  been  placed  on  the  top  of  a  tamarack  pole  twelve  or  fif- 
teen feet  high.     The  center  of  the  circle  was  occupied  by  a  large 



70  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

drum  surrounded  by  several  men  and  boys  who  beat  it  in  unison 
and  with  great  vigor. 

Within  the  circle  a  single  row  of  mats  had  been 'placed  on  the 
ground  next  to  the  pine  and  cedar  boughs.  The  men  were  seated 
on  the  western,  the  women  and  children  on  the  eastern  side.  A 
pine  log,  the  seat  of  honor,  was  placed  on  the  northeastern  side,  and 
upon  it  sat  the  old  sub-chief,  Wahg^stkeemunsit,  who  was  later 
joined  by  my  guide,  Eniwewdhah. 

Near  the  entrance  stood  a  young  man,  who  acted  as  master  of 
ceremonies,  to  whom  I  shall  refer  as  Keezhik.  He  held  a  piece  of 
buckskin,  about  two  or  three  feet  in  size,  one  side  of  which  was 
covered  with  large  eagle  feathers  placed  in  rows.  Attached  to  two 
comers  were  strips  of  skin  three  feet  or  more  in  length  and  an  inch 
in  width.  This  apron,  for  such  it  closely  resembled,  was  called 
chippeezung  by  the  Ojibways.  As  the  ceremony  progressed  it  be- 
came evident  that  Keezhik  alone  was  intrusted  with  the  care  of  the 
feather-covered  apron,  which  appeared  to  have  been  highly  prized 
and  so  cared  for  that  as  each  dance  was  finished  it  was  hastily  re- 
turned  to  him. 

All  being  in  readiness,  the  boys  and  men,  several  in  number, 
began  beating  the  drum,  and  the  young  man  carrying  the  chippee- 
zung entered  the  circle  and,  passing  from  left  to  right,  stopped 
before  the  first  woman  to  the  left  of  the  sub-chief.  She  immedi- 
ately jumped  up  and  assisted  him  in  fastening  the  apron  around  her 
waist,  allowing  it  to  hang  down  behind.  As  soon  as  it  was  in 
position  the  woman  commenced  to  dance,  and  immediately  two  men 
who  were  sitting  opposite  her  arose.  They  then  danced  round 
the  circle  four  times,  always  remaining  separated  and  never  touching 
one  another.  When  the  dancer  stopped  at  her  seat  within  the 
circle,  the  woman  to  her  left  assisted  in  removing  the  chippeezung 
and  immediately  carried  it  to  Keezhik,  who  during  the  dance 
remained  standing  near  the  entrance  to  the  circle. 

The  next  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  were  devoted  to  talking  and 
laughing ;  apparently  all  were  enjoying  the  event. 

Suddenly  the  drumming  was  resumed  and  the  sound  of  voices 
ceased,  for  the  ceremony  was  to  be  repeated.  Keezhik  entered 
the  circle  and,  passing  from  left  to  right,  stood  before  the  woman  to 

iHffliii]  -A^  OJIBWAY  CEREMONY  Jt 

^  left  of  the  one  wrho  had  previously  danced.  She  arose  and  as- 
istcd  in  listening  the  strings  of  the  chippeczung  around  her  waist 
The  suae  two  men  ivho  had  danced  before  repeated  the  peHbr- 
nance,  and  all  passed  round  the  drum  four  times.  When  the  woman 
■topped  at  her  place,  the  one  next  to  her,  toward  the  entrance, 
untied  die  chippeezung^  and  carried  it  to  Keezhik.  After  five  or 
ten  minutes'  intermission  the  ceremony  was  repeated,  and  thus  it 
continued  until  ax  women  had  danced.  At  one  time  a  young  girl 
danced,  but  as  she  was  rather  small  the  chippeezui^  would  have 
touched  the  ground  had  it  been  tied  around  her  waist ;  hence  it 
vas  fastened  around  her  neck  and  hung  down  in  front 

All  the  Indians  present  with  the  exception  of  Eniweweihah 
were  said  to  have  belonged  to  the  clan  which  has  for  its  totem  the 
longfisber  —  no  others  were  expected  to  participate  in  the  cere- 
mony. In  other  words,  the  Kingfisher  people  were  holding  a 
reunion.  It  was  therefore  considered  by  Eniweweihah  a  great 
honor  to  be  invited  by  Wahgistkeemunsit  to  dance,  and  still 
greater  was  the  honor  to  have  Wahgistkeemunsit  tie  with  his  own 
hands  the  strings  of  the  chippeezung.  He  then  danced  as  had  the 
others.  During  the  dance  all  who  passed  round  the  circle  did  so 
from  left  to  right,  that  is  with  their  tight  side  toward  the  drum. 
During  every  dance  one  or  more  would  sing  or  chant. 

Eniweweihah  was  the  last  to  dance,  and  when  he  had  returned 
to  his  seat  upon  the  log,  Wahgistkeemunsit  arose  and,  taking  a  step 
forward,  addressed  the  gathering.  While  he  spoke  no  other  sound 
was  heard.  Although  an  old  man,  his  voice  was  strong  and  clear ; 
his  gestures  were  few  but  gracefully  made  ;  his  bearing  was  that  of 
a  leader  accustomed  to  commanding  respect  and  attention.  Al- 
though the  writer  understood  but  few  of  his  words,  it  was  appar- 
ent that  those  who  fully  understood  him  were  greatly  impressed. 
All  Fcmained  attentive  listeners,  hardly  taking  their  eyes  from  him 
while  he  stood  before  them. 

Later  I  was  informed  by  Eniweweihah  of  the  purport  of  the 
speech.  First  he  had  spoken  of  their  blessings  and  misfortunes 
since  they  had  met  during  the  previous  autumn  ;  of  the  friend  s  who 
had  died  during  that  interval ;  then  he  expressed  his  desire  and 
l»ope  that  all   present  might  come  together  again,  and  he  asked 

72  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

them  to  seek  their  friends  and  bring  them  when  they  returned  the 
following  autumn.  He  hoped  all  might  be  prosperous  and  well 
during  the  coming  seasons,  and  that  they  might  be  spared  to  meet 

Keezhik  then  entered  the  circle,  bearing  two  large  copper  ket- 
tles with  their  contents  steaming.  He  had  taken  them  from  the 
larger  of  the  long  wigwams,  in  which  they  had  been  prepared  by 
several  old  women  whom  I  afterward  saw.  By  the  time  Keezhik 
had  placed  the  kettles  on  the  mat  before  the  log  seat  and  removed 
the  covers,  every  man,  woman,  and  child  within  the  circle  had  pro- 
duced either  a  tin  plate  or  a  sheet  of  birch-bark  upon  which  to  re- 
ceive his  portion  of  the  food.  Wahgistkeemunsit  was  the  first  to  be 
served ;  after  him  came  Eniweweihah,  then  the  men,  boys,  women, 
and  young  children  in  the  order  named.  All  remained  seated,  and 
Keezhik  passed  from  one  to  another  until  every  person  was  served. 
One  of  the  kettles  contained  moose  meat  and  rice  boiled  together 
until  very  thick  ;  the  other  held  a  stew  of  dried  blueberries.  We 
left  while  they  were  still  within  the  circle  enjoying  their  repast. 

A  few  days  later  the  settlement  was  again  visited,  when  we 
found  that  after  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies  many  of  the  In- 
dians had  returned  to  their  homes  on  the  lakes  to  the  north  and 
west,  so  that  few  remained  at  the  scene  of  the  recent  gathering.  It 
was  observed,  however,  that  Wahgistkeemunsit  and  six  or  seven 
others  who  had  been  within  the  circle  during  the  dance,  were  pres- 
ent within  the  largest  wigwam,  the  interior  of  which  presented  an 
interesting  aspect.  It  was  more  spacious  than  structures  of  that 
type  usually  are,  being  some  eighteen  feet  in  length  and  probably 
half  as  wide.  Along  the  central  line  on  the  ground  were  four  small 
fires,  the  smoke  from  which  found  egress  through  an  opening  at  the 
top.  The  several  women  present  were  making  moccasins  of  buck- 
skin, and  the  men  were  equally  busy  smoking  their  pipes.  Some 
well-made  mats  were  spread  on  the  ground  near  the  walls,  forming 
seats  for  all. 

In  one  comer  of  the  wigwam  was  the  drum  which  had  been 
used  during  the  dance.  This  consisted  of  an  ordinary  wooden  tub, 
about  thirty  inches  in  diameter  and  two  feet  deep,  over  which  a 


piece  of  untanned  moose  hide  had  been  stretched  and  dried.  The 
outside  of  the  tub,  or  drum,  was  covered  with  pieces  of  cloth  of  dif- 
ferent colors,  and  around  the  upper  edge  was  a  heavy  fringe  of 
colored  yam.  Attached  to  the  cloth  covering  were  four  bags  or 
pouches,  measuring  five  by  seven  inches,  which  faced  the  cardinal 
points  when  the  drum  was  in  use.  The  designs  worked  in  colored 
bands  upon  the  bags  were  very  interesting.  The  decoration  on  the 
bag  toward  the  east  was  a  kingfisher  encircled  by  a  floral  design. 
According  to  their  legends,  the  clan  having  the  kingfisher  for  its 
totem  formerly  lived  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  country,  near  the 
"great  water,"  for  which  reason  the  kingfisher  bag  was  placed  on 
the  drum  so  as  to  face  the  east.  The  bag  on  the  southern  side  was 
decorated  with  the  figure  of  a  man  worked  in  white  beads,  because, 
they  say,  the  first  white  man  to  visit  them  came  from  the  south. 
The  bag  toward  the  west  had  four  figures  worked  in  blue  beads, 
three  men  and  one  woman,  but  it  was  not  possible  for  the  writer 
to  ascertain  the  meaning  of  this  design.  The  figure  on  the  bag  to 
the  north  represented  a  man  in  red  beads,  and  according  to  Eniwe- 
weihah  referred  to  the  "  fire  in  the  north,"  the  aurora  borealis. 

At  the  intermediate  points  between  the  cardinal  directions  as  rep- 
resented by  the  bags,  that  is,  toward  the  northeast,  southeast,  south- 
west, and  northwest,  were  sticks,  four  feet  high,  stuck  into  the 
ground  against  the  drum.  A  few  inches  from  them,  away  from  the 
drum,  where  four  others,  slightly  higher,  with  the  upper  part  bent 
outward  and  with  several  small  brass  bells  fastened  on  the  concave 
side.  Each  of  the  eight  sticks  was  covered  with  mink  skin.  The 
sticks  used  in  beating  the  drum  were  somewhat  more  than  two  feet 
in  length ;  their  handles  were  of  smooth,  plain  wood,  and  to  the 
other  end  were  attached  rolls  of  mink  skin  five  or  six  inches  in 
length.  When  the  drum  was  struck  a  muffled  sound  was  produced. 
The  writer  succeeded  in  obtaining  two  of  the  four  beaded  bags,  but 
they  were  not  removed  from  the  drum  until  the  women  had  made 
exact  drawings  of  each  on  pieces  of  birch-bark,  probably  to  enable 

them  to  make  others  to  take  their  places. 

Florence,  Italy, 
November,  1904. 




The  following  text  is  philologically  of  the  utmost  importance, 
because  in  it  we  have  what  is  probably  the  last  echo  of  the  lan- 
guage formerly  used  by  the  Mohican  Indians  whose  original  habitat 
was  along  the  shores  of  our  own  Hudson  river. 

It  is  well  known  that  an  extensive  body  of  these  people  was 
settled  for  many  years  at  Stockbridge,  Mass.,  where  Jonathan  Ed- 
wards, Jr,  studied  and  practically  mastered  their  speech.^  The  mem- 
bers of  this  sub-tribe  were  first  transferred  from  Stockbridge  to  a 
New  York  reservation,  thence  to  Kansas,  and  have  now  found 
their  final  resting  place  on  the  so-called  Stockbridge  Reservation 
at  Red  Springs,  Wisconsin,  where  some  four  hundred  survivors 
still  reside.  Driven  from  one  place  to  another  among  alien  races 
as  they  have  been,  it  is  indeed  surprising  that  there  still  remain 
members  of  the  colony  who  know  anything  of  their  earlier  lan- 
guage. A  few  of  them,  however,  all  old  men  and  of  failing  mem- 
ory, can  still  speak  Mohican,  and  it  was  from  one  of  these  aged 
members  that  Mr  J.  F.  Estes,  an  educated  Dakota  Indian  with  no 
knowledge  of  the  Mohican  language,  obtained  for  me  the  following 
text  and  free  translation.  With  the  exception  of  the  few  broken 
words  gathered  by  Mr  Frank  G.  Speck  in  Kent,  Litchfield  county. 
Conn.,  this  is  apparently  the  only  printed  specimen  extant  of  the 
modem  Mohican  idiom.  Mr  Speck's  material  I  have  codified  and 
analyzed  in  our  joint  paper  "  Dying  American  Speech  Echoes  from 
Connecticut"  *  I  regard  it  as  most  fortunate,  therefore,  that  I  have 
been  able  to  obtain  this  longer  connected  specimen  of  a  language 
which  is  historically  so  interesting  and  which  in  a  few  years'  time 
will  be  quite  extinct 

^See  Pilling,  Bibliography  of  the  Algonquian  Languages ^  s.  v.  J.  £kl wards,  Jr. 
and  J.  Sergeant. 

^Proc  Amer.  Philos.  Soc.,  xui,  pp.  346-352. 



Mr  Estes  has  written  out  the  tale  in  the  Dakota  system  of  or- 
thography, the  key  to  which  is  as  follows : 

a  =B  ah.  H  sss  the  French  nasal  -n, 

^  as  in  English.  0,  p,  as  in  English. 

c  =s  ch.  /*  =»  the  voiceless  tenuis. 

r  ^t  sh,  ras  in  English  (I  question  the  exis- 

^  as  in  English.  tence  of  r  in  modem   eastern 

e  =  ay,  Algonquian). 

g  like  English  hard  g,  s  always  hard  as  in  safe. 

^  as  in  English.  /  as  in  English. 

^*  =s  a  soft  aspirated  guttural.        /*  =  the  voiceless  tenuis. 

/  as  ee.  th  as  in  thin, 

j\  k,  as  in  English.  »  as  in  the  proper  English  pronun- 

h'  s  the  voiceless  tenuis.  ciation  of  rude, 

m,  n,  as  in  English.  w,  y  (consonantal)  as  in  English. 

There  are  undoubtedly  faults  of  transcription  in  the  text,  chiefly 
owing  to  the  fact,  as  Mr  Estes  has  pointed  out  to  me,  that  his 
Mohican  narrator  was  old  and  toothless  and  consequently  most 
difficult  to  follow.  On  the  whole,  however,  as  will  appear  from  the 
following  etymological  analysis,  the  words  are  given  so  correctly 
that  I  have  been  able  to  identify  nearly  all  of  them  by  a  comparison 
with  kindred  dialects,  chiefly  with  those  of  the  Lenape,  the  Canadian 
Abenaki,  the  extinct  Massachusetts  Natick,  and  occasionally  by 
means  of  the  idioms  of  the  eastern  Passamaquoddy  and  Micmac. 
The  Mohican  dialect  herein  given  bears  close  resemblance  to  the 
Munsee  dialect  as  still  used  at  Hagersville,  Ontario.^  The  differences 
between  this  Mohican  dialect  and  the  Munsee  language  are  about 
the  same  in  degree  as  those  which  exist  between  Dutch  and  High 
German.  The  Mohican  was  evidently  a  branch  of  the  Munsee  and 
stands  related  in  a  lesser  degree  to  the  kindred  Lenape  idiom  of 
Brinton's  Lenape  Dictionary^  which  I  have  been  able  to  use,  how- 
ever, in  most  cases  in  my  identifications. 

There  is  something  peculiarly  melancholy  in  the  thought  that 
we  probably  have  in  this  text  the  last  specimen  of  the  tongue 
which  was  heard  for  centuries  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  York 

1  Cf.  Prince,  Notes  on  the  Modem  Minsi- Dialect,  Amer.  Joura.  Fhilol.,  xxi,  pp. 
295-302  ;  A  Modem  Delaware  Tale,  Proc.  Am.  Philos.  Soc.,  XLI,  pp.  20-34. 

76  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

City  and  along  the  shores  of  the  great  Maik'anetuk,  or  '  Mohican 
river/  as  the  original  inhabitants  called  the  Hudson. 

Mohican  Text 

/.  Gut'e  withk'enowak  mdwe P'ip'tnat'owak ponak  k'otawe  ni  thipo 
Maik'anet'uk,  Ait'an  gatndu-  P'ip*tnat'it',  Gut-e  wafikmau  mdwe 
P'tp'Mdt'owak.  Psukp^hdnatn  gwtece  dan  hotawdHsman  not'ek'dk.  Kne 
ph'dnam ph'aktdmo.  Ami-kseih't'art'a  nin  ph-ak'ek'wat-an  ne  t-ane 
t'awdk'wuk  ne  waace  kteP'anank  ne  t-awdk-wukntu  wicok  niswa  namedo 
awdne  nebiik.  K'oseeh't'at-a  wosak'k'amonman,  OnamidH  sok'wd- 
awak  wawM'han  wici  maat'ik. 

II,  Kne  andmatho  ne  wikwafimahk,  AupadH  nimdna  wawM'han 
ame  ten  naHampp-nan  nawdH  ne  nip-aakwendayerk,  Kne  paeondit'ita 
P'ip'mauwinnowdk.  Kne  awot'aflndnwan  nimand  k'adk'waemaa  naam- 
iet'ak'  ne  waHk-amak,  Kne  saHdHwa  waspowdk  nemanadk  wici  ne 
p-aakwenaaySrk,  Kne  awot'aflnawan  ph-dnman  pseek'dnc  k'iiwa  k'ce 
P'ot'a,  P' tit 'in  maawe  ningdano  ne  p'aak'wenaayirk,  Kne  saHahwd 
wdspo  andmatho  ne  paakwenaaySrk.  Kne  arame  outhdme  p'k'atindk 
erst'd  k'ise  waamahk  P'dawe.  Kne  ne  maftsdHt-aman  ne  p-ihwahdk, 
Kne  aan  nitaao  ne-ien-p'iciikwthin P'ikwah'k'woerk, 

III,  Mdace P'ic'ikwthiit'a  op'ot'awdH  cinwaaciik  wawtet-an  ani- 
n&omp'nan  nan  naawaH.  Kne  op 'ot'awdn pask'owdn  nemdnan  ou-wSenan 
aniwithit'  ouwanthdk  -amwok  wadeao  mah  'okwaawinjannak,  Kne  mdacino 
st'aHmiik'ao  mdawe  ciit'tni,  Kne  mdacino  nethwak  nemdnak  ne  nihafi- 
P'ak  bwak  ph  'dnam  maa  knamedflna,  Na  ph *dnam  adt  st-adtwahaHmaflk 
dyiwi,  Kne  owakp'eet'at' no  aut-ap'inno P'ek'wah'k'wok,  Kne pask-o 
mat' ok  awdau  oundt't'ookwun  nan  ph'dnman,  Kne  ou  erst'd  no  out'- 
ap'P'ewan,  Kne  anamithwak.  Kne  ciit'mih'ein  ph'dnam  dan  awaH- 
thith,     Erstd  gut*  c'iinwawe  kanet'Pek'ak. 

IV,  Kne kaawanp' at 'afipank'cikwtho ph'dnam.  Andmatho  wawief 
an  ararnS  kakh'ikammih'ak  ounae.  No  wici  k'eseam  saHpeetawaH  sek'- 
wiot'ke  nuuci  thafip'ein  nihafipao  at-anakaHtak  at'aHnakoma,  Kne  than- 
dftwa  out'dnwanaanayak,  AnS  maaceaflafimdHknowicawotp'ane.  Kne 
wdiawau  anamafinak'ammau  k'akse  naci  withhenbwa  dine-amowat-et' 
waac'tdm  mok'wamp'dk pafit'it'  thafiwamooce  wacii P'afU'it'  nokmamici 
anaik'ik'  sikwiafit- it  no  ph'dnman,  Kni-maacino  ph'dnmak  dap'okkaflk 
wac'ein  met'thondiit-it'  paeondiit-iit-a, 

V,  Kne  maawe  nok  mok'wamp'dk  kp'aothwdk  wek'wameek'bk  danwa 
ph'dnam  aflh'odho  wdceam  erstd  nameafimok,  Erstd  meek-ao  paeondo- 
wdk ;  kanwapaak  wdiyawau  out'aHna  mUt'thondiikw  thafhva  mat'thon- 


dowak.  Kne  wdiyawau  anet^aHafUa  kithpundowdk,  Kne  ni-ut'an  wa 
nemdnaa  ap^it.  Kne  ouk'tutcimonan ;  k'ak'wai  kHnin  ne  kmah'okwao' 
wenjanf  Kne  aut'afinan  haakwail  Amoskw  nathak'amok'tinn.  Kne 
ph'anman  ktafikcako  autanan :  kaHkna  waahiflyaH  ktaftnamokwin,  Kne 
kawamo  P'osko,  Kne  maawe  kt'aHkcawak  amusok'wanawaH,  Kne 
p^askawan  anao  imthk'enawan  mawe  amaama  wdyawau  ama  kmrndna- 
mak  mawe  kwana.  And  niya  nimdnamak  erstadm  geese-k'wanatuik. 
Awayethdk  art  okat't'am  maflwaH  nemdnama. 


I.  Once  on  a  time  some  young  men  went  hunting  in  the  winter  up 
river  on  the  Mohican  river  (Hudson  river).  That  was  where  they  always 
hunted.  One  day  all  were  hunting.  One  woman  alone  and  her  child 
were  in  the  camp.  Then  the  woman  was  hulling  com.  When  she  was 
washing  the  hulled  com  at  the  spring,  where  the  spring  comes  out  of  the 
mountain,  she  saw  some  persons  in  the  water.  She  was  washing  her  com 
when  she  saw  them  painted  and  she  knew  that  was  for  evil  (/.  e.,  a  bad 

II.  Then  she  went  to  where  they  (her  party)  were  camping.  She 
awaited  the  men  (for)  she  knew  that  they  were  to  be  attacked  that  very 
night.  Then  when  the  men  came,  then  she  told  the  men  what  she  had 
seen  that  day.  Then  they  prepared  —  the  men  did — for  that  night. 
Then  they  said  to  the  woman  :  ''  Do  your  best ;  do  you  go  away  and  try 
to  save  (yourself).  Perhaps  we  shall  all  be  killed  this  night."  Then, 
because  it  was  so  very  dark,  she  could  not  go  a  great  way.  Then  this 
(woman)  remembered  a  certain  hollow  log.  So  she  thought,  "I  will 
crawl  into  that  hollow  log.  * ' 

III.  After  she  was  within,  she  heard  them  fighting  (and)  she  knew 
that  they  were  attacked.  Then  she  heard  one  man  call  him  (her  hus- 
band) by  name  (and  say),  "  The  dog  has  bitten  my  thiunb."  Then  not 
long  afterward  all  became  quiet.  After  that  two  men  came  (and)  they 
said,  "  We  certainly  saw  a  woman.  That  woman  cannot  be  a  great  way 
off.'*  Then  they  said,  "Perhaps  she  is  inside  this  hollow  log."  One 
of  them  used  a  stick,  feeling  with  it  inside  for  the  woman.  Then  he 
said,  "She  is  not  inside."  So  they  went  away.  Then  the  woman  and 
her  child  lay  quite  still.  Not  once  did  she  make  a  sound  the  whole  night 

IV.  Then,  as  soon  as  the  dawn  came,  the  woman  crawled  out.  She 
went  where  she  knew  a  cross-cut.  For  this  reason  she  was  able  to  head 
off  the  murderers  (and)  she  got  to  her  home  and  people  before  they 

78  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

arrived.  Then  she  told  what  had  happened  to  her  people ;  that  all  were 
killed  who  had  gone  with  her.  Then  the  chief  sent  all  the  young  men 
around  to  notify  the  warriors  that  they  should  come  at  once.  Those  bad 
people  had  murdered  the  husband  of  that  woman.  Right  after  this,  the 
women  cooked  (food)  so  that  they  (the  murderers)  might  eat  when  they 

V.  Then  all  those  warriors  shut  themselves  up  in  the  wigwams  and  the 
woman  hid  herself,  so  that  they  could  not  see  her.  Not  long  afterward 
they  came  ;  when  they  arrived,  the  chief  said,  "  Eat  ye,**  and  they  ate. 
Then  the  chief  thought  that  they  had  eaten  enough.  So  he  went  to 
where  the  man  (murderer)  was  sitting.  Then  he  asked  him,  "What 
have  you  (what  is  the  matter)  with  your  thumb?**  And  he  said, 
"  What?  Why  a  beaver  bit  me.**  But  the  woman  sprang  out  and  said, 
*  *  You  liar,  my  husband  bit  you  !  *  *  Then  someone  uttered  the  war-whoop. 
Then  they  (the  hidden  warriors)  all  jumped  out  and  scalped  them.  Then 
(the  chief)  said  to  one  of  the  young  men,  "Go  tell  the  chief  (of  the 
murderer's  clan)  and  say,  'Come  bury  your  men.*  **  He  (the  chief) 
said  to  him,  "  My  men  I  cannot  bury.  The  wild  animals  have  eaten  my 
men  up.** 

Analysis  ' 

I.  GuT'E  '  once  *  =  Pass,  neqt '  one  *  (see  below,  §  I. ).  Withken- 
OWAK  *  young  men  *  =5  withke  *  young  *  ( Abn.  uski ;  Oj.  oshkt)  +  linno 
'man  *;  Munsee  withkeelno  (see  Prince,  P.  A.  Ph.  S.  xli,  27).  MAwe 
' all*  a  metathesis  for  Del.  wemi.  P-ip'MAT-owak  *  they  hunt  *;  cf.  Abn. 
piVtna  ' shoot  * ;  N.  pummau  '  shoot. '  Ponak  seems  to  mean  '  in  winter,* 
although  my  translator  gives  it  '  in  the  north  *;  cf,  Abn.  pebdn  *  winter.* 
K-OT'AWE  'up  there*  =  N.  kuhkuhqueau  'he  ascends.*  Ni  (dem.  pr.) 
'that*  B=  Abn.  ni  'that.*  Th^po  =s  Abn.  sipOy  a  common  Algonquian 
word.  Maik'ANET-uk  '  the  Mohican  river  *  or  'the  Hudson*;  cf.  ND. 
p.  315,  Mohicanniiuck  '  Hudson.*  Note  that  -t-uky  =  Abn.  -iukw  '  river.' 
Ait -AN  '  where  *  same  element  as  Abn.  tdni ;  N.  uttiyeu  '  where.'  GamAu 
'always*  =s  Del.^«^^»i««/i*  'always.*  P-ip-mat-it-  'they  hunt,*  relative 
form,  3d  pers.,  pi.     Gut-e  waSkmau  'one  day*;    Abn.  nguddog' niwi 

1  The  following  abbreviations  have  been  used :  Abn  =  Abenaki ;  the  material 
for  this  language  is  drawn  from  Prince,  Abenaki- English  Dictionary  (not  yet  pub. 
lished);  Del.  =  Delaware  ;  D.  Lex.  =  Brinton,  A  Len&pe- English  Dictionary,  Fhila., 
1889 ;  Narr.  =  Narragansett ;  Roger  Williams,  Key  into  the  Language  of  America ; 
N.=Natick;  ND.  =  J.  Trumbull,  Natick  Dictionary,  Washington,  1903  ;  P.  A.  Ph.  S. 
=  Proceedings  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society;  Pass  =  Passamaquoddy  (material 
from  Prince's  collections);  Peq.  =  Pequot,  discussed  at  length  by  Prince  and  Speck,  Am^ 
Anthrop.^  v,  pp.  193-212;  vi,  18-45,  and  Speck,  Am.  Anthrop,,  vii,  pp.  469-476. 


'one  day.*  Psuk  'one*=Abn.  pazego,  patekw  'one.*  Ph'Anam 
'  woman/  found  only  in  Abn.  fhanetn.  That  this  is  a  real  Mohican  word 
is  seen  in  De  Forest,  Indians  of  Connecticut^  ^pp*9  P*  49i»  where  the  form 
fghainoom  is  given.  It  is  probably  connected  by  metathesis  with  the 
stem  meaning  'split/  i.  e.,  vulvcy  seen  in  Del.  ochqeuy  Pass,  and  Micmac 
ipity  Oj.  ikwcy  and  also  with  Narr.  and  Pequot  squaw  «>  ^  -4-  qua.  I 
think  p-h*  in  ph'dnam  is  a  metathesis  of  k{p')'W{h')  in  the  words  just 
cited.  GwfeECE  'alone/  probably  cognitive  with  N.  wukse  'alone* 
(ND.  p.  270).  Is  the  gw-  the  same  element  as  in  gut-c  '  one  *  ?  Dan 
'and*  t=  Abn.  ta.  HoxAw'AfJsMAN  'her  child.*  I  think  Estes  wrote 
hot'  for  wot-y  i.  e.,  the  w-  of  the  3d  pers.  prefix  +  the  intercalated  /  be- 
fore a  vowel ;  cf.  Abn.  wd-awdssisma.  The  »»-element  is  the  possessive 
suffix  and  the  final  -n  is  probably  the  obviative  ending  as  Pass.  •/,  -a  in  Abn. 
Not-ek-Ar  seems  to  mean  '  alone  *;  cf.  Abn.  nodega^  and  not  '  in  camp  * 
(so  Estes).  It  is  perhaps  a  redundancy  for  gwSece,  Kne  'then *  must 
contain  the  element  k-  =  Abn.  ga  +  «/,  i.  e.,  Abn.  ni-ga  *  then  *  (ga-ni). 
Ph'AKtAmo  'she  hulls  com*  is  probably  cogn.  with  N.  wuh-hogkom- 
minecuh  '  corn-husks.  *  ARNfe  =s  the  relative  '  when.  *  There  is  probably 
no  r  in  this  dialect  (?)*  I  think  this  is  Abn.  aii  =  am.  See  s.  v. 
ARARNEy  §  II.  Perhaps  this  is  the  same  element  as  Abn.  t-dni  '  when  *  ? 
KsEiH'T'ARTA  ' she  washing*  »  D.  geschiechton  'to  wash*  and  Abn. 
katebcLaWmuk  'one  washes.*  The  -r-  is  superfluous  here  =»  -ata^  i.  e., 
the  ending  of  3d  pers.  overhanging  -iz,  seen  in  Abn.  piVrnddid-a  '  when 
they  shoot.*  Nin  is  the  inanimate  pi.  of  ni  '  that/  and  agrees  with  the 
following  word.  Ph-ak-ek-wat-an  'husks  of  com/  with  inanimate  pi. 
-an;  cf.  Pass.  -«/.  Ne  t-ane  is  simply  Abn.  ni  dali  'there*  (lit.  'at 
that*);  1^=-  n  zs\u  the  inan.  pi.  T'awakwuk  contains  the  element 
seen  in  N.  tohkekom  'running  water.*  This  is  a  cogn.  of  the  stem  of 
Abn.  tego  'wave*  and  -tukw  'river.*  See  above  Maikanet-uk,  §  I. 
Waac'E-ktep'ANank  '  it  emerges.*  Waace  is  simply  Abn.  wajiy  uji  ' out 
of*  and  ktep-anank  =  D.  ktschin  *  go  out  *;  cf.  Prince  P.  A.  Ph.  S.,  xli, 
p.  33.     Niu,  lit.  ni  *  that  *   and  u  '  this  *  is  a  strong  dem.  pronoun. 

1  In  Abenaki  the  consonants  are  pronounced  as  in  English  and  the  vowels  as  in 
Italian,  except  d^  which  is  the  French  nasal  -on.  In  Delaware,  Brinton  has  followed  the 
German  system  of  phonetics.  In  Narragansett  and  Natick,  Williams  and  Trumbull  have 
used  the  English  system  of  spelling.  In  Passamaquoddy  and  Pequot  the  consonants  and 
▼owels  are  to  be  pronounced  as  in  Abenaki. 

The  existence  of  r  in  modem  eastern  Algonquian  is  very  doubtful.  Mr  Speck  found 
a  pure  initial  r  in  his  broken  Connecticut  dialect  of  the  Stockbridge  Mohican  in  the  word 
rtUig  *  crushed  com.'  This,  however,  is  an  evident  archaism  and  not  to  be  taken  as  a 
correct  specimen  of  spoken  Mohican  (see  Proc.  Am.  Philos.  Soc.,  XLii,  p.  350.). 


8o  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

Wicx>K,  locative  of  wico  *  mountain '  a  Abn.  wq/o,  a  common  Algon- 
quian  word.  Niswa  *  then  *  =  Abn.  m'-sawa,  a  usual  resumptive  '  then 
indeed.*  Nameao  *  she  sees '  =  Abn.  w^namid,  Pass.  w*nsmia  '  he  (she) 
sees.'  AwAne  should  be  awanen  with  obviative  ending  -«.  Cf.  D. 
auwen^  Abn.  awani  'someone.'  NebiIr  *in  the  water*  =  Abn.  n^btk, 
K-ASEEH-T-AT'A  '  while  Washing ' ;  *  while  *  is  expressed  by  overhanging  -a. 
See  above  kseth't-art-a,  Wosak-k-amonman  'her  com'  =  Abn.  ska- 
mdnal ;  OA.  skam&n  '  com '  and  N.  mesunkquammineash  '  husks. '  The 
ending  -an  is  inan.  pi.  OnamiAR  'she  sees  it'  or  'them,'  with  definite 
ending  -aH,  cf.  Abn.  vfndmid  'he  sees  him.'  .  Sok-wAawak  'them 
painted';  cf.  Narr.  wumckwhbmtnen  'he  paints  it.'  Waw^et-han  'she 
knows  it';  cf.  Abn.  uwawawindwd  'they  know  him.'  Wicfe  'for' 
=  Abn.  wajiy  Pass,  weji  'for.'  MAAT-feK  =  Abn.  tnajiy  N.  matche^  D. 
machtit '  bad,  ill,  evil. ' 

II.  AnAmatho  'she  went'  =  D.  allumsin  'he  goes  away,'  with  th 
for  s.  WiKWAfiMASK  '  the  place  of  abode,'  from  root  wik,  Cf.  Abn.  wig- 
wdm  '  dwelling,'  and  see  below,  §  V.  AupaAS  '  she  awaits '  =  D.  pehowen 
'  wait. '  NiM Ana  '  men  ' ;  the  old  Mohican  word  for  '  man '  was  nema- 
naoo ;  cf.  De  Forest,  op,  cit.^  p.  491.  ArnI:-ien  seems  to  be  ante  +  the 
suffix -/>«.  Na!}amp*p*nan  I  cannot  explain.  NAwAS=sAbn.  ;ia«/a 'then.* 
NiP-AAKWENAAVfeRK  '  that  Same  night  *  =  Abn.  nibdiwi;  D.  nipahwi  'in 
the  night.*  Paeonditit-a  '  when  they  came  *  ('when  they '  =  iHt-a)  ; 
cf.  D.  paan^  Abn.  paid  ' come.'  Awot-afindnwan  '  she  told  them '  prob- 
ably contains  stem  of  aan  (see  below)  with  intercalated  dental.  K'ad- 
k'wae  '  what  *  =s  Abn.  kagui,  Pass,  kekw^  Del.  kolku.  Note  the  metathe- 
sis in  N.  teagua  'what.'  Maa  NAMfeET'AT-  'what  she  had  seen.'  This 
maa  may  be  the  sign  of  the  past,  seen  in  N.  mahche  '  already '  (cf.  also 
Prince,  Pequot  glossary,  Am.  Anthrop.,  vi,  36).  NAMfeEX-AT-  is  the  in- 
animate form  in  -/•/  cf.  Abn.  namito  '  he  sees  it '  (inan.).  WaSk-amak* 
'  on  that  day '  must  show  the  same  element  seen  in  Abn.  tuisdg-ivnakkiwik 
'three  days.'  SASAfJwA  'they'  has  the  same  element  as  in  Abn.  sa- 
ndba  '  man.'  WaspowAk  '  they  prepare '  I  cannot  identify.  Pseek-Anc 
' everything '  =  Del.  tsigantschi  'all.'  K-iiwA=ayou  Abn.  kiya  (?). 
K'CE  p-OT*A  I  cannot  identify.  P-iit-in  '  perhaps  *  =  Del.  ////  D.  Lex. 
117,  15.  See  below  on  peet-a-t^  §  III.  Has  this  any  connection  with 
the  Yitnoh  peui-itre ?  NingAano  'we  shall  be  killed';  Del.  nihillan^ 
Abn.  nihlo,  I  am  not  certain  of  this.  Ararne  '  because '  perhaps  s 
a-a-neiy).  See  above  on  arn£.  OuthAme  'so  very*  =  Abn.  uzdmi 
'too  much';  Del.  wsamiechen  '  to  have  too  much.'  P-k-aSnAk  'it  is 
dark'  =  Del.  pakenum,  D.  Lex.  105,  10.     ErstA  'not,'  see  below  on 


staHy  staty  §  III.  Same  element  as  Abn.  anday  Del.  attdy  N.  maty  Pequot 
mud  'not.'  K-ise  'she  was  able';  cf.  Abn.  kizi  'can.'  WaanmaSk 
'go';  perhapss  Del.  aan  'go.'  P-Aawe  'far,'  perhaps  for pa//iwi with 
elision  of  /,  so  often  seen  in  Pequot.  MaSsASt-aman  '  she  remembers '  = 
Del.  meschatametiy  D.  Lex.  82,  3.  P-ik-wahak  'hollow  log*==Del. 
puchtschessu  '  it  is  hollow ';  N.  pukqui  '  there  is  a  hole ';  Abn.  piguagen 
'it  is  hollow  within.'  Note  in  the  next  sentence  the  form  P-ikwah-- 
k-woer-k;  -erk^si-ak  in  Abn.  -akuam  'tree.*  Aan  seems  to  mean 
'  she  said,'  probably  cogn.  with  Munsee  owhy  Prince,  op,  «/.,  p.  30.  Cf. 
Oj.  iwa  '  he  says.'  N^taao  '  I  think '  =  Del.  ntite  '  I  think  *;  wditehen 
'he  thinks,'  D.  Lex.  153,  12.  Ne-ien-p-ic-iikwthin  'I  will  enter  in.* 
The  element  ien  here  is  probably  Del.  aan  *  to  go '  -f  pusihu  '  enter  any- 
thing,' especially  a  canoe;  D.  Lex.  120,  20;  cf  next  sentence /-/V'/V- 
kwihiit'a  '  when  she  had  entered. ' 

III.  Maac'E  '  afterward'  =s  N.  «^  mahchcy  ND.  219  b.  Ma  is  same 
particle  seen  in  Oj. pa-ma  ' afterward.'  See  below  maacino.  Op'OT-a- 
wAfJ  '  she  heard  them  '  (^waH).  Cf.  Del.  pendamen  '  hear  * ;  Abn.  poda- 
wazimuk  'one  takes  council.'  Cinwaac-iik  *  them  (ik)  fighting.'  I  can- 
not locate  this  stem.  WAwfeEX-AN ;  note  different  writing  here  for 
wAwfeET -HAN  above,  §11.  Aninx^omp-nan  nannaawan  '  that  they  were 
being  attacked.'  I  cannot  explain  this  form.  See  above  s,v,  naI^amp-- 
p-NAN,  §11.  Pask-owAn,  see  above  s.v.  psuk,  §I.  Ou-w^enan  'he 
names  him,'  from  root  wee  =  Abn.  kdeli-wi-zi  '  you  are  named '  ;  also 
Del.  wliwunsawagan  '  name.'  Aniwithit-  '  his  name  '  a  participial  form 
in  -/'/•  =s  3d  p.  The  -w-  element  here  =  Abn.  //  in  liwizowogan  '  name. ' 
OuwanthAk-amwok  '  he  bites  me.*  I  connect  the  root  thak  with  ND. 
226  b,  sogkepuan  'he  bites.'  Cf.  Oj.  nin-takwange  *  I  bite,'  Abn.  sag- 
amdmuk  *  bite,  *  with  s  for  th  as  usual.  Wadeao  *  the  dog  '  shows  same 
root  as  in  Abn.  wdamis  '  his  dog  *  ;  Pass,  ndemis  '  my  dog '  ;  Old  Peq. 
nahteauy  see  Prince,  Peq.  Glossary,  p.  36  ;  nutteah,  Mah-okwaowinjan- 
NAK  '  the  thumb  '  contains  root  seen  in  ND.  ^^^  kehieguanutch  *  thumb,' 
i.  e.  kehie  'big*  4  uhquae  'finger.*  The  Del.  word  was  kitthukquewul- 
inschawotty  D.  Lex.  55,  i.  The  root  inj  'finger'  appears  in  Oj.  onind- 
jima  'his  finger.*  Maac-ino,  see  above  on  mAace.  StaSmiik-ao  'not 
long.*  This  is  clearly  erstd  (see  above,  §  II.)  +  miik-ao  '  long '  =  Del. 
miqui  'far  off.'  See  below  on  staAi-wahaSmaSk,  §  III.  The  Abn. 
kweni  'long'  is  the  same  stem  as  in  miikao,  C-iit-mi  'silent'  =  N. 
chequnnappu  'he  is  silent,'  ND.  322a.  Cf.  ciit-mihein,  §III.  D.  Lex. 
146,  22  gives  ischitquihillen  *  he  is  silent.'  Cf.  Abn.  chigabi  '  be  silent.' 
Nethwak  '  two,'  pi.  =  Del.  nischay  Abn.  nizwak,     Niha5Jp-ak  *  they 

AM.  AICTH-,  N.  S.,  7—6 

82  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

approach*  contains  the  element  oi paeon  'to  come.'  See  above  on 
paeonditita^  §  II.  O'wak  '  they  say/  pi.  of  element  awh  seen  in  Munsee. 
See  Prince,  P.  A.  Ph.  Soc,  xli,  p.  30,  andcf.  above  on  awota!Jnanwan, 
§  II.  Ph-anam  maa  knameA!^na.  This  maa  is  probably  the  sign  of  the 
past  (see  above,  §11.).  KnameAJ^na  'we  (inclusive)  have  seen  her.* 
AAt  probably= '  they  say '  participle  of  aan ;  see  above  awota!JnAnwan, 
§  II.  St-aatwahaSmank  ayiwi  '  she  is  not  far  off.*  Staat  is  negative, 
see  above  on  st'aSmiik-ao,  §III;  wahaHmaHk  ^  jyt\.  wahelltmaty  D, 
Lex.  150,  15  *  it  is  a  great  distance '  ;  dyiwi  is  the  neg.  of  the  verb  '  to 
be* ;  Abn.  anda  aowi  'he  is  not.'  Peet'AT*  'perhaps*  may  be  con- 
nected with ///,  see  above,  §  II.  s.  v.  piit-in,  but  it  looks  suspiciously  like 
the  French  peutitre  used  as  a  loanword  ?  No  is  the  demonstrative  that 
one ;  cf.  ni  '  that  *  and  nok,  §  IV.,  outapin  '  she  is  lying  *  or  '  sitting,* 
from  root  df/=B  Abn.  ab  in  wdabin  'he  (she)  is  lying*  or  'sitting.* 
P-ek-wah'K-w6k  'in  the  hollow  log,*  loc.  of  p-ekw-ahAk,  see  above,  §  II. 
Mat* 6k  'stick* ;  cogn.  archaic  form  is  tachauy  D.  Lex.  135,  8  '  piece  of 
wood.*  AwAau  means  lit.  'he  uses,*  cogn.  of  D.  Lex.  24,  13  auweken 
'he  uses* ;  cf.  Abn.  awaka  'he  works.*  Ounattookkwun  'he  feels 
inside  with  it  *  probably  cogn.  with  D.  Lex.  92,  5  natianamen  *  he  seeks 
someone.'  Nan  p-hAnman.  Note  the  obviative -« in  both  words.  Out-- 
AP-p-EWAN '  she  is  not  there  *  from  root  ap  (see  above  outapin ^  §  III),  with 
neg.  ending  -wan  \  cf.  in  Ayiwi,  §  III.  Anamithwak  '  they  went 
away  *  see  above  §  II.  on  anAmatho.  Note  difference  of  spelling. 
C'liT-MiH-EiN  'she  was  silent*;  a  participial  form.  See  above  on 
c-iiT-Mi,  §  II,  AwAfiTHiTH,  sceabovc,  §  I.,  on  HOTAWAfJsMAN.  I  cannot 
imderstand  why  the  sibilant  should  be  lisped  in  this  form  and  not  in 
the  first  instance.  Cf.  keseam,  §IV.,  and  kithpundowak,  §  V.  The 
Abn.  word  is  awdssis  '  child.*  Gut-,  see  above  on  Gute,  §  I.  Ciin- 
WAWE  '  he  did  not  make  a  sound.*  Probably  the  same  root  as  in  c-iitmi, 
§111.  Kanet-pekak  'all  night'  For  tp'ek-ak,  cf.  Abn.  illitebakak 
'  at  night.*  Kane  here  is  simply  Abn.  kweni '  long,  during  *  ;  thus,  Abn. 
kwenitebakak  '  all  night.  * 

IV.  Kaawan  '  as  soon  as  *  is  probably  a  metathesis  for  kwenan  =  N. 
quenan  '  as  long  as,*  ND.32Sa.  P-at-aSpan  '  daybreak '  =  DqI.  petapan, 
D.  Lex.  114,4.  K-cikwtho  'she  comes  out;'  Cogn.  with  Del.  kut- 
schin  'come  out  of  a  house,*  D.  Lex.  59,5.  Kakh-ikammihak  ounae 
'  a  cross-road.*  I  cannot  identify  the  first  element ;  evidently  from  some 
root  'to  cross  over,*  but  ounae  is  good  Delaware.  Cf.  D.  Lex.  21,3 
a/^ 'road.'  K-eseam  she  could  =  Abn.  kizi-  'can.*  SaSpeetawaS 
'  she  heads  them  off.  *     The  element  safl-  is  probably  the  same  as  in  sack- 


gaguntin  '  to  lead/  D.  Lex.  p.  123  ;  Abn.  sa-osa  *  he  goes  forth.*  Does 
the  element  /^^/=Del.  pet-on  'bring'  D.  Lex.  114,20,  also  seen  in 
petschi  '  until  *  114,21  ?  Sek*wiot*ke  '  murderers.*  I  cannot  explain  this 
word  unless  it  is  connected  with  Del.  saquay  sakqua  'troublous/  D. 
Lex.  123.  Nuua  '  first  *  s=i  D.  Lex.  102,10  nutscht  '  at  first,*  '  in  the  be- 
ginning/ Thanp'EIN  '  she  came  out,  arrived  *  ;  same  root  as  sa-  in  Abn. 
saosa  '  he  goes  forth  *  andpatd  *  come.  *  NiHAShPAO,  cf.  nihaSpak  above 
§  IIL  At'ANAKaI^tak  and  at-aHnakoma^  both  cogn.  with  Del.  Lex. 
31,27  el-angomat  'a  member  of  the  family*  and  langoma  60,18  'rela- 
tion/ ThaSJA5Jwa  seems  to  mean  '  what  had  happened  ?  *  Out-Anwan 
'she  relates* ;  cf.  below  §  V.  Out -an  an  'she  told  them.*  A  ana  yak 
seems  to  mean  '  the  people  *  and  is  the  same  word  as  anaik-ik*,  §  IV. 
Af^Af^MANR  '  they  (are)  killed  * ;  perhaps  cogn.  with  -nalen  in  Del. 
gachtO'fialen  '  he  seeks  {gachto)  to  kill,  *  D.  Lex.  96, 12?  This  is  prob- 
ably the  same  element  seen  in  Del.  mhilia'tiy  Abn.  nihldn  '  kill.*  Wica- 
woTP'ANE  '  those  who  went  with  her  *  sss  Abn.  wijawi  '  come  with  me ;  * 
D.  Lex.  164,5  witschawan  'go  along  with.'  WAiawau  '  chief*  is  a  good 
Delaware  word ;  cf.  D.  Lex.  167,  9  wojawwe,  or  Anthony's  form  wej- 
jaweu  'chief.'  Anama!Jnak-ammau  'he  sends';  perhaps  =  Del.  Lex. 
17,  XX  allogalen  'send  someone,'  cf.  N.  D.  annunau  p.  319a  {dHna^s 
allof),  K'AKSE  NACi  'all  around.*  Kakse  perhaps  =  Abn.  kakaswi 
'rather,  more'  and  naci  maybe  cogn.  with  ND.77b  nashawe  'in  be- 
tween,* '  in  the  midst  *  ?  Aine-amowat-et-  '  that '  (^dine  =  Abn.  ait) ; 
amowatet  'they  should  tell,'  3d  per.  pi.  Waac-iAm  =  Abn.  ivaji  'in 
order  to ' ;  cf  Wacii  below,  §  IV.,  and  wice^  §  I.  Mokwampak  '  war- 
riors,' probably  cogn.  with  D.  Lex.  69,  8  machtageoagan  '  war.'  PaSt-it* 
*that  they  should  come '=  Abn.  paiodit ;  note  the  sing,  for  the  pi. 
ThaSwa-mooce  '  immediately '  contains  the  element  schawi  *  dX  once,' 
Del.  Lex.  127,  12.  Wac-ii,  cf.  above  on  waciam,  §  IV.  Nok  pi.  of 
no  '  those.'  Mamici,  reduplicated  form  =  Abn.  maji,  Del.  Lex.  70,  10— 
n  machtity  Peq.  mudjee  'bad.*  Anaik.ik-  'people,'  cf  above  on  Aan- 
ayak,  §  IV.  SikwiaSJt-it*  'those  who  murdered  her  husband/  same 
element  as  in  tek-wiot-ke  above,  §  IV.  DapokkASk  *  they  cook '  must 
be  distantly  connected  with  ND.  273  appuan^  apwan  'he  bakes.' 
Wac'EIN  '  so  that ' ;  ct.  wacidm,  wacii  above,  §  IV.  MEX-THONDiiT'iT- 
'  that  they  may  eat '  =  D.  Lex.  mizin  ;  Abn.  mitsi '  eat,'  a  common  Algon- 
quian  stem. 

V.  Kp-aothwAk  'they  shut  themselves  up'  =  D.  Lex.  45,  i8  gop- 
hammen  'shut,  close';  Abn.  kbaha ;  D.  Lex.  56,  8  kpahhi  'shut  (the 
door).'     Wek-wameek'OK  *in  the  houses';  Abn.  wigwom-ikok.     Note 

84  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

the  pi.  locative  -ikok.  Dan-wa  'and*  ^=^dan  (§1)  +  the  asseverative 
element  -wa.  AfJH-oAfJo  'she  covers  herself*;  cf.  ND.  238b  onkhutn 
'he  hides';  WaceAm  erstA  namea!Jmok  'so  that  they  shall  not  see 
her*=s  Abn.  waji  anda  namiawak,  ErstA  meekao  'not  long*;  cf. 
above  on  sta!Jmiikao,  §  III.  Paeondowak  '  they  came  *  =  Abn.  pat- 
dwak,  Kanwa  '  when  *  =  Abn.  kanowa  '  but.*  Paak  '  they  came  *  = 
paiaky  aorist  form.  MfeETTHONDiiKW  '  that  you  should  eat  *;  2d  pers.  pi. 
participle  from  same  root  as  Del.  mizin.  Mat-thondowak  '  they  ate  * 
from  same  stem.  Anet-aSaSta  '  he  thought  *  =»  Abn.  nde-laldam  '  I 
think  *;  ND.  333a  anantam  '  he  thinks.*  Kithpundowak  '  that  they  had 
eaten  enough  *;  kith  =  Abn.  kizi  sign  of  the  past  +  root  pun-puin  D. 
Lex.  156.  Note  the  lisped  sibilant  in  kith  in  contrast  with  keseam  above 
=  kiziy  §  IV.  The  stem  pun^  puin  is  cogn.  with  Abn.  pol-didit  '  they 
eat.*  Ni  UTAN  '  that  one  («/)  went,*  from  D.  Lex.  9,  2  aan  '  go.*  Wa 
nemAnaa  those  men  ;  note  the  obviative.  A -pit  '  who  sits  *  =  Abn.  abit. 
OuK-wiciMONAN  'he  asks  him*;  cogn.  ND.  222a  wehquetum  'he  asks 
it*;  Abn.  wikomomuk  'he  seeks  it.'  Kaak-wae  'what?'  See  above, 
§11.  Ktinin  'you  have *  =  Pass,  ktiyin  'you  have.*  Kmah-okwao- 
WENJAN  'your  (/^*)  thumb*;  see  above,  §111,  on  mah'okwaowinjannak, 
Amoskw  '  beaver  *  =  D.  Lex.  58,  16  amochk,  Nathak- amok -win  'he 
bit  me  *;  cf.  above  s,  v.  wanthak-amwok,  §  III.  Note  the  3d  pers.  suf- 
fix 'kwin,  KtaSkcako  '  she  jumps  out  *  =  D.  Lex.  60,  7,  laktschellen 
'jump  over.'  See  below  ktaSkcakwak.  ND.  286,  queJishau  'he 
jumps '  and  Abn.  ujanC gwigidahen  '  he  jumps  over  *  are  cognates.  All 
these  contain  the  root  tsch  «=  kc,  KaSkna  '  thou  liest  *  =  D.  Lex.  10, 
14  achgalunen  'to  lie*;  37,  i,  gakelunenhen  'to  make  a  liar.'  I  find 
in  this  word  the  explanation  of  the  Pequot  taiond-uksku  'lie,'  which  I 
could  not  identify  in  Am.  Anthrop.,  v,  205.  WahiSyaS  '  my  husband '; 
probably  cogn.  with  D.  Lex.  158,  6  wiu*u  'he  copulates.'  KtaSnamo- 
KWiN  'he  bites  you*  (/^').  See  above  wanthak-amwok ^  §111.  Ka- 
WAMO  'he  warwhoops*  =  D.  Lex.  16,  21,  kowano ;  Abn.  kwa^kwadmo, 
Amusok-wanawaS  '  they  scalped  them  *  =  D.  Lex.  74,  6,  manoquen  '  to 
scalp*;  Abn.  w^masokwdmo  'he  scalps  him.*  Mawe  'go  and  tell*  = 
D.  Lex.  75B  mauwi  'go.*  Kwana  ' bury *  =  Abn.  pos-kenomuk  'one 
buries.'  Niva  'him*  seems  to  be  the  obviative  form  of  nekama  'him,' 
'he.*  Ersta-Am  geese-k-wanawik  'not  can  I  bury  them.*  Note  the 
neg.  'W-  in  the  verb-form.  AwayethAk  '  wild  animals  *  =  Abn. 
awasis  ' animal.*  Art  =  aat '  he  says.*  O-kat-t-a-maSwaS  '  they  eat 
them  *  =  Heckewelder  mohoan  'eat*  ND.  250b;  also  Abn.  mohomuk 
'  one  eats.*  The  element  kat-t-a  is  the  same  that  is  seen  in  Abn.  w'gata- 
hamowon  'he  cuts  off  (his  ear)*. 




Comparatively  little  is  known  of  the  indigenous  art  products  of 
the  New  England  Indians,  especially  of  such  perishable  objects  as 
garments  and  textile  fabrics.  In  general  the  arts  of  these  Indians 
resembled  those  of  other  eastern  Algonquians,  although  little  re- 
mains of  the  native  culture  of  any  of  these  tribes  by  which  to  judge 
their  earlier  and  superior  work.  The  bark  and  mat  wigpvams,  bul- 
rush and  flag  matting,  bark  receptacles,  and  a  few  other  objects 
still  made  by  the  remoter  Ojibwa  are  similar  to  those  known  to 
have  been  common  in  New  England.  The  snowshoe  and  bark 
canoe  of  the  Abnaki  of  Maine  are,  however,  practically  the  only 
modem  native  artifacts  of  the  New  England  Indians  which  remain 

For  several  generations  the  textile  productions  of  the  New  Eng- 
land tribes  have  been  limited  almost  exclusively  to  splint  basketry, 
the  manufacture  and  sale  of  which  form  the  principal  means  of 
subsistence  of  many  families.  It  may  be  assumed  that  modem 
examples  of  this  work  bear  but  slight  resemblance  to  the  earlier 
forms.  The  distribution  of  splint  basketry  at  present  among  the 
Iroquois  and  widely  separated  Algonquian  peoples  seems  to  indi- 
cate a  survival  of  this  type  from  prehistoric  times.  It  is  the  one 
style  of  Indian  basketry  which  would  be  the  most  serviceable  to  the 
early  colonists,  and  its  demand  by  settlers  would  naturally  stimu- 
late its  production  and  tend  to  modify  the  native  forms.  Still  I  find 
no  mention  of  splint  baskets  by  the  earlier  explorers  and  settlers 
of  New  England,  although  eight  other  varieties  are  noted,  which 
seem  to  show  that  it  was  certainly  not  the  prevailing  type  during 
the  first  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  earliest  authentic 
examples  known  to  the  writer  belong  to  the  first  third  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  and  are  the  work  of  the  Scatacooks  of  Connecticut. 


86  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

These  have  been  described  and  figured  by  the  Rev.  W.  C.  Curtis 
in  the  Southern  Workman  for  1904,  and  may  be  classified  as  follows : 
I.  Handlelcss  baskets  with  square  or  oblong  base  and  rim  more 
or  less  rounded,  the  height  being  usually  much  less  than  the  diam- 
eter. These  were  commonly  used  as  work-baskets  by  our  grand- 
mothers.    This  type  may  be  indigenous. 

Fig.  I.  —  Carrying  basket  of  hickory  spliots.     Maihpee  Indians,  BarnsUble  county, 
Massacbusetti.     (One-sixth  natural  size.) 

2.  Baskets  similar  to  the  preceding  type,  but,  unlike  them,  being 
supplied  with  a  handle.  These  are  much  like  the  ordinary  splint 
hand-basket  of  commerce. 

3.  Baskets  with  a  square  base  and  circular  upper  portion,  the 
diameter  being  about  equal  to  the  height.  They  are  furnished  with 
a  snug -fitting  cover,  and  were  used  by  our  colonial  ancestors  princi- 
pally as  storage  baskets  for  small  objects,  such  as  yarn,  colored 
worsteds,  etc.  Similar  baskets  may  still  occasionally  be  found  in 
the  attics  of  the  older  New  England  famiUes. 


It  seems  probable  that  these  types,  with  the  possible  exception 
of  the  first,  were  made  more  expressly  for  the  needs  of  civilized 
housekeepers,  but  it  is  difficult  to  determine  just  how  much  both 
form  and  method  of  construction  are  due  to  the  exigencies  of  two 
centuries  of  trade.  The  more  common  modem  examples  of  New 
England  splint  basketry  of  Indian  make  have  probably  lost  all 
resemblance  to  primitive  forms  and  need  not  be  discussed  here. 
Most  of  the  splints  from  which  they  are  constructed  are  machine- 
made  and  supplied  by  wholesale. 

There  are  two  baskets  in  the  Peabody  Museum  of  Harvard 
University  (one  being  shown  in  figure  i)  which  may  be  regarded  as 
purely  aboriginal.  They  are  the  work  of  the  Mashpee  Indians  of 
Barnstable  county,  Massachusetts.  A  few  of  the  primitive  customs 
of  this  tribe  were  retained  until  a  comparatively  late  period,  sedge- 
covered  wigpvams  being  constructed  as  late  as  1802.  Both  of  these 
pack-baskets  are  made  of  hickory  splints  woven  in  a  simple  checker 
pattern.  There  are  four  series  of  warp  splints,  the  first  series  being 
long  enough  to  cross  and  radiate  from  the  center  of  the  bottom  of 
the  basket  and  to  reach  the  rim  on  each  side.  The  second,  third, 
and  fourth  series  are  less  than  half  the  length  of  the  first  and  are 
added  at  the  bottom  only,  at  intervals  of  about  two  inches,  so  as  to 
fill  the  interstices  between  the  radiating  splints,  one  end  of  each 
splint  of  the  last  three  series  being  cut  wedge-shape  so  as  to  fit 

The  foundation  of  the  rim  consists  of  three  hoops.  Each  alter- 
nate warp  splint  is  cut  off  flush,  while  the  ends  of  the  others  are 
bent  over  the  middle  hoop  and  pushed  under  the  upper  two  or  three 
rows  of  the  woof.  Within  and  without  this  middle  hoop  are  the  two 
other  hoops,  the  whole  being  bound  securely  together  by  a  splint 
wrapping.  Two  splint  rings  are  attached  on  opposite  sides  at  the 
rim,  and  two  others  are  placed  in  corresponding  position  near  the 
bottom  for  the  carrying  strap  which  is  also  woven  of  hickory  splints. 
The  ends  of  the  strap  pass  through  the  loops  and  are  tied  beneath 
the  basket.  De  Bry  figures  a  Virginia  Indian  carrying  upon  his  back, 
by  means  of  a  carrying  strap,  a  basket  of  this  form  filled  with  fish. 

The  process  of  preparing  splints  in  the  earlier  days  was  as  fol- 
lows :  Small  hickory,  ash,  or  elm  trees,  a  few  inches  in  diameter. 

88  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

were  cut  in  the  spring.  The  logs  were  sometimes  soaked  in  water, 
although  this  was  not  always  necessary.  They  were  then  peeled 
and  beaten  with  wooden  mauls  until  the  annual  growth  layers  were 
separated  one  from  another.  These  were  split  into  various  widths 
and  assorted,  strips  of  uniform  sizes  being  bound  together  in  bunches 
or  coils. 

Of  the  many  varieties  of  baskets,  bags,  and  other  textiles  made 
by  the  New  England  Indians  during  the  seventeenth  century  almost 
nothing  remains.  A  critical  study  of  the  records  of  the  early 
writers  and  of  the  modem  basketry  of  various  American  stocks  will 
however  give  us  an  approximate  idea  of  the  types  of  that  period. 

Brereton  ^  in  1 602  saw,  at  Buzzards  Bay,  baskets  made  of  twigs 
not  unlike  the  English  osier.  When  the  Pilgrims  *  landed  at  Cape 
Cod  they  opened  an  Indian  cache  and  found  therein  a  storage  bas- 
ket holding  three  or  four  bushels  of  shelled  com.  It  was  round, 
with  a  narrow  opening  at  the  top,  and  was  ''  handsomely  and  cun- 
ningly made."  In  form  it  apparently  resembled  the  storage  basket 
of  several  modern  tribes,  notably  the  Pima.  In  one  of  the  mat-cov- 
ered lodges  they  found  "baskets  of  sundry  sorts,  bigger  and  some 
lesser,  finer  and  some  coarser ;  some  were  cunningly  wrought  with 
black  and  white  in  pretty  works."  When  Captain  Underbill* 
retumed  from  his  memorable  expedition  against  the  Pequot  Indians, 
he  brought  several  "delightful"  baskets.  Gookin*  refers  to 
basket  sieves  for  sifting  commeal.  According  to  this  writer,  rushes, 
bents  (coarse  grass),  maize  husks,  silk  grass,  and  wild  hemp  were 
used  for  baskets  and  bags,  some  of  which  were  very  neatly  made 
and  omamented  with  '.designs  of  birds,  beasts,  fishes,  and  flowers. 
To  this  list  Josselyn  *  adds  sparke  and  the  bast  of  the  lime  tree,  in 
their  natural  colors  or  dyed  black,  blue,  red,  and  yellow.  Wood  * 
writes  :  "In  the  summer  the  Indians  gather  hemp  and  rushes  and 
material  for  dyes  with  which  they  make  curious  baskets  with  inter- 
mixed colors  and  portraitures  of  antique  Imagerie."     Some  of  the 

>  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  Third  series,  viii,  p.  88. 

•  Journal  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth,  Cheevcr's  reprint,  pp.  34,  39. 

•  Capt,  VnderhilPs  Narrative,  Orr*s  reprint  in  History  of  Pequot  War,  p.  55. 
^  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  First  series,  I,  pp.  150,  151. 

•  Two  Voyages  to  Ne7v  England,  Veazic  reprint. 

•i\>a»  England* s  Prospect,  Prince  Society's  reprint,  pp.  109,  no. 


bags  or  sacks  woven  of  Indian  hemp  would  hold  five  or  six  bush- 
els.* According  to  Champlain,*  large  bags  woven  of  grass  were 
used  for  storing  corn.  It  is  probable  that  some  of  the  maize-husk 
baskets  noted  by  Gookin  were  woven  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
baskets  of  this  material  still  occasionally  made  by  the  Iroquois  In- 
dians for  their  own  use.  A  low,  broad,  bottle-shaped  receptacle  is 
a  frequent  form,  the  neck  being  supplied  with  a  corn-cob  stopper. 
Another  variety  is  pan -shaped  with  nearly  perpendicular  sides.  Both 
styles  are  in  twined  weaving,  for  which  the  pliable  husks  are  espe- 
cially adapted. 

Rushes,  bents,  silk  grass,  wild  hemp,  and  linden  bast  are  all 
adapted  to  twined  weaving.  Rushes  were  extensively  used  in 
making  mats  for  lining  and  furnishing  wigwams.  According  to 
Williams  these  mats  were  embroidered.  Josselyn  says  they  were 
painted.  Mourt,  in  his  Relation^  informs  us  that  they  were  of  finer 
quality  than  those  used  for  lodge-coverings. 

The  mats  for  both  the  exterior  and  the  interior  of  the  lodge  were 
in  all  essential  qualities  like  those  now  made  by  the  Ojibwa,  Menom- 
inee, and  Winnebago.  Morton*  and  Vincent*  say  the  exterior  mats 
of  the  New  England  lodge  were  made  of  reeds,  large  flags,  or  sedge, 
firmly  sewed  together  with  cords  of  Indian  hemp,  the  needle  used 
for  sewing  being  made  from  the  splinter  bone  (fibula)  of  a  crane's 
leg.  Modem  mats  of  the  western  tribes  above  mentioned  are 
usually  made  of  flags  strung  together  upon  a  series  of  bast  cords 
in  such  a  manner  that  each  alternate  leaf  lies  upon  opposite  sides 
and  covers  the  junction  of  two  other  leaves.  These  mats  are 
usually  four  or  five  feet  in  width  and  about  ten  feet  in  length.  The 
ends  are  furnished  with  a  strip  of  wood  to  which  tying  cords  are 

The  lining  mats  are  woven  of  rushes  in  their  natural  color  or 
dyed.  Rushes  are  used  for  the  woof  only,  the  warp  being  composed 
of  twisted  cords  of  hemp  or  bast.  The  groundwork  is  usually  the 
color  of  the  undyed  material,  and  artistic  patterns  are  produced  by 

1  Williams,  Key  into  the  Language  of  America^  R.  I.  Hist.  Coll.,  I,  p.  50. 

'  Voyagesy  li,  Prince  Society's  reprint,  p.  121. 

•  New  English  Canaan^  Prince  Society's  reprint,  p.  135. 

^  Vincent*  s  Narrative,  Orr's  reprint  in  History  of  Pequot  War,  p.  105 

90  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  190$ 

weaving  in  rushes  dyed  in  various  colors.  Both  the  simple  in-and- 
out  weaving  and  the  more  elaborate  diagonal  styles  are  followed  in 
their  construction. 

Excellent  examples  of  hexagonal  weaving  survive  in  the  raw- 
hide "netting"  of  snowshoes  made  by  the  Penobscot  and  other 
Maine  Indians.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  if  this  weave  was  used  in 
the  basketry  of  this  region. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  to  what  extent  the  finer  textiles 
were  used,  but  we  know  that  the  New  England  Indians  made  a 
serviceable  closely-woven  cloth  of  Indian  hemp  (Apocynum  canna- 
binum)  and  probably  also  of  the  soft  bast  of  the  linden.  Bags  hold- 
ing five  or  six  bushels  were  woven  of  the  former  material,  the 
prepared  fibers  of  which  resembled  silk  in  softness. 

Robes  woven  of  grass  and  hemp,  *'  scarcely  covering  the  body 
and  coming  down  only  to  their  thighs,"  were  seen  by  Cham- 
plain  *  in  the  vicinity  of  Wellsfleet  Harbor.  There  is  a  drawing  by 
John  White,  made  in  1585,  of  a  Virginia  Indian  wearing  a  "silk 
grass"  mantle,  which  is  probably  identical  with  the  New  England 
specimens.  It  reaches  only  to  the  thigh  and  has  an  opening  for 
the  neck  and  another  for  the  right  arm.  It  is  apparently  twined 
woven,  silk  grass  probably  being  used  for  the  warp  and  cords  of 
hemp  for  the  woof.  The  twined  woven,  shredded  cedar-bark 
capes  of  the  Nootka  are  similar  in  form  and  style  of  weaving  to 
these  early  Eastern  examples. 

The  most  beautiful  garments  produced  by  the  New  England 
Indians  were  made  of  the  iridescent  feathers  of  the  wild  turkey 
"  woven  with  twine  of  their  own  making  ^  in  such  a  manner  that 
nothing  can  be  seen  but  feathers."  ^  These  cloaks  or  mantles  were 
usually  the  work  of  old  men,*  although  they  were  sometimes  made 
by  women  for  their  children.* 

A  few  coarse  feather  garments  are  at  the  present  time  found 
among  the  California  tribes.  The  Miwok  of  Calaveras  county  in 
particular  construct  a  ceremonial  cape  by  attaching  the  quills  of 

*0p.  cit.,  p.  78. 

3  Morton,  op.  cit.,  p.  142. 

'Capt.  John  Smith,  True  Travels,  i,  p.  129. 

^Williams,  op.  dt.,  p.  107. 

*Josselyn,  op.  cit.,  p.  78. 


turkey  feathers  to  a  coarse  netting  of  twine,  the  feathers  overlying 
each  other  like  shingles  upon  a  house.  According  to  Du  Pratz  in 
former  times  feather  garments  were  made  by  the  Louisiana  Indians, 
old  fishing  nets  or  woven  mantles  of  mulberry  bark  being  used  for 
a  foundation. 

Feathers  were  attached  one  over  the  other  to  the  fabric,  and 
covered  both  sides  of  the  garment.*  Lawson  mentions  a  Santee 
(Siouan)  doctor  or  medicine-man  warmly  clad  in  a  mantle  of  turkey 
feathers,  the  feathers  being  selected  and  arranged  to  form  figures.' 
Butel-Dumont  writes  that  the  fiber  of  basswood  bark  was  used  by 
the  southern  Indians  to  make  a  species  of  mantle  which  is  covered 
with  swan*s  feathers.*  The  foundation  of  the  feather  cloaks  of  the 
Pacific  islands  is  either  netted  or  t>\'ined  woven.  Morton's  remark 
that  the  New  England  feather  mantles  were  **  woven  with  twine  of 
their  own  making"  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  feathers  were 
fastened  to  a  woven  fabric  and  not  to  a  netted  foundation.  There 
would  be  nothing  inconsistent,  however,  in  the  employment  of 
netting  for  the  purpose,  as  fishing  nets  were  in  common  use. 

An  example  of  indigenous  textile  work  of  a  type  probably  not 
uncommon  throughout  New  England  during  the  early  historic  period 
is  illustrated  in  plate  xvi.  So  far  as  known  it  represents  the  highest 
development  of  weaving  and  embroidery  among  these  Indians,  and  as 
a  specimen  of  embroidered  twined  woven  cloth  it  probably  equals  the 
productions  of  any  North  American  tribe.  It  is  a  two-fold  pocket- 
book  of  European  pattern  and  is  shown  open.  The  side  not  illustrated 
is  furnished  with  two  pockets  of  green  flannel.  The  front  is  sup- 
plied with  a  silver  hasp  with  the  date  1778  engraved  upon  it.  The 
hasps  were  the  work  of  a  local  silversmith.  The  form  of  the  pocket- 
book,  the  green  flannel,  and  the  hasps  are  of  course  European. 
The  heavy  cloth  forming  the  body  of  the  book,  the  material  of 
which  it  is  made,  the  style  of  weaving,  and  the  embroidered  design 
are  purely  aboriginal. 

This  wallet  was  made  by  Mollocket,  an  old  Indian  woman  of 
considerable  local  fame,  living  in  Oxford  county,  western  Maine. 

1  Quoted  by  Holmes,  13th  Rept.  Bur.  Ethnolog}',  p.  27. 
■Ibid.,  p.  28. 
« Ibid. 

92  AHIER/CAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [s.  s.,  7,  1905 

She  was  one  of  the  Anasagunticooks,  a  tribe  claiming  dominion 
over  the  Androscoggin  valley.  It  was  given  by  her  to  Eli  Twichel 
of  Bethel,  Oxford  county,  about  the  year  1785,  and  is  now  in  the 
collection  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society,  having  been  presented 
to  that  institution  by  Mrs  Lucia  Kimball  in  1863.  The  wallet  is  in 
twined  weaving,  a  style  common  among  nearly  all  primitive  people. 
The  entire  surface  of  one  side  of  the  closely-woven  cloth  is  covered 
with  an  artistic  design  embroidered  with  the  long  white  hairs  of  the 
moose  in  their  natural  color  or  dyed  red,  green,  blue,  or  yellow. 
The  design  is  excellent  and  the  colors  are  well  grouped. 

The  warp  is  formed  of  twisted  cords  of  native  fiber,  probably 
Indian  hemp.     Each  woof  element  consists  of  two  cords  of  the  same 

Fig.  3.  —  Detail  of  wallel.  a,  a,  warp  cords;  b,  b,  Iwined  woof  cords;  i,  moose  hair 
wrapped  three  times  around  each  twist  of  the  woof  strand  on  the  right  side  of  the  fabric. 

material  twisted  once  around  each  warp-strand  as  illustrated  in  figure 
2.  These  double  woof-strands  are  pressed  close  together,  conceal- 
ing the  warp,  and  are  in  turn  concealed  beneath  the  embroidery 
covering  the  outer  surface.  A  fihiment  of  moose  hair  is  wrapped 
three  times  around  each  strand  of  the  twisted  woof  elements  where 
it  comes  outside.  On  the  inside  of  the  fabric  there  is  no  appearance 
of  ornamentation,  only  the  ends  of  the  hair  showing  where  they 
have  been  carried  through. 

Strictly  speaking,  the  ornamentation  is  in  what  is  termed  false 
embroidery,  the  outer  woof-cords  being  wrapped  with  moose  hair 
during  the  process  of  weaving,  and  not  after  the  cloth  is  Bnished,  as 
in  embroidery  proper. 

^ILOCCHBY]      T£:JCTJZ.£S  of  new  ENGLAND  INDIANS  93 

The  technique  is  identical  with  that  of  the  Tlingit  basketry  and 
the  wallets  of  the  I^ez  Perce  Indians,  except  that  these  tribes  wrap 
the  coarser  embroidery  strand  but  once  around  the  woof-twist  instead 
of  several  times  as  in  the  New  England  work.     Patterns  of  a  char- 
acter similar  to  the  design  upon  the  pocket-book,  showing  the  wide 
distribution  of  the  geometric  and  linear  style  of  decoration  among 
the  Algonquians,  axe  common  upon  the  old  quill-omamented  bark 
boxes  of  the  Micmac  and  the  rush  mats  and  wool  wallets  of  the 
Ojibwa.    These  i^rallets  or  bags  are  about  twenty  inches  in  length 
and  fourteen  in  width,  with  an  opening  at  one  of  the  longer  edges. 
In  former  times  they  were  made  of  native  material,  bast  or  Indian 
hemp,  but  are  now  commonly  woven  of  trade  worsted,  although  the 
primitive  style  of  weaving  and  decoration  is  followed.    Similar  bags, 
with  the  opening  at  one  of  the  longer  or  shorter  edges,  were  widely 
distributed,  occurring  among  the  Salishan  tribes  of  the  west  coast, 
the  neighboring  Shahaptians,  the  Winnebago,  Oto,  and  Omaha  of 
the  Siouan  stock,  the  Ojibwa,  and  doubtless  also  among  the  more 
eastern  Algonquians,  including  the  New  England  Indians.     Josselyn 
may  have  referred  to  wallets  of  this  type  when  he  wrote  of  woven 
bags  of  dyed  porcupine  quills.  *     The  style  of  weaving  and  embroid- 
ery surviving  in  the  pocket-book  illustrated  was  probably  applied 
by  our  eastern  Indians  principally  to  bags  of  the  above  general  form. 
In  conclusion  it  is  evident  that  the  textile  products  of  the  New 
England  Indians  were  of  a  relatively  high  order :  that  baskets,  bags, 
matting,  and  twined  woven  cloth  were  made  of  a  quality  probably 
not  excelled  by  any  of  the  Algonquians,  and  so  far  as  we  can  judge 
by  existing  examples  it  is  doubtful  if  embroidered  cloth  of  any 
North  American    tribe  exceeded  in  workmanship  or  artistic  merit 
that  produced  by  the  natives  of  New  England  and  their  neighbor- 
ing iandred. 

^.  dL,  p.  III. 



In  recording  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  stories  of  the 
Haida  and  Tlingit  of  the  north  Pacific  coast  the  writer  has  found 
that  many  of  them  have  very  similar  plots,  and  it  has  seemed  to  him 
that  abstracts  of  the  more  important  of  these  might  be  of  interest  to 
those  engaged  in  comparative  work.  The  story  of  Raven  is  of 
course  similar  to  the  stories  of  other  transformers  and  need  not  be 
included.  The  same  is  true  of  the  story  of  the  brothers  who 
traveled  about  overcoming  monsters.  Here  it  is  evidently  Tlingit, 
the  heroes  in  all  cases  ending  their  career  in  an  attempt  to  cross  the 
Stikine,  and  from  the  Tlingit  it  has  been  transmitted  to  the  Haida 
without  losing  its  Tlingit  names  and  atmosphere.  Several  other 
tales,  repeated  from  end  to  end  of  the  Haida-Tlingit  area,  are  also 
strongly  localized  in  certain  towns  or  camps,  and  hardly  fall  into 
the  present  scheme.  Such  are  the  story  of  the  man  who  was  car- 
ried off  by  the  salmon  people,  the  story  of  the  woman  who  was 
turned  into  an  owl,  the  story  of  the  man  who  obtained  strength  to 
kill  sea-lions,  the  story  of  the  man  who  made  killer-whales  out  of 
wood,  and  the  story  of  the  hunters  who  changed  into  supernatural 
beings  by  putting  themselves  into  the  fire.  A  few  of  the  plots  given 
are  so  general  that  they  can  hardly  be  considered  peculiar  to  the 
northwest  coast,  but  others  probably  do  not  occur  outside  of  that 

1 .  The  Man  Captured  by  the  Supernatural  Beings.  — A  man  out 
hunting  is  taken  into  the  house  of  some  supernatural  being,  usually 
on  account  of  something  he  has  said  or  done  to  displease  the  latter, 
and  often  it  tries  to  turn  him  into  an  animal,  especially  if  it  be  a 
land  otter  or  a  killer-whale.  On  the  other  hand  the  hero  may  be 
given  a  crest  or  a  name,  and  such  a  story  is  told  by  the  Haida  to 
explain  the  origin  of  secret  society  performances. 

2.  The  Man  who  Married  the  Grizzly  Bear.  —  This  is  related 
to  the  above.     A  man  out  hunting  hears  his  dogs  bark  in  front  of 



a  grizzly  bear's  den.  When  he  comes  to  it  the  male  bear  throws 
him  inside,  but  the  female  conceals  him,  marries  him,  and  kills  her 
previous  husband.  He  has  several  children  by  her.  By  and  by 
he  returns  to  his  own  people,  but  his  bear  wife  enjoins  him  to  have 
nothing  to  do  with  his  human  wife  or  children.  Every  day  after 
his  return  he  spears  seals  and  carries  them  up  to  his  bear  family, 
who  are  waiting  at  the  head  of  an  inlet.  After  a  while,  however, 
he  disobeys  her  instructions,  and  they  kill  him.  Then  his  children 
wage  war  on  human  beings,  but  are  finally  destroyed. 

3.  The  Woman  who  Married  the  Supernatural  Being.  —  A 
woman  says  something  about  an  animal  or  object  which  angers  the 
supernatural  being  connected  with  it,  or  else  her  father  refuses  for 
a  long  time  to  let  her  marry  anyone.  The  offended  being  appears 
to  the  prl,  and  she  marries  it.  Sometimes  she  goes  off  with  it  and 
lives  among  the  animals  for  a  long  time,  and  sometimes  her  hus- 
band remains  with  her.  In  the  former  case  she  usually  comes  back 
to  her  father's  people  after  a  time,  bringing  food,  and  her  father 
nuy  recover  her  by  killing  the  people  she  has  been  among. 

4.  The  Kidnapped  Wife.  —  A  man's  wife  is  washing  a  skin  in 
the  sea,  when  she  is  carried  off  by  a  killer- whale.  Her  husband 
follows,  descends  to  the  sea  floor,  and  assists  some  being  there  who 
in  turn  directs  him  how  to  get  his  wife  back.  Then  he  goes  behind 
the  town  where  she  is  kept,  causes  the  wedges  of  a  slave  coming 
out  to  chop  wood  to  break,  restores  them,  and  so  obtains  the  slave's 
assistance.  When  the  slave  carries  water  into  the  house,  he  spills 
it  upon  the  fire,  and  while  the  house  is  filled  with  steam  the  man 
runs  in  and  carries  off  his  wife.  He  is  pursued,  but  reaches  home 

5.  The  Supernatural  Helper.  —  A  man  who  has  been  unsuc- 
cessful in  gambling,  hunting,  or  getting  property,  goes  off  into  the 
forest  or  out  on  the  sea,  obtains  assistance  from  some  supernatural* 
being,  and  is  afterward  fortunate,  or, 

6.  A  man  or  a  woman  leaves  food  for  some  animal  or  treats  it 
kindly,  and  is  afterward  given  plenty  of  food  in  return,  thereby 
becoming  rich. 

7.  The  Supernatural  Child.  —  A  girl  or  a  girl  and  her  mother 
lose  all  their  relatives  and  are  left  alone  in  the  town.     After  a  while 

96  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

the  girl  gives  birth  to  a  child  who  has  supernatural  power,  grows 
up  rapidly,  destroys  the  enemies  who  have  killed  his  mother's 
people,   and  usually  restores  them  to  life. 

8.  The  Magic  Feather.  —  The  popular  form  of  type  7  is  the 
following :  While  the  people  in  a  certain  town  are  playing  shinny  on 
the  beach,  a  feather  or  some  similar  object  comes  down  from  above, 
and  those  who  seize  it  are  carried  up  out  of  sight.  In  this  way 
everybody  disappears  except  one  or  two  women.  The  younger  of 
these  swallows  something  and  gives  birth  to  a  supernatural  child 
who  revenges  and  protects  them. 

9.  The  Boy  who  was  Abandoned.  —  For  some  action,  trifling 
or  otherwise,  a  boy  is  abandoned  by  all  his  people,  who  leave  him 
alone  in  the  town.  His  youngest  uncle's  wife,  however,  being  fond 
of  him,  conceals  a  little  food  for  him  and  some  fire  enclosed  in 
mussel-shells.  Then  the  youth  receives  assistance  in  some  super- 
natural way  and  stores  a  great  quantity  of  food,  while  those  who 
have  abandoned  him  are  starving.  After  a  while  slaves  are  sent 
over  to  see  what  has  become  of  him.  He  feeds  them,  but  warns 
them  not  to  carry  any  of  the  food  away.  One  of  them,  however, 
conceals  a  piece  for  his  (or  her)  infant,  and  the  night  after  they 
return  gives  it  to  the  child.  While  eating  this,  the  child  cries  out, 
often  from  being  choked  or  from  having  dropped  the  food,  and  the 
chief  or  his  wife  makes  an  investigation,  thereby  discovering  the 
truth.  Then  the  people  of  that  town  return  to  the  place  where  the 
boy  was  left.  All  of  his  uncles'  daughters  dress  themselves  up, 
hoping  that  he  will  choose  one  of  them  for  his  wife,  but  he  selects 
the  daughter  of  his  youngest  uncle,  although  she. has  not  adorned 
herself  and  arrives  last.     He  becomes  a  chief. 

10.  The  Boy  and  His  Grandmother  who  were  Banished. — A 
boy  and  his  grandmother  were  either  abandoned  or  forced  to  live 
outside  the  town.  In  the  former  case  the  story  sometimes  proceeds 
like  type  9.  In  the  latter  case  the  boy  is  assisted  by  some  super- 
natural being  and  obtains  a  great  deal  of  food,  while  the  other 
people  are  starving.  They  are  obliged  to  purchase  food  of  him,  and 
he  becomes  wealthy.  Sometimes  he  becomes  a  great  shaman  and 
obtains  his  property  in  that  way. 

11.  The  Ill-disposed  Mother-in-law.  —  A  man  is  badly  treated 


by  his  mother-in-law  because  he  lies  in  bed  continually  instead  of 
working.  After  a  while  he  goes  to  a  lake  behind  the  town  and 
kills  a  water-monster  living  there  by  splitting  a  tree  along  the 
middle,  spreading  the  halves  apart,  and  tolling  the  monster  up  until 
its  head  comes  between  the  two  portions.  He  skins  this  creature 
and  begins  to  catch  all  kinds  of  fish  and  sea  animals.  These  he 
leaves  on  the  beach  where  his  mother-in-law  can  find  them,  and  by 
letting  her  find  them  regularly,  he  induces  her  to  think  that  she 
has  become  a  g^eat  shaman.  After  a  long  time  he  reveals  himself 
before  all  the  people  and  kills  his  mother-in-law  with  shame.  Some- 
times a  monster  is  killed  in  the  way  indicated  merely  that  the  hero 
may  obtain  its  skin  to  wear  when  he  performs  great  deeds,  not  with 
a  view  to  personal  revenge. 

1 2.  The  Goose  Wife.  —  A  man  finds  two  female  geese,  in  human 
form,  bathing  in  a  lake  while  their  skins  hang  on  the  limb  of  a  tree 
near  by.  He  seizes  these  skins  and  so  compels  one  or  both  of  them 
to  marry  him.  When  the  goose  tribe  passes  over,  his  wives  get 
them  to  throw  down  food.  By  and  by  they  leave  him  and  rejoin 
their  people.  He  follows  them  and  remains  with  them  for  a  while, 
afterward  returning  to  his  own  place.  On  his  way  to  find  his  wife 
he  is  sometimes  made  to  encounter  a  man  chopping,  whose  chips 
turn  into  salmon  as  they  fall  into  the  water. 

13.  The  Land  Otter  Sister.  —  The  sister  of  a  certain  man  is 
carried  away  by  the  land  otters  and  married  among  them.  Once, 
when  he  is  encamped  by  himself  making  a  canoe,  his  sister  brings 
him  food.  By  and  by  she  sends  some  of  the  land  otters  to  launch 
his  canoe  for  him,  and  afterward  he  goes  to  the  land-otter  town  to 
finish  it.  While  he  is  there  his  sister  takes  his  smallest  child  on 
her  lap  and  sings  to  it,  making  a  little  tail  grow  out  of  it.  When 
the  man  objects,  she  sings  another  song  and  it  goes  back.  Finally 
he  returns  to  his  town. 

14.  The  Eagle  People.  —  A  man  is  set  adrift  in  a  box  or  on  a 
plank  by  his  uncle  and  lands  among  the  eagles.  He  is  found  by 
two  girls,  marries  them,  and  is  given  a  suit  of  feathers  by  the  eagle 
people  in  which  he  goes  fishing.  After  some  time  he  flies  to  his 
uncle's  town,  seizes  his  uncle  by  the  head,  and  flies  up  from  the 
ground  with  him.     A  person  seizes  his  uncle's  foot  and  is  also 

AM.  ANTH.,  N.  S.,  7—7 

98  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 


carried  up.  He  in  turn  is  seized  by  another,  and  the  process  is 
continued  until  all  the  people  of  that  town  are  hanging  in  a  string. 
He  drowns  them  in  the  ocean. 

15.  Beaver  and  Porcupine.  —  Beaver  carries  porcupine  out  to 
an  island  from  which  he  can  not  get  ashore.  Finally  he  sings  for 
a  north  wind,  the  sea  freezes  over,  and  he  walks  home.  Afterward 
he  takes  beaver  up  to  the  top  of  a  tall  tree  and  beaver  gets  down 
with  difficulty.  The  two  parts  of  this  story  are  sometimes  told  in 
reverse  order. 

16.  The  Rival  Towns.  —  (This  story  is  usually  localized  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Metlakatla  or  on  Nass  river,  but  it  is  also  told  of 
Sitka.)  War  breaks  out  between  two  towns,  and  all  of  the  people 
in  one  of  them  are  destroyed  except  a  woman  and  her  daughter 
who  escape  into  the  forest.  Then  the  mother  calls  out,  "  Who  will 
marry  my  daughter  ?  "  and  the  animals  and  birds  present  themselves 
successively.  She  asks  each  of  these  what  it  can  do,  and  is  dis- 
satisfied with  the  replies  she  receives,  so  she  rejects  all.  Finally 
she  is  answered  by  the  son  of  a  sky  deity  (given  variously  as  sky, 
sun,  or  moon),  whom  she  accepts ;  whereupon  her  son-in-law 
puts  her  into  a  tree,  where  she  becomes  the  creaking  of  boughs  or 
the  echo,  and  carries  his  wife  up  to  his  father's  house  in  the  sky. 
There  they  have  a  number  of  children,  whom  their  grandfather 
teaches  how  to  fight  when  they  are  grown  up.  Usually  there  is 
one  sister  able  to  heal  wounds.  Finally  their  grandfather  puts  them 
inside  of  beautifully  painted  houses,  or  a  fort,  and  lowers  them  down 
on  their  old  town  site.  When  the  people  of  the  town  opposite  hear 
the  noises  there,  they  say  that  they  must  be  produced  by  ghosts ; 
but  seeing  the  houses  next  morning,  they  start  across  to  gamble 
with  the  newcomers.  During  this  game  trouble  breaks  out,  and  the 
children  of  the  sky  are  about  to  be  overwhelmed.  Their  grandfather 
intervenes,  however,  and  enables  them  to  destroy  all  their  foes. 

17.  The  Doomed  Canoemen. — Some  men  out  hunting  in  a  canoe 
are  hailed  by  a  supernatural  being,  who  informs  them  that  on  their 
way  home  they  will  die  successively,  beginning  with  the  man  in  the 
bow,  and  that  when  the  man  in  the  stem  has  reached  home  and 
related  his  story,  he  too  will  die.  The  death  of  a  shaman  or  the 
destruction  of  a  village  is  also  sometimes  foretold  through  him. 


18.  The  Protracted  Winter. — ^The  people  in  a  certain  town  so 
offend  some  supernatural  being  that  snow  falls  and  almost  covers 
the  houses.  Finally  a  bird  is  seen  sitting  on  the  edge  of  the  smoke- 
hole  with  a  berry  in  its  mouth.  Suspecting  something  is  wrong, 
the  people,  or  those  who  have  survived,  climb  out  and  go  to  another 
place,  where  they  find  that  it  is  already  midsummer  and  the  berries 
are  ripe.  Similar  stories  relate  how  people  were  punished  by  a 
flood,  by  stormy  weather  which  prevents  them  from  getting  food, 
and  in  one  or  two  stories  otherwise  of  type  17,  by  fire. 

19.  The  Magic  Flight. — ^A  person  is  captured  by  some  super- 
natural beings,  as  in  stories  of  type  3.  He  or  a  friend  of  his  obtains 
some  objects  from  an  old  woman,  and  as  they  run  away  they  throw 
these  behind  them  and  turn  into  obstructions  through  which  their 
pursuers  find  difficulty  in  forcing  a  way.  Usually  this  story  is  told 
of  a  woman  who  offended  the  grizzly  bears.  After  she  has  ex- 
hausted her  magic  gifts,  she  comes  out  on  the  shore  of  a  lake  or 
the  shores  of  the  sea,  where  she  is  taken  into  a  canoe,  marries  an- 
other supernatural  being,  and  after  a  time  returns  to  her  father's 
people,  bringing  food.  Sometimes  the  adventures  of  her  son  are  also 
related,  and  again  a  story  of  type  4  may  be  added. 

20.  The  Grand  Catch. — A  fisherman  who  has  been  long  unsuc- 
cessful at  length  pulls  up  an  enormous  "nest"  full  of  fishes,  or  else 
an  enormous  fish  surrounded  by  smaller  ones.  All  the  canoes  are 
filled,  and  the  poor  fisherman  becomes  wealthy. 

2 1 .  The  Unfaithful  Wife. — Desiring  to  marry  another  person, 
the  wife  of  a  certain  man  pretends  that  she  is  about  to  die  and  is 
placed  in  the  grave-box.  Afterward  her  lover  liberates  her  and 
carries  her  home  or  to  another  part  of  the  country.  By  and  by  her 
former  husband  suspects  the  truth,  goes  to  the  grave-box,  and  finds 
her  body  missing.  Then  he  goes  at  night  to  the  house  where  she 
and  her  new  husband  are  living  and  kills  them  by  running  pointed 
sticks  into  their  hearts.  Next  morning  he  dresses  well  and  goes  out 
to  gamble. 

22.  The  Rejected  Lover. — A  man  is  in  love  with  a  woman  who 
does  not  care  for  him.  She  induces  him  to  pull  all  the  hair  out  of 
his  body  and  then  leaves  him.  Too  much  ashamed  to  return  to 
town,  the  man  wanders  off  to  another  place,  or  climbs  into  the  sky 

ICX)  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

country  on  a  chain  of  arrows.  By  and  by  he  meets  a  supernatural 
being  who  restores  his  hair  and  takes  him  to  another  town  where 
he  marries  the  daughter  of  the  town  chief.  Then  he  returns  to  his 
father's  town  with  his  new  wife  and  puts  the  woman  who  had  rejected 
him  to  shame. 

23.  The  Woman  who  Went  with  the  Animal  (Haida  story). — 
A  woman  goes  out  after  roots  or  shell-fish  every  day  regularly  until 
her  husband  becomes  suspicious.  By  and  by  he  pretends  to  start 
off  hunting,  lands  not  far  off,  and  comes  back  behind  the  village. 
When  he  sees  his  wife  start  out,  he  follows  her,  and  sees  her  come 
out  on  the  sea  at  a  certain  place  where  she  begins  a  song.  Finally 
a  whale,  owl,  or  other  animal  comes  and  lies  with  her.  Next  day 
the  husband  sends  his  wife  off  in  another  direction,  puts  on  her 
clothing,  and  goes  to  the  same  place.  When  the  animal  comes  to 
him,  he  cuts  off  its  penis.  He  takes  this  home,  cooks  it,  and  gives 
it  to  his  wife  to  eat.  After  she  has  done  this,  he  lets  her  know 
what  she  has  eaten  and  makes  her  ashamed. 

24.  The  Blind  Grizzly-bear  Hunter.  —  A  man  who  has  been  a 
great  grizzly-bear  hunter  becomes  old  and  blind.  One  time  his 
wife  aims  his  arrow  for  him,  and  he  shoots  a  grizzly  bear,  but  his 
wife  pretends  that  he  has  missed  and  leaves  him.  She  begins  cut- 
ting up  the  animal  and  cooking  it.  Meanwhile  her  husband  is  met 
by  a  supernatural  being,  usually  a  bird,  which  restores  his  sight. 
When  he  comes  to  her  camp  and  looks  in,  he  wishes  that  the  bear 
head  may  bite  her,  and  it  does  so.  There  are  other  stories  of  the 
restoring  of  a  blind  man's  sight,  but  they  agree  with  the  above  in 
that  particular  only. 

25.  The  Sleep  Bird.  — A  hunter  is  unsuccessful  for  a  long  time. 
One  night  he  hears  something  buzzing  about  his  canoe  and  knocks 
it  down.  It  proves  to  be  the  bird  that  causes  sleep,  and  when  he 
reaches  his  town  he  finds  the  people  lying  dead  just  as  they  slept. 
Sometimes  it  is  added  that  the  hero  himself  could  not  sleep  be- 
cause the  bird  had  died  while  he  was  awake. 

26.  The  Land  Otter's  Captive.  —  A  man  is  carried  away  by  the 
land  otters,  but  his  people  finally  discover  where  he  is,  smoke  the 
land  otters  out,  and  recover  him. 

27.  The  Monster  Devil-fish.  — While  two  or  three  brothers  are 

"••1      •;•    •    • 

;  '  :     :  •••  \ 


out  hunting,  a  monster  devil-fish  sweeps  the  camp  from  which  they 
had  set  out  into  the  sea,  and  all  the  people  with  it.  Then  the  older 
brother  or  brothers  put  the  youngest  ashore,  toll  the  devil-fish  to 
the  surface,  and  destroy  it,  although  they  themselves  are  carried 
down  when  it  dies.  The  youngest  is  left  to  tell  what  has  taken 
place,  and  the  devil-fish  is  found  floating  dead  with  the  men  inside. 

28.  The  Sea- walkers.  —  A  man  marries  the  daughter  of  some 
supernatural  being  and  takes  her  home.  While  there  she  lets  no 
one  bring  her  water  except  her  husband,  and  as  soon  as  he  sets  it 
down  she  puts  a  magic  quill  into  it.  If  the  water  falls  from  this 
clear,  her  husband  has  been  faithful  to  her ;  if  it  is  slimy,  he  has 
been  unfaithful.  At  last  she  sees  that  the  water  is  slimy,  and,  get- 
ting up,  starts  to  walk  back  to  her  father  on  the  surface  of  the 
ocean.  Her  husband  follows  her,  but  presently  she  looks  at  him 
and  he  goes  down  out  of  sight. 

29.  The  Shell-fish's  Victim.  —  A  man  reaches  under  a  rock, 
and  a  bivalve  closes  upon  his  hand  so  that  it  cannot  be  removed. 
When  the  tide  rises,  he  is  covered,  and  either  disappears  or  is 

30.  Acquirement  of  Wealth  by  a  Shaman.  —  A  shaman  sends 
diseases  into  the  son  of  some  wealthy  man  and  afterward  cures  him, 
obtaining  thereby  a  great  quantity  of  property. 

3 1 .  Visit  of  a  Shaman  to  the  Animals.  —  A  shaman  is  sent  for 
by  some  animals,  usually  land  otters,  to  cure  one  of  their  number 
who  has  been  wounded  by  hunters.  He  removes  a  spear-point  and 
obtains  some  supernatural  gift  in  payment.  When  he  first  comes 
among  these  people,  they  try  to  make  him  think  that  the  patient  is 
in  another  house  by  filling  it  with  people,  but  he  puts  his  rattle  on 
the  ground,  and  it  goes  up  before  him  to  the  right  place. 

32.  The  Stolen  Skin.  —  A  man's  friend  dies  and  his  body  is 
placed  in  a  grave-box,  which  his  friend  watches  continually.  By 
and  by  he  sees  some  people  come  by  canoe  and  carry  off  his 
friend's  skin.  The  friend  gets  in  along  with  them,  and  as  they  are 
on  the  way  makes  their  chief  sick  by  grasping  him  tightly  around 
the  body.  When  they  reach  home,  these  people  send  for  shamans 
who  practise  upon  him  vainly,  until  a  very  powerful  shaman  is  sent 
for  who  discovers  what  is  wrong.  He  gets  the  skin  for  the  dead 
man's  friend  and  sends  him  home. 

I02    .  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [s.  s.,  7,  1905 

33.  The  Ground-hog  Mountain.  — A  young  man  accompanies 
his  uncle  to  a  mountain  that  the  latter  owns,  where  there  are  many 
ground-hogs.  Arrived  there  they  find  that  the  ground-hogs  have 
left  it  and  gone  to  a  mountain  farther  back.  When  they  get  to 
this  place  the  youth  creeps  into  the  cave  where  they  are,  ahead 
of  his  uncle,  and  he  is  suddenly  possessed  by  spirits  and  becomes 
a  shaman. 

34.  The  Wild  Man.  —  A  man  takes  a  notion  to  live  entirely 
alone.  He  is  met  by  people  at  various  times,  but  refuses  to  go 
with  them.  He  is  said  to  live  on  raw  food  and  to  cut  up  and  carry 
home  very  small  birds  as  if  they  were  large  animals. 

35.  The  Bug-a-boo. — ^A  child  is  a  great  cry-baby.  One  time  a 
supernatural  being  comes  to  the  house,  calls  to  it,  and  induces  it  to 
follow  him.  Its  parents  pursue  and  see  their  child  carried  down 
into  the  earth.  Then  they  began  to  dig  over  the  place  where  it  has 
disappeared,  but  in  vain.  After  some  time  the  child  comes  back  or 
is  discovered,  but  soon  dies.  This  story  is  used  to  frighten  chil- 
dren into  obedience. 

36.  The  Fatal  Misunderstanding.  —  A  mother  tells  her  little 
child  to  give  the  baby  something  to  eat,  but  she  understands  that 
she  is  told  to  kill  it,  and  obeys. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  how  conventional  expressions,  or  what 
might  be  called  the  **  mythic  formulae,"  differ  as  used  by  Haida 
and  Tlingit.  Thus  the  Tlingit  indicate  that  a  town  was  large  by 
saying  "it  was  a  long  town,"  while  the  Haida  equivalent  is,  **it  was 
a  town  of  five  rows  of  houses."  In  Tlingit  a  girl  is  carried  off  by 
some  supernatural  being  because  she  had  said  something  to  offend 
it ;  in  Haida  it  is  because  (or  after)  her  father  has  refused  a  great 
many  suitors  for  her  hand.  In  Tinglit  a  man  kills  his  unkind  uncle 
or  aunt  by  wishing  that  what  he  or  she  eats  will  not  satisfy,  but  in 
Haida  he  does  it  by  feeding  the  person  on  nothing  but  grease. 
Although  the  myths  of  both  peoples  speak  of  traveling  in  canoes 
which  are  alive  and  have  to  be  fed,  in  Tlingit  these  are  always  griz- 
zly bears.  Often  it  is  said  that  the  turnings  in  rivers  were  made  by 
grizzly  bears  who  began  to  turn  round  as  soon  as  they  were  hun- 
gry. While  four  is  nearly  always  the  story  or  mystic  number  in 
Haida,  two  appears  quite  as  often  in  Tlingit.     After  a  child  with 



supernatural  powers  is  born,  the  Tinglit  story-teller  is  content  to 
say  that  it  grew  up  rapidly  and  hunted  continually,  but  the  Haida 
must  add  that  it  cried  for  a  bow  and  arrows  and  was  not  satisfied 
until  it  obtained  some  made  out  of  copper.  Among  the  Haida, 
too,  a  supernatural  being  is  usually  killed  by  cutting  its  body  apart 
and  throwing  a  whetstone  between,  on  which  the  body  grinds  itself 
"to  nothing.'*  To  express  plenty  the  Tlingit  say  that  one  could 
not  see  the  inside  of  the  house  for  the  multitude  of  things  in  it ;  a 
child  that  has  eaten  something  against  the  wishes  of  its  elders  has 
the  inside  of  its  mouth  scratched ;  a  medicine  animal  often  appears 
in  the  shape  of  a  bear ;  and  it  is  always  said  of  a  supernatural  be- 
ing addicted  to  the  habit  of  doing  away  with  his  wives  periodically 
that  '*  his  wives  do  not  last  long." 


By  henry  W.  HENSHAW 

Since  the  day  when  Columbus  miscalled  the  aborigines  of 
America  "  Indians,"  believing  that  he  had  discovered  India,  popu- 
lar fallacies  respecting  them  have  been  numerous  and  widespread. 
Some  of  the  more  important  of  them  will  be  discussed  here. 

Origin  of  tlie  Indians.  —  As  soon  as,  or  even  before,  the  newly- 
discovered  continent  was  found  to  be  not  connected  with  Asia,  the- 
ories of  the  origin  of  the  Indians  began  to  be  formulated  by  the 
learned,  and,  consistently  with  the  religious  spirit  of  the  age,  a  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  was  sought  in  Hebrew  tradition.  In  the  Indians 
were  recognized  the  descendants  of  the  "  lost  tribes  of  Israel."  The 
latest  and  most  earnest  supporters  of  the  Hebrew  origin  are  the 
Mormons,  whose  statements  are  alleged  to  have  the  authority  of 
direct  revelation.  Absurd  as  the  theory  is  in  the  light  of  present 
knowledge,  anthropology  owes  to  it  several  valuable  treatises 
on  the  habits  and  characteristics  of  the  Indians,  which  it  could  ill 
afford  to  lose,  notably  Lord  Kingsborough's  Mexican  Antiquities 
and  Adair's  History  of  the  North  American  Indians^  the  latter  book 
being  filled  with  fancied  similarities  to  Jewish  customs,  rites,  and 
even  traditions. 

Equally  absurd,  but  less  widespread,  was  the  myth  of  a  tribe  of 
Welsh  Indians,  descendants  of  a  colony  reputed  to  have  been 
founded  by  Prince  Madoc  about  1 1 70.  The  myth  located  them, 
with  their  Welsh  language  and  Welsh  Bible,  first  on  the  Atlantic 
coast,  where  they  were  identified  with  the  Tuscarora,  and  then 
farther  and  farther  west,  until  about  1776  we  find  the  Welsh,  or 
"white,"  Indians  on  the  Missouri,  where  they  appeared  as  the 
Mandan  (according  to  Catlin),  later  on  Red  river.  Later  still  they 
were  identified  with  the  Hopi  of  Arizona,[and  finally  with  the  Modoc 
of  Oregon,  afler  which  they  vanish.^ 

'MooDcy  in  Am,  Anthrop,,  iv,  393,   1891. 



Other  seekers  of  a  foreign  origin  for  the  American  aborigines 
have  derived  them  in  turn  from  Greeks,  Chinese,  Japanese,  Phoeni- 
cians, Irish,  Polynesians,  and  even  from  the  peoples  of  Australasia. 
Most  of  these  theories  are  based  on  fortuitous  analogies  in  habits,  in- 
stitutions, and  arts ;  but  the  attempt  is  frequently  made  to  strengthen 
them  by  alleged  similarities  of  language,  language  being  confess- 
edly the  principal  basis  for  classifying  peoples.  The  general  sim- 
ilarity of  the  human  mind  in  similar  stages  of  culture  in  every  part 
of  the  world,  with  its  proneness  to  produce  similar  arts,  institutions, 
religious  ideas,  myths,  and  even  material  products,  sufficiently  ex- 
plains the  former  class  of  facts,  whilst  the  hypotheses  of  identity  of 
language,  based,  as  they  invariably  are,  on  a  small  number  of  verbal 
similarities  in  the  nature  of  coincidences,  are  wholly  disproved  on 
adequate  examination  and  analysis. 

Indian  Langtiages,  —  Indian  languages  are  so  utterly  unlike 
European  speech  in  sound  and  so  different  in  structure  and  charac- 
ter that  it  is  not  surprising  that  erroneous  conceptions  concerning 
them  should  arise.  The  unlearned  conceived  the  ideas  that  the 
speech  of  all  Indians  of  whatsoever  tribe  was  practically  the  same, 
that  it  was  little  more  than  a  sort  of  gibberish,  that  it  contained  but 
a  small  number  of  words,  that  to  eke  out  its  shortcomings  the 
Indian  was  compelled  to  use  gestures,  that  it  was  hardly  human 
speech,  much  less  orderly  and  well  developed  language. 

A  comprehension  of  the  manifold  variety  of  Indian  linguistic 
families,  embracing  a  multitude  of  languages  and  dialects,  of  their 
rich  vocabularies,  flexible  grammatical  methods,  and  general  suffi- 
ciency to  express  any  and  all  concepts  the  Indian  mind  is  capable 
of  entertaining,  above  all,  of  their  capacity,  shared  with  more 
advanced  tongues,  of  indefinite  expansion  corresponding  to  culture 
growth,  was  reserved  for  a  later  period  and  more  complete  study. 
The  intricacies  of  Indian  languages  are  even  yet  but  partially  under- 
stood ;  their  proper  study  has  hardly  begun,  so  vast  is  the  field. 

Indians  not  Nomadic,  —  One  of  the  common  fallacies  of  early 
historians,  by  no  means  yet  entirely  dissipated,  was  the  idea  that 
the  Indians  were  generally  nomadic,  having  no  fixed  place  of  abode, 
but  wandering  hither  and  yon  as  fancy  or  the  necessities  of  ex- 
istence demanded.     The  term  nomadic  is  not,  in  fact,  properly  ap- 


I06  AMERICAN  ANTHROPaLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7.  1903 

plicable  to  any  Indian  tribe.  Every  tribe  and  every  congeries  of 
tribes,  with  exceptions  to  be  noted,  laid  claim  to  and  dwelt  within 
the  limits  of  a  certain  tract  or  region  the  boundaries  of  which  were 
well  understood  and  were  handed  down  by  tradition  and  never  re- 
linquished save  to  a  superior  force.  Between  many  of  the  tribes, 
indeed,  were  debatable  areas,  owned  by  none  but  claimed  by  all, 
which  from  time  immemorial  formed  the  cause  of  disputes  and  inter- 
tribal wars.  Most  or  all  of  the  tribes  east  of  Mississippi  river, 
except  in  the  north,  and  some  west  of  it,  were  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent  agricultural  and  depended  much  for  food  on  the  products 
of  their  tillage.  During  the  hunting  season  such  tribes  or  villages 
broke  up  into  small  parties  and  dispersed  over  their  domains  more 
or  less  widely  in  search  of  game ;  or  they  visited  the  seashore  for 
fish  and  shellfish.  Only  in  this  restricted  sense  may  they  be  said 
to  be  nomadic.  The  so-called  "  horse  Indians "  and  the  Plains 
Indians,  at  least  after  the  latter  acquired  the  horse,  wandered  very 
widely  in  search  of  their  chief  dependence,  the  buffalo.  Though 
most  of  these  had  no  fixed  and  permanent  villages,  they  yet  pos- 
sessed clear  ideas  as  to  the  extent  of  their  own  territory  as  well  as 
that  of  their  neighbors.  The  Athapascan  and  Algonquian  tribes  of 
the  far  north,  where  absence  of  agriculture,  the  wide  expanses  of 
desolate  territory,  and  the  nature  of  the  game  necessitated  frequent 
changes  of  abode  and  forbade  any  form  of  fixed  village  life,  most 
nearly  approached  nomadic  life. 

Indian  Ownership  of  Land,  —  The  exact  nature  of  Indian  own- 
ership of  land  appears  not  to  have  been  understood  by  the  early 
settlers,  and  the  misunderstanding  was  the  fruitful  source  of  trouble 
and  even  bloodshed.  Neither  the  individual  Indian  nor  the  family 
possessed  vested  rights  in  land.  The  land  belonged  to  the  tribe  as 
a  whole.  Individual  families  and  clans  might  appropriate  for  their 
own  use  and  tillage  any  portion  of  the  tribe's  unoccupied  domain. 
Hence  it  was  impossible  for  a  chief,  family,  clan,  or  any  section  of  a 
tribe  legally  to  sell  or  to  give  away  to  aliens,  white  or  red,  any  part 
of  the  tribal  domain,  and  the  inevitable  consequences  of  illegal  sales 
or  gifls  was  bad  feeling,  followed  oflen  by  repudiation  of  the  con- 
tract by  the  tribe  as  a  whole.  Attempts  by  the  whites  to  enforce 
these  supposed  legal  sales  were  followed  by  disorder  and  bloodshed, 
often  by  prolonged  wars. 


Ideas  of  Royalty.  —  It  is  perhaps  not  strange  that  the  early  emi- 
grants to  America,  habituated  to  European  ideas  of  royal  descent 
and  kingly  prerogative,  should  describe  the  simple  village  and 
tribal  organizations  of  the  Indians  with  high-sounding  phrases* 
Early  treatises  on  the  Indians  teem  with  the  terms  "king," 
"qiieen,"  and  "princess,**  and  even  with  ideas  of  hereditary  priv- 
ilege and  rank.  It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  states  of  society 
more  unlike  than  one  implied  by  such  terms  and  the  simple  democ- 
racy of  most  of  the  Indians.  On  the  northwest  coast  ideas  of  caste 
had  gained  a  foothold,  principally  founded  on  a  property  basis,  but 
this  was  exceptional.  Equality  and  independence  were  the  cardinal 
principles  of  Indian  society.  In  some  tribes,  as  the  Iroquois,  certain 
of  the  highest  chieftaincies  were  confined  to  certain  clans,  and  these 
may  be  said  in  a  modified  sense  to  have  been  hereditary.  Practi- 
cally, however,  all  the  offices  within  the  limits  of  the  tribal  govern- 
ment were  purely  elective.  The  ability  of  the  candidates,  their 
courage,  eloquence,  previous  services,  above  all  their  personal  pop- 
ularity, formed  the  basis  for  election  to  any  and  all  offices.  No 
power  in  any  wise  analogous  to  that  of  the  despot,  no  rank  savoring 
of  inheritance,  as  we  understand  the  term,  existed  among  our 
Indians.  Even  military  service  was  not  compulsory,  but  he  who 
would  might  organize  a  war  party,  and  the  courage  and  known 
prowess  in  war  of  the  leader  chiefly  determined  the  number  of  his 
followers.  So  loose  were  the  ties  of  authority  on  the  warpath  that 
a  bad  dream  or  an  unlucky  presage  was  enough  to  diminish  the 
number  of  the  war  party  at  any  time  or  even  to  break  it  up  entirely. 

The  idea  prevalent  among  the  colonists  of  a  legal  executive  head 
over  the  Indians,  a  so-called  king,  was  acceptable  on  account  of  the 
aid  it  lent  to  the  transaction  of  business  with  the  Indians,  especially 
to  the  enforcement  of  contracts.  It  enabled  the  colonists  to  treat 
directly  and  effectively  with  one  man,  or  at  most  with  a  few,  for  the 
sale  of  land,  instead  of  with  the  tribe  as  a  whole.  The  fact  is  that 
social  and  political  organization  was  of  the  lowest  kind ;  the  very 
name  of  tribe,  with  implication  of  a  body  bound  together  by  social 
ties  and  under  some  central  authority,  is  of  very  uncertain  application. 

Knowledge  of  Medicine,  —  Many  erroneous  ideas  of  the  practice 
of  medicine  among  the  Indians  are  current,  often  fostered  by  quacks 

I08  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s^  7,  1905 

who  claim  to  have  received  herbs  and  methods  of  practice  from  noted 
Indian  doctors.  The  medical  art  among  all  Indians  was  rooted  in 
sorcery ;  and  the  prevailing  idea  that  diseases  were  caused  by  the 
presence  or  acts  of  evil  spirits,  which  could  be  removed  only  by 
sorcery  and  incantation,  controlled  diagnosis  and  treatment  This 
conception  gave  rise  to  both  priest  and  physician.  Combined  with 
it  there  grew  up  a  certain  knowledge  of  and  dependence  upon 
simples,  one  important  development  of  which  was  what  we  know  as 
the  doctrine  of  signatures,  according  to  which  the  color,  shape,  and 
markings  of  plants  are  supposed  to  indicate  the  organs  for  which 
in  disease  they  are  supposed  to  be  efficacious  specifics.  There  was 
current  in  many  tribes,  especially  among  the  old  women,  a  rude 
knowledge  of  the  therapeutic  use  of  a  considerable  number  of  plants 
and  roots  and  of  the  sweating  process,  which  was  employed  with 
little  discrimination. 

Tlie  Great  Spirit,  —  Among  the  many  erroneous  conceptions  re- 
garding the  Indian  none  has  taken  deeper  root  than  the  one  which 
ascribes  to  him  belief  in  an  overruling  deity,  the  "  Great  Spirit." 
Very  far  removed  from  this  tremendous  conception  of  one  all- 
powerful  deity  was  the  Indian  belief  in  a  multitude  of  spirits  that 
dwelt  in  animate  and  inanimate  objects,  to  propitiate  which  was  the 
chief  object  of  his  supplications  and  sacrifices.  To  none  of  his 
deities  did  the  Indian  ascribe  moral  good  or  evil.  His  religion  was 
practical.  The  spirits  were  the  source  of  good  or  bad  fortune 
whether  on  the  hunting  path  or  the  war  trail,  in  the  pursuit  of  a 
wife  or  in  a  ball  game.  If  successful  he  adored,  offered  sacrifices, 
and  made  valuable  presents.  If  unsuccessful  he  cast  his  manitou 
away  and  offered  his  faith  to  more  powerful  or  more  friendly  deities. 

In  this  world  of  spirits  the  Indian  dwelt  in  perpetual  fear.  He 
feared  to  offend  the  spirits  of  the  mountains,  of  the  dark  wood,  of 
the  lake,  of  the  prairie.  The  real  Indian  was  a  different  creature 
from  the  joyous  and  untrammeled  savage  pictured  and  envied  by  the 
poet  and  philosopher. 

Happy  Hunting  Ground,  —  If  the  term  be  understood  to  imply 
nothing  more  than  a  belief  of  the  Indian  in  a  future  existence,  it 
answers,  perhaps,  as  well  as  another.  That  the  Indian  believes  in 
a  future  life  his  mortuary  rites  abundantly  testify.     It  may  be  con- 



iidently  stated  that  no  tribe  of  American  Indians  was  without  some 
idea  of  a  life  after  death  ;  but  as  to  its  exact  nature  and  whereabouts 
the  Indian's  ideas,  differing  in  different  tribes,  were  vague.  Nor 
does  it  appear  that  belief  in  a  future  life  had  any  marked  influence 
on  the  daily  life  and  conduct  of  the  individual.  The  American 
Indian  seems  not  to  have  evolved  the  idea  of  hell  and  future 

Division  of  Labor.  —  The  position  of  woman  in  Indian  society, 
especially  as  regards  the  division  of  labor,  has  been  misunderstood. 
Historians  have  generally  pictured  her  as  a  drudge  and  slave,  toiling 
incessantly,  while  her  indolent  husband  idles  away  most  of  the  time 
and  exists  chiefly  by  the  fruits  of  her  labor.  While  the  picture  is 
not  wholly  false,  it  is  much  overdrawn,  chiefly  because  the  observa- 
tions which  suggest  it  were  made  about  the  camp  or  village,  in 
which  and  in  the  neighboring  fields  lay  the  peculiar  province  of 
woman's  activity.  In  addition  to  the  nurture  of  children,  their 
duties  were  the  care  of  the  habitation,  cooking,  preparation  of 
skins,  and  the  making  of  clothing,  pottery,  and  basketry;  and 
among  many  tribes  they  were  expected  also  to  help  bring  home 
the  spoils  of  the  chase.  Among  agricultural  tribes  tillage  of  the 
fields  was  largely  woman's  work.  Thus  her  tasks  were  many  and 
laborious,  but  she  had  her  hours  for  gossip  and  for  special  women's 
games.  In  an  Indian  community,  where  the  food  question  is  always 
a  serious  one,  there  can  be  no  idle  hands.  The  women  were  aided 
in  their  round  of  tasks  by  the  children  and  the  old  men.  Where 
slavery  existed  their  toil  was  further  lightened  by  the  aid  of  slaves, 
and  in  other  tribes  captives  were  often  compelled  to  aid  in  the 
women's  work. 

The  men  did  all  the  hunting,  fishing,  and  trapping,  which  in 
savagery  are  always  toilsome,  frequently  dangerous,  and  not  rarely 
fatal,  especially  in  winter.  The  man  alone  bore  arms,  and  to  him  be- 
longed the  chances  and  dangers  of  war.  The  making  and  admin- 
istration  of  laws,  the  conduct  of  treaties,  and  the  general  regulation 
of  tribal  affairs  were  in  the  hands  of  the  men,  though  in  these  fields 
woman  also  had  important  prerogatives.  To  men  were  entrusted  all 
the  important  ceremonies  and  most  of  the  religious  rites,  also  the 
task  of  memorizing  tribal  records  and  treaties,  as  well  as  rituals. 

I  lO  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

which  involved  astonishing  feats  of  memory.  The  chief  manual 
labor  of  the  men  was  the  manufacture  of  hunting  and  war  imple- 
ments, an  important  occupation  that  took  much  time.  The  manu- 
facture of  canoes,  also,  was  chiefly  man's  work.  Thus  in  Indian 
society  the  position  of  woman  was  always  subordinate,  and  the  lines 
of  demarcation  between  the  duties  of  the  sexes  were  everywhere 
sharply  drawn.  Nevertheless,  the  division  of  labor  was  not  so 
unequal  as  it  might  seem  to  the  casual  observer,  and  it  is  difficult  to 
understand  how  the  line  could  have  been  more  fairly  drawn  in  a 
state  of  society  where  the  military  spirit  was  so  dominant.  Indian 
communities  lived  in  constant  danger  of  attack,  and  their  men, 
whether  in  camp  or  on  the  march,  must  ever  be  ready  at  a  moment's 
warning  to  seize  their  arms  and  defend  their  homes  and  families. 

Where  Indian  communities  adopted  settled  village  life,  as  did 
the  Pueblo  peoples,  or  where  the  nature  of  tribal  wealth  was  such 
as  to  enable  women  to  become  property-holders  on  a  large  scale,  as 
among  the  Navaho,  whose  women  own  the  sheep,  or  where  slavery 
was  an  established  institution  and  extensively  practised,  as  among 
the  northwest  coast  tribes,  the  position  of  women  advanced,  and 
there  ensued,  among  other  social  changes,  a  more  equal  division  of 
laborious  tasks. 

Indian  Population.  —  Early  estimates  of  Indian  population  were 
greatly  exaggerated,  chiefly  because  they  were  based  on  the  num- 
bers observed  in  the  more  populous  districts,  as  along  the  coast,  on 
the  natural  waterways,  and  in  permanent  settlements.  The  infer- 
ence was  that  elsewhere  the  population  was  equally  large,  whereas 
the  country  as  a  whole  was  but  sparsely  populated,  and  there  were 
extensive  tracts  in  the  United  States  which  were  practically  unin- 
habited. Later,  when  a  fairly  accurate  census  revealed  a  compara- 
tively small  population,  the  difference  between  the  first  estimates  and 
the  actual  numbers  was  accounted  for  by  the  theory  of  rapid  deci- 
mation due  to  pestilence.  The  Indian  population  of  prehistoric 
America  can  never  be  known,  but  all  available  data  indicate  that  it 
could  not  possibly  have  exceeded  a  million ;  many  authorities  be- 
lieve an  estimate  of  half  that  number  sufficient. 

Degeneracy  of  Mixed-bloods,  —  It  has  long  been  an  adage  that 
the  mixed-blood  is  a  moral  degenerate,  exhibiting  few  or  none  of 


the  virtues  of  either,  but  all  the  vices  of  both  of  the  parent  stocks. 
In  various  parts  of  the  country  there  are  many  mixed-bloods  of 
undoubted  ability  and  of  high  moral  standing,  and  there  is  no  evi- 
dence to  prove  that  the  low  moral  status  of  the  average  mixed- 
bloods  of  the  frontier  is  a  necessary  result  of  mixture  of  blood,  but 
there  is  much  to  indicate  that  it  arises  chiefly  from  his  unfortunate 
environment.  The  mixed-blood  finds  little  favor  with  either  race, 
while  his  superior  education  and  advantages,  derived  from  associa- 
tion with  the  whites,  enable  him  to  outstrip  his  Indian  brother  in  the 
pursuit  of  either  good  or  evil.  Absorption  into  the  dominant  race 
is  likely  to  be  the  fate  of  the  Indian,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  fear 
that  when  freed  from  his  anomalous  environment  the  mixed-blood 
will  not  win  an  honorable,  social,  industrial,  and  political  place  in  the 
national  life. 

Indian  Pygmies  and  Giants.  —  All  times  and  all  peoples  have 
had  traditions  of  pygmies  and  giants.  It  is  therefore  nowise  sur- 
prising that  such  myths  were  early  transplanted  to  American  soil. 
The  story  of  an  ancient  race  of  pygmies  in  Tennessee,  familiar  to 
most  archeologists,  owes  its  origin  to  the  discovery,  in  the  early  half 
of  the  last  century,  of  numerous  small  stone  coffins,  or  cists,  contain- 
ing skeletons.  The  largest,  measured  by  Featherstonhaugh,  was  24 
inches  long  by  9  inches  deep.  The  small  size  of  the  cists  was 
assumed  by  their  discoverers  to  be  proof  of  the  existence  of  a  race 
of  dwarfs,  and  the  belief  gained  ready  credence  and  exists  to  the 
present  day  in  the  minds  of  a  few.  In  many  cases  the  skeletons  of 
the  supposed  dwarfs  proved  to  be  those  of  children,  while,  as  pointed 
out  by  Jones  and  Thomas,  the  skeletons  of  the  adults  found  in  the 
cists  had  been  deprived  of  flesh,  a  common  Indian  mortuary  custom, 
and  then  disjointed,  when  the  bones  of  an  adult  could  be  packed 
into  a  very  small  space. 

A  race  of  dwarfs  has  also  been  popularly  ascribed  to  the  cliff- 
dweller  region  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  partly  owing  to  the 
finding  of  shriveled  and  shrunken  mummies  of  children,  too  hastily 
assumed  to  be  those  of  dwarfs,  and  partly  owing  to  the  discovery 
of  small  apartments  in  the  cliff  dwellings,  of  the  nature  of  cubby- 
holes for  the  storage  of  property,  the  entrances  to  which  were  too 
small  to  permit  the  passage,  erect,  of  an  ordinar>-  man  ;  hence,  in  the 

112  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

mind  of  the  discoverers,  they  must  have  been  used  by  dwarfs.  The 
Pueblo  peoples  are,  indeed,  of  relatively  small  stature,  but  they  are 
as  far  from  being  dwarfs  as  other  Indians  from  being  giants.^ 

The  myth  of  the  discovery  of  giant  skeletons  perennial  in  news- 
papers, is  revived  at  times  by  the  finding  of  huge  fossil  mammalian 
remains  of  ancient  epochs,  erroneously  supposed  by  the  ignorant  to 
be  human  ;  at  others  by  the  discovery  of  buried  skeletons  the  bones 
of  which  have  in  the  course  of  time  become  separated  so  as  to  give 
the  impression  of  beings  of  unusual  height.  There  was  considerable 
diversity  of  stature  among  Indian  tribes,  some,  as  the  Pueblos,  being 
of  rather  small  size,  while  among  the  tribes  of  the  lower  Colorado 
and  the  Plains  were  many  men  of  unusual  size.  Now  and  then,  too, 
as  among  other  peoples,  a  man  is  found  who  is  a  real  giant  among 
his  kind  ;  a  skeleton  was  exhumed  in  West  Virginia  which  measured 
yyi  feet  in  length  and  19  inches  across  the  shoulders. 

Mound-builders  and  Cliff-dwellers.  —  The  belief  was  formerly 
held  by  many  that  the  mound-builders  of  the  Mississippi  valley  and 
the  cliff-dwellers  of  the  southwestern  border  were  racially  distinct 
from  the  Indians  or  had  reached  a  superior  degree  of  culture.  The 
more  thoroughly  the  mounds  and  cliff  ruins  have  been  explored  and 
the  more  carefully  the  artifacts,  customs,  and  culture  status  of  these 
ancient  peoples  are  studied,  the  more  apparent  is  it  that  their  attain- 
ments were  nowise  superior  to  those  of  the  later  Indian.  There  is 
no  evidence  incompatible  with  the  theory  that  the  builders  of  the 
mounds  and  the  dwellers  in  the  cliffs  are  the  ancestors  of  the  tribes 
now  or  recently  in  possession  of  the  same  regions. 

Stolidity  and  Taciturnity,  —  The  idea  of  the  Indian,  once  popu- 
lar, suggests  a  taciturn  and  stolid  character  who  smoked  his  pipe 
in  silence  and  stalked  reserved  and  dignified  among  his  fellows. 
Unquestionably  the  Indian  of  the  Atlantic  slope  differed  in  many 
respects  from  his  kinsmen  farther  west ;  it  may  be  that  the  forest 
Indian  of  the  north  and  east  imbibed  something  of  the  spirit  of  the 
primeval  woods  which,  deep  and  gloomy,  overspread  much  of  his 
region.     If  so,  he  has  no  counterpart  in  the  regions  west  of  the 

For  details  respecting  the  dwarfs  of  Tennessee  see  Haywood,  Natural  and  Aborig- 
inal History  of  Tennessee^  1823  ;  and  Jones,  Antiquities  of  Tennessee^  10,  1876. 


Mississippi.  On  occasions  of  ceremony  and  religion  the  western 
Indian  can  be  both  dignified  and  solemn,  as  befits  the  occasion,  but 
his  nature,  if  not  as  bright  and  sunny  as  that  of  the  Polynesian,  is  at 
least  as  far  removed  from  moroseness  as  his  disposition  is  from  taci* 
tumity.  The  Indian  of  the  present  day  has  a  fair  sense  of  humor 
and  is  by  no  means  a  stranger  to  jest,  laughter,  and  even  repartee. 

AM.  AMTH.,  N.  S.,  7—8 


Th€  American  Xaiion :  A  History.  Volume  IL  Basis  of  American 
History^  ijoo-igoo.  By  Lmxcsrox  Farrasd,  A.M.,  M.D., 
Professor  of  Anthropolog}',  Columbia  University.  New  York  and 
London  :  Harper  Brothers.     1904.     8°,  303  pages,  i  pi.,  10  maps. 

The  American  nation  as  a  political  miit  merely  is  a  subject  easily 
compassed  by  the  historian,  since  its  foundation  lies  not  only  within  the 
period  of  written  history,  but  within  the  narrow  limits  of  discovery  and 
colonization.  But  he  who  would  venture  to  treat  the  national  history  in 
its  fuller  significance  must  carry  his  researches  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
Colinnbian  period  and  over  a  \'ast  range  of  subject-matter ;  he  must  con- 
sider the  races  and  cultures  of  the  Old  World  and  their  &r-reaching  in- 
fluence in  the  New ;  he  must  have  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  New 
World,  giving  due  attention  to  its  configuration,  its  climate,  and  its 
resources,  and  must  build  up  the  background  of  his  picture  with  the  his- 
tory of  the  American  race.  These  are  the  elements  that,  in  the  view  of 
Dr  Farrand,  constitute  the  basis  of  the  histor\'  of  the  American  nation. 
The  time  may  or  may  not  have  come  for  an  adequate  presentation  of  this 
history ;  the  point  of  Wew  may  not  yet  be  sufficiently  remote  for  com- 
prehensive vision,  and  the  knowledge  of  the  field  and  its  complex  phe- 
nomena may  not  be  sufficiently  complete ;  but  our  author  has  ventured 
on  the  task,  and  the  future  must  determine  the  wisdom  of  the  under- 
taking and  the  degree  of  his  success. 

In  the  earlier  chapters  the  author  depicts  in  a  simple  and  effective 
manner  the  ph)rsical  features  of  the  continent,  characterizing  the  areas 
fitted  for  human  occupancy  and  pointing  out  the  bearing  of  the  mountain 
masses,  the  deserts,  and  rivers  on  the  distribution  of  populations.  He 
shows  how  the  invading  race  advanced  to  the  conquest  of  the  fertile 
vallejrs  and  the  prairies,  and  how  the  aborigines  were  pushed  inland 
along  the  waterways,  across  the  passes,  and  over  the  portages,  until  the 
great  habitable  areas  were  almost  completely  wrested  from  their  grasp. 
The  special  areas  that  had  nurtured  the  native  communities  and  developed 
their  peculiar  culture  now  became  the  focal  centers  for  the  development 
of  the  new  people  and  the  new  culture.  Dr  Farrand  summarizes  the 
characteristics  of  the  great  areas  of  human  activity,  and  enumerates 
(touching  all  too  lightly  on  the  mineral  kingdom)  the  resources  which, 



under  the  simple  regime  of  the  Indian,  gave  him  an  impulse  toward  civil- 
ization, and  which  in  the  stronger  grasp  of  the  white  race  created  a  new 
empire  almost  within  the  limit  of  a  lifetime.  Having  covered  this  much 
of  the  ground,  the  author  takes  up  the  story  of  the  native  tribes  as  an 
essential  part  of  the  national  history. 

Chapter  5  is  devoted  to  a  consideration  of  the  very  important  ques- 
tion of  the  antiquity  of  man  in  what  is  now  the  domain  of  the  American 
nation.  The  geological  evidence  is  dismissed  with  a  few  short  para- 
graphs, leaving  the  impression  that  as  yet  little  satisfactory  proof  of  great 
antiquity  has  been  found.  Facts  relied  on  when  investigations  began  a 
few  years  ago  as  fully  establishing  the  existence  of  conditions  of  occu- 
//pancy  and  culture  parallel  with  those  of  Europe,  have  more  recently 
been  given  different  and  much  simpler  interpretations.  Finds  of  artifacts 
in  Glacial  gravels  are  too  few  and  too  imperfectly  attested  to  carry  con- 
viction to  the  conservative  student,  and  it  is  pointed  out  that  caves  which 
have  for  untold  centuries  offered  free  shelter  to  the  tribes  that  have  come 
and  gone,  yield  no  trace  of  occupancy  by  others  than  the  Indian  tribes 
as  known  to  us.  It  is  justly  considered,  however,  that  the  continent 
must  have  been  occupied  for  thousands  of  years,  the  well -authenticated 
traces  extending  far  back  toward  the  period  that  witnessed  the  final 
retreat  of  the  Glacial  ice  beyond  the  northern  limits  of  the  Great  I^kes. 
The  mound  builders  and  the  cliff  dwellers,  about  whom  much  misconcep- 
tion and  error  have  insisted  on  clustering,  are  relegated  to  their  proper 
place  in  the  simple  history  of  Indian  occupancy.  In  the  light  of  the 
straightforward  and  judicious  interpretations  presented  by  Dr  Farrand, 
the  cobwebs  of  early  misinterpretation  are  swept  completely  away. 

In  Chapter  6  a  comprehensive  glance  is  taken  of  the  North  Ameri- 
can aborigines  for  the  period  beginning  with  1500  and  ending  with  1900 
—  the  period  during  which  they  have  been  under  the  observation  of  our 
own  race.  The  first  requisite  in  this  presentation  is  a  classification  of  the 
extensive  and  complex  phenomena  involved,  and  it  is  pointed  out  that 
four  groupings  of  the  tribes  are  possible  :  by  physical  characters,  by  lan- 
guages, by  geographical  areas,  and  by  culture  groups.  The  physical  char- 
acters are  varied  and  pronounced,  but  difficult  to  formulate  in  such  ways 
as  to  serve  as  a  basis  for  treatment.  The  grouping  by  languages  is  re- 
garded as  the  most  satisfactory  for  scientific  discussion,  but  the  tribes 
north  of  Mexico  present  such  a  wonderful  diversity  of  tongues  that  fifty- 
seven  distinct  linguistic  groups  or  families  are  recognized,  making  impos- 
sible a  brief  and  comprehensive  treatment  on  this  basis. 

It  is  believed  by  Dr  Farrand  that  a  grouping  by  geographical  areas 

1 1 6  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  i^c^ 

is  the  most  satisfactory  for  his  purpK>se,  the  areas  being  such  as  have,  partly 
at  least,  through  their  peculiar  characteristics  of  conformation  and  resour- 
ces, led  to  the  development  of  somewhat  decidedly  distinctive  phases  of 
culture.  By  this  method  the  number  of  groups  may  be  large  or  small  as 
the  treatment  demands.  Seven  are  considered  sufficient  for  the  author's 
purpose,  and  are  as  follows :  ( i )  the  Eskimo  ;  (2)  the  tribes  of  the  North 
Pacific  coast ;  (3)  the  tribes  of  the  Mackenzie  river  basin  and  the  high 
plateaus;  (4)  the  tribes  of  the  Columbia  river  and  California;  (5)  the 
tribes  of  the  Great  Plains ;  (6)  the  tribes  of  the  eastern  woodlands ;  and 
(7)  the  tribes  of  the  Southwest  and  Mexico.  The  Eskimo  occupy  the 
northern  shoreline  of  the  continent  from  Bering  sea  to  Greenland,  and 
originally,  it  is  surmised,  extended  south  into  New  England.  They  are 
a  people  widely  separated  from  the  Indian  in  physical  and  mental  char- 
acters, whose  origin  is  not  determined,  but  whose  adjustment  to  the  Arctic 
environment  and  unique  resultant  culture  are  among  the  most  interesting 
and  instructive  lessons  of  aboriginal  America.  Contrasting  strongly  with 
the  Eskimo,  and  presenting  physical  and  cultural  characters  hardly  less  re- 
markable, are  the  tribes  of  the  Northwest  coast.  The  third  group,  assem- 
bled in  the  great  northern  inland  region,  connects  with  the  Eskimo  on 
the  north  and  extends  from  the  coast  ranges  on  the  west  to  Hudson  bay 
on  the  east ;  while  the  fourth  occupies  the  basin  of  Columbia  river  and  the 
numerous  minor  valleys  opening  out  to  the  Pacific  in  Oregon  and  California. 
The  fifth  group  comprises  the  great  warrior-hunter  tribes  of  the  inland 
plains,  of  which  the  Sioux  are  taken  as  the  type ;  the  sixth,  the  formerly 
powerful  and  strongly  contrasting  Iroquoian  and  Algonquian  groups  of  the 
eastern  woodland  north  and  south,  with  which  the  English  and  French  colon- 
ists had  chiefly  to  deal ;  and  the  seventh,  the  many  tribes  of  the  Southwest 
and  Mexico,  presenting  numerous  physical  types  and  greatly  diversified 
cultures.  Of  the  three  hundred  or  more  tribes  thus  passed  under  review, 
few  could  even  be  mentioned  and  fewer  described  by  Dr  Farrand  with 
any  degree  of  fulness  in  the  brief  space  allotted  ;  but  the  perusal  of  these 
chapters  will  give  the  reader  an  excellent  notion  of  the  people  as  a  whole, 
and  of  the  groups  as  assembled  in  the  great  specialization  areas  of  the 
northern  portions  of  the  continent. 

The  chapters  treating  of  the  social  organization  of  the  tribes ;  houses, 
house  life,  and  food  quest ;  industrial  life  and  warfare  ;  religion,  mythol- 
ogy, and  art ;  and  the  character  and  future  of  the  Indians,  which  follow, 
are  excellent  summaries  of  these  subjects ;  and  the  final  chapter,  a  critical 
essay  on  authorities,  will  prove  to  be  of  high  value  to  the  student. 

Not  without  shortcomings  such  as  necessarily  result  from  the  crowd- 


ing  of  a  vast  subject  within  narrow  limits  (the  faults  of  omission),  this 
work  is  charmingly  simple,  direct,  and  comprehensive.  The  reader  is 
not  led  into  troublesome  mazes  of  speculation,  nor  is  he  asked  to  skate  on 
the  thin  ice  of  preconceived  notions ;  the  work  must  therefore  prove  a 
boon  to  schools  and  to  the  general  public,  which  have  too  long  been  at 
the  mercy  of  the  hobby-rider  and  the  sensation-monger.  It  is  conserva- 
tive and  refreshingly  healthy  in  tone  throughout.  The  publishers  will  be 
fortunate  if  the  other  volumes  of  the  composite  work  to  which  this  one 
belongs  reach  an  equal  standard  of  excellence. 

W.  H.  Holmes 

An  Outline  of  the  Theory  of  Organic  Evolution,  with  a  Description  of 
some  of  the  Phenomena  which  it  Explains.     By  Maynard  M.  Met- 
CALF.      New  York :    The   Macmillan  Company.       1904.    8°,  xxii, 
204  pages,  illustrated. 

This  book,  as  the  author  says,  is  not  intended  for  biologists,  but  for 
la3rmen,  and  especially  for  such  as  are  somewhat  young  either  in  years  or 
in  science.  But  many  a  biologist  could  doubtless  refresh  his  memory, 
dimmed  by  long  special  researches,  by  scanning  its  attractive  pages,  and 
especially  its  profuse  and  well-selected  illustrations.  It  covers  the  entire 
field  of  organic  nature,  and  the  examples  are  drawn  as  well  from  plants  as 
from  animals.  The  author,  although  he  says  that  he  believes  **  that  all 
nature  is  controlled  by  an  intelligent  Providence,  *  *  is  a  thoroughgoing 
evolutionist.  He  is  also  open-minded,  and  accepts  all  the  evidence  from 
whatever  source.  For  example,  he  gives  some  excellent  illustrations  of 
sexual  selection,  which  some  eminent  evolutionists  affect  to  discredit. 

If  the  book  were  exclusively  devoted  to  biology  in  the  narrower  sense 
of  dealing  with  plants  and  the  lower  animals,  it  could  not  be  expected 
that  the  American  Anthropologist  would  give  space  to  it,  however  meri- 
torious, but  the  author  has  not  stopped  with  animals  in  the  ordinary 
sense.  He  has  devoted  a  chapter  to  the  evolution  of  man.  In  this  he 

"Study  of  human  anatomy  shows  mankind  to  be  probably  a  single 
species,  belonging  to  the  Primates,  a  group  of  the  Mammalia,  including, 
besides  man,  the  lemurs  and  the  apes  and  monkeys  of  the  eastern  and 
western  hemispheres.  Man  is  most  related  to  the  Simiida,  the  tailless 
apes  of  Asia  and  Africa,  including  the  gibbon,  the  orang,  the  chimpanzee, 
and  the  gorilla.  It  is  usual  to  place  humankind  in  a  distinct  family  of 
Primates,  Hominida,  It  is  now  the  general  consensus  of  opinion  that  we 
should  recognize  but  a  single  species  and  distinguish  as  subspecies  the 
several  races  of  men.*' 

1 1 8  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

In  support  of  these  views  he  gives  the  well-known  figures  of  Huxley 
showing  the  skeletons  of  man  and  the  foiu:  anthropoid  apes,  and  also  the 
remarkable  series  of  embryos  arranged  by  Haeckel  to  show  the  phylogeny 
and  ontogeny  of  man.  This  series  first  appeared  in  Haeckel' s  Anthro- 
pogente,  1874,  pi.  v.  It  has  been  copied  many  times,  and  our  author, 
who  does  not  seem  to  be  acquainted  with  Haeckel' s  work,  borrowed  it 
from  Romanes  (^Darwin  and  after  Darwin,  pp.  152-153). 

The  general  reflections  in  which  the  author  indulges  growing  out  of 
these  and  other  facts  adduced  in  favor  of  human  evolution,  show  a  strong 
coordinating  power  and  a  broad  view  of  his  subject.  The  role  of  the 
higher  mind  is  clearly  grasped,  and  its  bearing  on  the  future  of  evolution, 
both  favorable  and  unfavorable,  is  well  set  forth.  Perhaps  he  somewhat 
exaggerates  the  tendency  of  civilization  to  preserve  the  biologically  unfit, 
but  he  may  be  pardoned,  for  this  is  a  favorite  theme  of  modem  biological 
philosophers,  many  of  whom  are  so  carried  away  by  it  that  they  lose  all 
sense  of  perspective  and  become  wholly  pessimistic.  Not  so  our  author, 
although  he  sounds  the  note  of  warning.  But  he  sees,  as  many  do  not, 
that  intelligence  exempts  mankind  for  the  most  part  from  the  principle  of 
selection,  and  enables  him  to  control  and  transform  his  environment,  in- 
stead of  being  controlled  and  transformed  by  it.  **We  can,"  he  says 
**  to  a  considerable  extent,  control  our  own  evolution.  The  lower  ani- 
mals cannot  do  so.  They  lack  the  intelligence  which  gives  us  this  power. ' ' 
But  he  seems  to  share  with  Galton,  Ribot,  and  others  the  faith  that  what- 
ever progress  is  to  be  brought  about  through  intelligence  must  consist  in 
some  sort  of  rational  stirpiculture  or  *  *  eugenics, ' '  and  be  exclusively 
physiological.  The  idea  of  a  strictly  social  evolution,  as  distinguished 
from  biological  evolution,  seems  to  be  outside  the  range  of  his  studies. 

Lester  F.  Ward. 

An  Introduction  to  the  Theory  of  Mental  and  Social  Measurements,  By 
Edward  L.  Thorndike.  New  York:  The  Science  Press.  1904. 
8®,  xii,  210  pages. 

The  author  claims  this  book  to  be  a  statement  of  the  first  principles 
and  rules  of  procedure  in  the  treatment  of  statistical  data,  to  serve  as  a 
handbook  for  the  students  of  all  sciences  using  statistical  material.  Yet  it 
is  obvious,  on  looking  into  the  special  methods  discussed,  that  the  treatise 
is  expressly  for  the  students  of  education  and  psychology.  The  apparent 
design  of  the  work  is  to  present  methods  of  procedure  based  on  mathe- 
matical conceptions  with  the  mathematics  left  out,  the  author  himself 
being  fiiUy  conscious  of  the  awkwardness  of  his  position.     Since  methods 


of  handling  statistics  for  variable  phenomena  are  of  special  interest  to 
physical  anthropology,  an  application  of  methods  to  similar  conditions 
in  other  fields  of  investigation  will  always  deserve  attention.  All  statis- 
tical work  in  variation  proceeds  on  the  assumption  that  variation  is  the 
result  of  a  large  number  of  independent  causes  working  independently, 
the  probabilities  of  their  acting  and  not  acting  being  equal.  Such  a  con- 
dition gives  a  distribution  of  cases  expressed  by  the  binomial  formula. 
Whenever  it  can  be  established  that  anatomical  measurements  for  a 
homogeneous  people  follow  the  same  law,  mathematics  will  be  of  great 
service  and  new  fields  of  research  will  present  themselves.  Physical 
anthropology  has  firmly  established  itself  by  empirically  demonstrating 
the  correspondence  between  the  observed  facts  and  this  mathematical  ex- 
pression. However,  the  great  obstacle  to  research  has  been  the  general 
ignorance  of  mathematics  on  the  part  of  the  workers,  self-justified  by 
traditions  against  the  use  of  its  methods. 

While  the  psychologists  have  been  using  the  same  mathematical 
methods,  they  have  not  yet  demonstrated  in  the  same  rough  fashion  the 
correspondence  between  their  data  and  the  binomial  formula,  or  the  more 
general  expression  of  the  exponential  formula.  The  author  devotes 
much  space  to  the  presentation  of  types  of  distribution  obtained  in  the 
various  kinds  of  data  to  give  the  student  some  idea  of  the  basis  for  the 
assumption  of  the  applicability  of  the  mathematical  formulas  that  hold  for 
the  conditions  of  a  single  type  of  distribution.  This  is  commendable 
and  safe  ground,  but  merely  states  observations.  The  critical  reader  of 
the  book  must  feel  that  the  advice  of  the  author  to  regard  every  distribu- 
tion as  being  of  the  symmetrical  type  unless  there  is  good  reason  for  not 
doing  so  would  rule  out  the  remainder  of  the  book,  since,  as  far  as  can  be 
judged  by  eye,  the  majority  of  the  plotted  distributions  show  asymmetrical 
tendencies.  This  will  doubtless  serve  the  good  purpose  of  making  the 
student  duly  cautious  in  th«  use  of  the  method.  The  weakness  of  the 
author* s  position  is  in  his  failure  to  give  a  satisfactory  basis  for  the  determi- 
nation of  asymmetry.  The  question  of  the  type  of  distribution  would 
have  come  to  something  more  definite  if  the  relation  between  the  higher 
powers  of  the  deviations  and  the  type  of  distribution  had  been  discussed. 
As  it  is,  the  whole  preliminary  discussion  fails  to  suggest  a  way  out  of 
seemingly  hopeless  diversity  of  forms  of  distribution. 

The  book  must  be  estimated  as  an  exposition  of  established  methods 
rather  than  as  a  contribution  to  the  knowledge  of  the  subject.  To  this 
end  the  author  has  chosen  a  few  main  points  and  treated  them  at  length. 
The  illustrative  examples  are  original,  and  although  sometimes  a  little 

I20  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Strained  seem  to  serve  their  purpose:  e,  g.,  John's  Christmas  money, 
the  relative  probability  of  his  receiving  a  dollar  from  different  sources,  is 
carried  through  the  entire  chapter  on  the  cause  of  variability. 

Some  useful  adaptations  of  principles  are  worked  out  by  the  author  as 
special  methods  of  procedure  in  psychological  research :  1.  e. ,  the  trans- 
mutation of  relative  measures  into  those  of  quantity.  The  author's  discus- 
sion of  the  zero  point  of  a  series  seems  unnecessarily  confusing ;  in  this  as 
in  several  other  instances  he  gives  the  reader  the  impression  that  he  is  in 
too  great  haste  to  get  to  the  end.  The  standard  deviation  is  represented 
in  the  exponential  formula  by  fi  and  in  the  text  by  <i- ;  as  this  occurs  on 
the  same  page  without  explanation  it  will  confuse  the  student.  The  dis- 
tinction between  the  mode  and  the  average  is  dwelt  upon  at  length,  but 
it  would  have  been  more  emphatic  if  a  brief  mathematical  demonstration 
had  been  added.  In  the  treatment  of  accuracy  of  measurements  the 
student  should  have  been  given  the  simple  formula  for  the  correction  of 
the  standard  deviation.  These  are  some  of  the  instances  in  which  the 
author's  fear  of  mathematics  led  him  to  eliminate  matter  that  is  really 
useful  to  the  reader  even  though  he  must  take  its  verity  on  faith. 

The  appearance  of  the  book  is  an  encouraging  sign  that  psychology 
may  be  about  to  begin  substantial  advance  in  one  important  part  of  its 
field.  As  a  text  book  for  a  preparatory  course  to  psychological  investiga- 
tion it  has  many  points  of  excellence,  but  the  author's  hope  that  it  will  be 
of  great  service  to  the  unmathematical  reader  is  not  well  grounded,  for 
it  is  the  experience  of  the  reviewer  that  even  such  a  presentation  reaches 
only  the  mathematically  inclined.  Clark  Wissler. 

Notes  d* archiologie  prihistorique,  —  Nos  ancetres  primitifs.  Par  A. 
DoiGNEAU.  Preface  par  le  Docteur  Capitan.  Paris  :  Librarie  C. 
Clavreuil.     1905.     8®,  202  pages,  109  figures. 

This  volume  is  very  well  characterized  by  the  author  in  the  dedication 
as  **a  work  of  popularization  ";  and  again  by  Dr  Capitan  in  the  preface 
as  **  a  concise  r6sum6  of  the  history  of  our  primitive  ancestors. ' '  Turn- 
ing to  the  table  of  contents,  the  history  is  found  to  be  limited  to  the  chap- 
ters dealing  with  the  ages  of  stone.  Such  a  work  marks  a  timely  step  in 
the  right  direction.  The  domain  of  prehistoric  archeology  is  a  broad  one. 
The  period  of  pioneering  has  therefore  of  necessity  been  long.  But  there 
comes  a  time  in  the  development  of  a  science,  as  in  that  of  a  country, 
when  the  trail  should  give  place  to  the  highway.  There  are  those  who 
will  always  prefer  the  trail.  Let  them  still  wander  to  their  heart's  con- 
tent through  the  wilderness.     Their  course  leads  by  way  of  the  numerous 


publications  of  museums,  societies,  academies,  etc. ;  of  scientific  journals, 
government  reports,  books  of  travel,  as  well  as  works  on  special  topics. 
But  that  way  is  too  laborious  for  the  great  majority  whose  means  of  com- 
munication should  be  as  easy  and  direct  as  possible,  and  who  may  choose 
to  be  personally  conducted.  In  that  case,  Doigneau  is  recommended  as 
their  guide.  He  knows  the  field  and  has  supplemented  his  text  by 
copious  references  to  the  original  sources  of  infonnation. 

In  archeology  it  is  necessary  to  know  the  when  as  well  as  the  what 
and  the  where ;  hence  the  importance  of  chronological  classification.  In 
prehistoric  archeology  the  chronology  is  of  necessity  relative  rather  than 
absolute.  The  author  offers  nothing  new  in  the  way  of  classification,  his 
outline  agreeing  practically  with  that  made  by  Gabriel  de  Mortillet  *  more 
than  ten  years  ago.  The  stone  age  is  divided  into  three  periods :  ( i ) 
eolithic,  (2)  paleolithic,  and  (3)  neolithic.  It  is  well  known  that  to  Sir 
John  Lubbock  (Lord  Avebury)  belongs  the  credit  of  first  employing  the 
terms  paleolithic  and  neolithic.  As  to  the  name  eolithic,  the  author 
leaves  one  to  infer  (p.  36)  that  it  was  introduced  by  G.  de  Mortillet. 
Dr  A.  Rutot  *  of  Brussels  also  believes  him  to  have  been  the  first  to  pro- 
pose that  name  to  designate  a  primitive  industry  antedating  the  paleo- 
lithic. In  the  opinion  of  the  reviewer,  and  as  stated  by  him  in  a  paper 
written  last  year  but  not  yet  published,  the  priority  belongs  to  Mr  J. 
Allen  Brown,  late  fellow  of  the  Geological  Society  of  London,  who  made 
use  of  the  term  **  eolithic  **  in  a  communication '  read  before  the  Anthro- 
pological Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  on  March  8th,  1892, 
whereas  de  Mortillet  submitted  his  *  *  Classification  palethnologique  *  *  to 
the  Paris  Society  of  Anthropology  on  December  6,  1894.* 

The  eolithic  period  of  Doigneau,  like  that  of  de  Mortillet,  is  placed 
wholly  in  the  Tertiary.  The  paleolithic  is  referred  to  the  early  Quater- 
nary and  the  neolithic  to  the  Recent.  On  the  other  hand  Rutot  has 
recently  shown  that  the  eolithic  is  by  no  means  confined  to  the  Tertiary 
—  Reutelian,  Reutelo-Mesvinian,  and  Mesvinian  industries  all  occur- 
ring in  the  lower  Quaternary.  In  regard  to  the  subdivisions  of  the 
paleolithic  period,  the  author  does  not  seem  to  share  the  opinion  of 
Professor    Hoemes*    and   others    that   the    Chellean,    Acheulian,    and 

1  Classification  palethnologique,  Buii.  Soc.  d^anthr.  de  Paris ^  1S94,  p.  616. 

»Le  prthistorique  dans  1' Europe  centrale,  etc.  Extrait  du  C-R.  du  Congr, 
d^arch,  etd*hist.j  Dinant,  1903,  p.  244. 

•On  the  continuity  of  the  paleolithic  and  neolithic  periods.    J,  A.  /.,  xxii,  93. 

« Page  616  of  the  Bulletins. 

*  Moriz  Hoernes,  Der  diluviaU  Mensch  in  Europe^  Braunschweig,  Friedrich  Vieweg 
und  Sohn,  1903  (reviewed  in  American  Anthropologist ^  N.  s.,  1903,  v,  695). 

1 22  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Mousterian  epochs  are  but  phases  of  one  and  the  same  industry.  Yet 
he  goes  so  far  as  to  admit  that :  the  Acheulian  cannot  be  considered  as 
constituting  a  veritable  epoch.  It  is  at  the  same  time  the  end  of  the 
Chellean  and  the  beginning  of  the  Mousterian,  a  passage  from  the  one  to 
the  other,  and  marking  a  relatively  short  period  of  time.  The  Solutrean 
is  also  looked  upon  as  a  transition  epoch.  A  good  deal  of  space  is  given  to 
the  closing  epoch  of  the  paleolithic  period  which  was  marked  by  a  real 
passion  for  art.  Indeed  the  Magdalenian  epoch  may  well  be  called  the 
Phidian  age  of  prehistoric  times.  Records  have  been  preserved  of  each 
successive  step  from  sculpture  in  the  round,  through  high-relief  and  low- 
relief  to  delicate  engraving.  Color  was  sometimes  combined  with  engrav- 
ing, as  in  the  remarkable  frescoes  which  adorn  the  cavern  walls  of  Fond- 
de-Gaume,  near  Les  Eyzies.  Curious  markings  suggestive  of  a  halter  on 
some  of  the  figures  of  horses  from  the  cavern  walls  of  Combarelles,  also 
near  Les  Eyzies,  have  led  to  the  question  of  domestication  of  animals 
during  the  paleolithic  period.  Doigneau  does  not  believe  the  evidence 
sufficient  to  demonstrate  that  any  animal  had  become  domesticated  previous 
to  the  arrival  of  the  neolithic  peoples  in  Europe. 

The  closing  chapter  deals  with  the  neolithic  period ;  the  hiatus,  sup- 
posed by  some  to  separate  it  from  the  paleolithic,  the  author  believes  to 
be  non-existent.  In  support  of  this  view  he  marshals  the  evidence 
furnished  by  the  researches  of  de  Mortillet  at  la  Tourasse  (Haute- 
Garonne),  Piette  at  Mas  d'Azil  (Ari^ge),  Salmon  and  Capitan  at  Cam- 
pigny  (Seine-Inftrieure),  and  d*Ault  du  Mesnil  in  the  valley  of  the 
Somme.  The  Tourassian  is  a  transition  epoch.  The  Campignian  epoch 
is  characterized  by  the  survival  of  a  few  ancient  types,  such  as  scrapers, 
double  scrapers,  and  gravers,  and  the  appearance  of  two  new  types,  the 
paring-knife  and  the  pick.  Nowhere  was  there  the  slightest  evidence  of 
an  attempt  at  polishing  the  stone  implements.  This  was  reserved  for  the 
following  epoch,  the  so-called  Robenhausian. 

The  story  as  told  by  Doigneau  is  attractive  throughout.  The  ex- 
cellent figures  are,  happily,  almost  exclusively  of  specimens  in  his  own 
collection.  The  references,  though  numerous,  are  wholly  confined  to 
French  authors  or  French  translations  of  foreign  authors,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  citations  from  a  few  classical  writers  —  a  limitation  perhaps  more 
apparent  than  real  when  the  scope  of  the  work  is  taken  into  consideration. 
A  few  typographical  errors  are  noted,  among  which  may  possibly  be 
classed  the  statement  that  Pithecanthropus  was  found  near  Java. 

George  Grant  MacCurdy. 

BOOK  RE  VIE  IVS  1 23 

Persona!  Names  of  Indians  of  New  Jersey  :  Being  a  list  of  Six  Hundred 
and  Fifty  such  Names,  Gleaned  mostly  from  Indian  deeds  of  the  Seven- 
teenth Century,  By  William  Nelson.  Paterson,  N.  J. :  The 
Paterson  History  Club.    1904.     8®,  83  pages. 

The  title  of  this  book  sufficiently  explains  itself.  The  author,  who 
has  already  given  us  a  work  on  the  **  Indians  of  New  Jersey/'  states  in  the 
preface  that  the  nucleus  of  the  present  compilation  appeared  in  the  Amer- 
ican Anthropologist  for  January,  1902,  and  that  the  interest  manifested 
in  that  publication  has  led  him  to  extend  the  list  to  its  present  proportions. 
''  It  is  believed  that  no  such  list  of  aboriginal  personal  names,  principally 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  has  ever  been  published  before."  It  is  a 
laborious  and  valuable  work,  conscientiously  performed,  of  use  alike  to 
the  historian,  philologist,  and  ethnologist,  particularly  in  connection 
with  the  old  Lenape  or  Delaware  tribe.  Its  usefulness  will  increase  with 
acquaintance,  and  it  would  be  well  if  we  could  have  more  such  compila- 
tions on  which  to  draw  for  material.  James  Mooney. 

The  Mythology  of  the  Wichita,  Collected  under  the  Auspices  of  the  Car- 
negie Institution  of  Washington,  By  George  A.  Dorsey,  Curator  of 
Anthropology,  Field  Columbian  Museum.  Washington  ;  Published 
by  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington.  1904.  (Publication 
No.  21.)     8**,  351  pages. 

This  and  the  companion  volume  by  the  same  author.  Traditions  of  the 
Arikara  (Publication  No.  17)  are  the  most  recent  fruits  of  a  study  of  the 
Caddoan  tribes  begun  several  years  ago  by  Dr  Dorsey  for  the  Field  Co- 
lumbian Museum  and  continued  under  an  allotment  from  the  Carnegie 
Institution.  The  Wichita  are  a  southern  branch,  as  the  Arikara  are  a  north- 
em  branch,  of  the  Pawnee  proper,  all  three  tribes  speaking  the  same 
language  with  dialectic  variations,  and  being  primarily  sedentary  and 
agricultural  in  habit  as  distinguished  from  the  roving,  hunting  tribes  by 
which  they  were  formerly  surrounded.  The  Wichita  of  today,  now  settled 
on  individual  allotments  in  southwestern  Oklahoma,  are  all  that  are  left 
of  three  formerly  distinct  tribes  speaking  the  same  language,  viz. ,  Wichita 
proper,  Waco,  and  Tawaconi,  with  the  Kichai,  of  distinct  but  cognate 
language.  The  Wichita  proper  when  first  known  had  their  villages  on 
the  upper  waters  of  Red  river,  about  Wichita  falls  and  in  the  Wichita 
mountains,  while  the  other  two  bands  lived  farther  south,  and  the  Kichai 
fJButher  east,  in  Texas.  One  hundred  years  ago  the  four  tribes  numbered 
together  at  least  2,500,  the  Wichita  proper  being  estimated  at  400  men. 
In  1874  ^^^y  numbered  together  671  souls;  in  1885  ^^^Y  ^^  dwindled 


124  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

to  448  and  in  1903  to  338,  a  decrease  of  one-half  in  thirty  years.  Their 
fate  is  the  common  fate  of  the  western  tribes  and  emphasizes  the  necessity 
of  energetic  field  work  while  opportunity  remains.  On  the  field  result  of 
the  next  ten  years  depends  the  final  position  of  American  ethnology. 

In  the  valuable  introductory  sketch  the  earliest  date  noted  is  that  of 
the  Dragoon  expedition  to  the  North  Fork  village  in  1834.  The  docu- 
mentary French  history  of  the  tribe  goes  back  at  least  to  1720.  The 
Rush  Springs  date  given  is  a  misprint  for  1852.  Only  the  Wichita 
proper  lived  at  North  Fork ;  the  other  bands  came  up  from  Texas  in 

An  interesting  account  follows  of  the  peculiar  tattooing,  from  which 
the  tribe  derived  the  old  name  of  Pani  Piqu6.  Their  unique  grass  houses 
and  arbors  are  described  in  detail,  and  attention  is  given  to  their  name 
system,  childbirth,  war,  marriage  and  mourning  customs,  all  of  which  are 
dominated  by  the  religious  idea,  the  religion  itself  being  described  as  a 
star  cult,  as  is  also  that  of  the  Pawnee.  The  Sun,  Moon,  and  Morning 
Star  appear  to  be  the  most  prominent  divinities,  the  Moon  presiding 
especially  over  the  destinies  of  the  women.  Time,  from  the  creation  to 
the  death  of  all  things,  is  divided  into  four  eras.  We  are  now  in  the 
fourth  or  era  of  decline,  after  which  there  will  be  a  renewal  by  the  star 
gods  and  another  cycle  of  four  eras  will  begin.  Notwithstanding  the 
commonly  accepted  opinion  that  the  Pawnee  and  Wichita  are  a  part  of 
the  Caddoan  stock  of  the  timber  region  of  Louisiana  and  eastern  Texas, 
both  Dr  Dorsey  and  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher  have  independently  arrived  at 
the  same  conclusion,  from  a  study  of  their  cults,  that  the  true  ancient 
home  of  these  tribes  was  in  the  open  country  of  the  plains  or  the  desert 

Sixty  myths  are  given,  including  variants.  Several  of  the  variants 
might  well  have  been  omitted,  being  simply  fragmentary  renderings  of 
the  more  complete  myth  as  told  by  a  better  story-teller.  In  the  shorter 
tales  the  Coyote,  as  usual  on  the  Plains,  appears  as  a  trickster,  usually 
coming  to  grief  in  the  end  by  his  impatience  and  mercenary  desire. 
**  He  would  always  do  something  wrong  and  let  the  power  escape  him.** 
In  **  The  Coyote  and  His  Magic  Shield  and  Arrows  '*  we  are  introduced 
to  some  wonderful  arrows  which  talk  among  themselves  and  go  out  every 
day  hunting  while  their  master  remains  at  home.  **  Finally  all  his  arrows 
came  in,  each  carrying  a  whole  buffalo.  *  *  But  all  this  was  a  long  time 
ago.  In  **The  Seven  Brothers  and  the  Woman,**  **when  she  tossed 
the  double-ball  she  went  with  it  up  in  the  air  *  *  to  escape  her  pursuer. 
This  story,  which  accounts  for  the  origin  of  the  Pleiades,  has  a  close 


parallel  among  the  Kiowa.  The  incident  of  smearing  an  unseen  night 
visitor  with  ashes  occurs  in  some  myth  of  nearly  every  tribe  from  the 
Eskimo  to  the  isthmus,  being  usually  told  to  account  for  the  spots  on  the 
moon.  The  main  incident  in  **  The  Woman  who  Married  a  Star'*  is 
also  paralleled  in  probably  all  the  Plains  mythologies. 

Other  coincidences  with  the  universal  body  of  Indian  myth  are  con- 
stantly cropping  out  in  these  Wichita  tales  and  may  be  accepted  as  the 
natural  outcome  of  the  workings  of  the  primitive  mind  under  similar 
circumstances,  but  occasionally  we  find  parallels  which  seem  unaccount- 
able except  on  the  theory  of  actual  contact  by  tribes  or  individuals. 
As  an  instance  take  **  The  Man  who  Went  to  Spirit  Land."  His  wife 
has  died  and  he  goes  night  after  night  to  mourn  at  her  grave.  The  spirit 
of  a  former  friend  appears  and  tells  him  how  he  may  bring  back  the 
woman  from  the  land  of  the  dead.  The  spirit  gives  him  four  mud  balls 
and  instructs  him  how  to  use  them. 

**  His  friend  touched  his  eyes  and  he  found  himself  in  another  world, 
till  with  his  friend.  Around  him,  as  far  as  his  eye  could  see,  he  saw 
lodges.  They  entered  the  homes  of  the  dead,  and  finally  came  to  the 
place  where  the  dance  was,  and  there  the  dead  man  left  his  friend.  The 
live  man  saw  his  wife  dancing,  and  as  she  came  around  he  threw  one  of 
the  mud  balls  at  her  and  hit  her,  as  he  had  been  told  to  do.  She  went 
around  the  pole  that  they  were  dancing  around  and  when  she  came  around 
again  he  threw  another  mud  ball  at  her  and  hit  her  again.  Every  time  she 
came  around  he  threw  at  her,  until  he  had  thrown  the  last  ball.  Then  she 
left  the  dance  and  went  off  to  her  home,  and  the  live  man  followed  her. ' ' 

In  the  story  of  **The  Daughter  of  the  Sun,"  in  the  present  re- 
viewer's Myths  of  the  Cherokee  in  the  19th  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Eth- 
nology, 1902,  seven  messengers  set  out  for  the  Spirit  World  to  bring 
back  the  soul  of  the  daughter  of  the  Sun,  carrying  with  them  seven 
magic  rods:  **  They  took  the  rods  and  a  large  box  and  traveled  seven 
days  to  the  west  until  they  came  to  the  Darkening  Land.  There  were  a 
great  many  people  there,  and  they  were  having  a  dance  just  as  if  they 
were  at  home  in  the  settlement.  The  young  woman  was  in  the  outside 
circle,  and  as  she  sw^ung  around  to  where  the  seven  men  were  standing, 
one  struck  her  with  his  rod  and  she  turned  her  head  and  saw  him.  As  she 
came  around  the  second  time  another  touched  her  with  his  rod,  and  then 
another  and  another,  until  at  the  seventh  round  she  fell  out  of  the  ring, 
and  they  put  her  into  the  box  and  closed  the  lid  fast." 

Several  songs  are  given  with  musical  notation  by  Mr  Frederic  R. 
Burton.     The   last   thirty-five   pages  are   devoted   to   abstracts  of  the 

126  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

myths,  thus  afTording  convenient  basis  for  comparison.  The  language 
throughout  is  simple  and  in  accord  with  Indian  expression,  and  each  In- 
dian assistant  is  given  full  credit. 

With  so  much  that  is  good  it  is  regrettable  that  we  have  not  more, 
particularly  in  the  way  of  notes  and  glossary.  It  has  been  well  said  that 
the  purpose  of  a  museum  is  to  illustrate  a  series  of  labels.  In  a  similar 
manner  a  main  purpose  of  a  myth  collection  is  to  illustrate  custom,  ritual, 
and  language.  Almost  every  one  of  these  myths  contains  reference  to 
some  custom  or  ceremony  of  which  the  layman  would  wish  to  know  more, 
while  an  analytic  vocabulary  of  the  Indian  terms  would  give  a  deeper 
meaning  to  the  myths  themselves  and  add  a  philologic  value  to  this  revela- 
tion of  a  most  interesting  people.  James  Moonev. 

Vier  Lustspiek  (^Der  franzosisch-preussische  Krieg — Ich  gratuliere  ;  — 
Grosse  Wahl  schafft  grosse  Qua  I — £in  Liebesbrief),  Von  Kosta 
Trifkovic.  Ubersetzt  und  fiir  die  deutsche  Buhne  bearbeitet  von 
Dr  Friedrich  S.  Krauss.  (Bibliothek  ansgewahlter  serbischer 
Meisterwerke,  Band  IV).  Leipzig:  Deutsche  Verlagsaktien  Gesell- 
schaft.     1904.     i2°,xvi,  182  pages. 

In  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Library  of  Servian  Masterworks,  which 
Dr  Krauss  is  now  editing,  he  introduces  us  to  another  talented  young 
author  who,  although  prematurely  cut  off  just  when  life  was  most  full  of 
promise,  has  left  such  impress  upon  the  literature  of  his  people  that  his 
dramas  are  still  the  favorites  of  the  Servian  stage  thirty  years  after  his 

Kosta  Trifkovic  was  bom  of  Servian  parents  at  Neusatz,  southern 
Hungary,  in  1843,  and  after  the  usual  school  period  and  a  short  experi- 
ence in  seafaring  life,  he  betook  himself  to  law  and  literature  while  hold- 
ing a  small  governmental  clerkship  at  Budapest.  His  literary  efforts 
were  directed  chiefly  to  the  building  up  of  a  national  Servian  stage  at 
Neusatz  to  rival  that  of  Belgrade.  With  capacity  for  doing  two  years' 
work  in  one,  and  an  equipment  of  five  languages,  he  worked  untiringly 
until  stricken  by  a  fever  which  finally  resulted  in  his  untimely  death  in 
1875  at  the  age  of  thirty-two.  In  four  short  years  of  production  he  had 
brought  out  seven  original  dramas,  arranged  ten  others  from  the  German 
and  French,  and  written  two  important  works  of  fiction  and  an  autobio- 
graphy, besides  critiques  and  numerous  shorter  articles  which  were  pub- 
lished in  a  journal  which  he  had  founded. 

The  four  specimen  comedies  are  filled  with  sparkling  wit  and  catchy 
verses,  and  a  succession  of  bewilderingly  comic  situations  which  finally 


disentangle  themselves^  so  that  all  ends  well  at  last,  as  a  good  story 
should.  There  are  frequent  appeals  to  Servian  patriotism,  and  reference 
to  several  interesting  national  customs  such  as  the  New  Year  celebration 
and  the  betrothal  feast.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  translator  may  suc- 
ceed in  his  efforts  to  bring  such  excellent  work  to  a  wider  circle  of  acquain- 
tance. James  Mooney. 

Anthropophyteia  :  Jahrbucher  fur  Folkloristische  Erhebungen  und  For- 
schungen  zur  Eniwicklungsgeschichte  der  geschlechtUchen  Moral. 
[Yearbooks  for  Folklore  Collections  and  Investigations  relating  to  the 
Historical  Development  of  the  Sexual  Code.]  Herausgegeben  von 
Dr  Friedrich  S.  Krauss.  Band  I.  Sudslavische  Volksiiberlieferung- 
en,  die  sich  auf  den  Geschlechtsverkehr  beziehen.  I.  Erzahlungen, 
gesammelt,  verdeutscht  und  erlautert  von  Dr  Friedrich  S.  Krauss. 
Leipzig:  Deutsche Aktien-Gesellschafl.    1904.     8°,  xxii,  530  pages. 

This  remarkable  production  of  the  distinguished  South  Slavic  ethnolo- 
gist is  the  first  volume  of  an  investigation  of  the  sexual  folklore  of  the 
Balkan  provinces,  of  which  a  preliminary  publication  appeared  in  Kryptadia 
(Paris)  some  years  ago.  The  volume  is  dedicated  to  Dr  Franz  Boas  of 
New  York,  who,  in  a  brief  introductory  letter,  points  out  the  importance, 
to  the  student  of  European  anthropology,  of  a  knowledge  of  present  con- 
ditions, as  well  as  of  vanished  and  vanishing  customs. 

The  work,  which  is  printed  in  numbered  copies  for  the  use  of  students 
only,  embodies  the  result  of  a  patient  investigation  of  an  important  but 
peculiarly  difficult  and  ungrateful  subject  along  the  border-line  between 
primitive  anthropology  and  modem  civilization.  From  the  nature  of  the 
subject  it  is  impossible  to  go  into  detail,  but  it  may  be  said  briefly  that 
every  phase  receives  careful  attention,  from  remains  of  ancient  phallicism 
to  the  popular  proverb.  Special  topics  treated  in  this  connection  are 
supernatural  conception,  personal  and  place  names,  sexual  teaching, 
betrothal  and  marriage  customs,  sexual  hospitality,  the  jus  prima  noctis, 
erotic  tattooing,  perversions,  and  modem  prostitution.  Most  of  the  ma- 
terial is  given  in  the  form  of  short  narrative  descriptions  in  the  various 
Slavic  provincial  dialects,  with  German  translation  and  notes. 

There  is  one  curious  Bosnian  myth  of  a  woman  who  becomes  pregnant 
and  a  mother  from  having  eaten  the  unconsumed  heart  of  a  sinner  whose 
body  had  been  given  to  the  flames.  As  the  manifold  sins  have  been 
burned  away  with  the  body,  leaving  the  heart  in  its  original  purity,  the 
child  grows  up  to  be  a  saint.  The  primitive  idea  of  the  sun  or  moon  as 
the  fertilizer  siu^ives  in  the  belief  that  a  young  woman  may  become  preg- 

128  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

nant  by  sleeping  naked  under  the  light  of  the  full  moon  or  by  walking 
naked  at  noon  of  a  sunny  day  through  a  field  of  growing  grain.  The 
children  of  such  conception  can  see  spirits.  The  right  of  the  first  night 
is  still  but  a  thing  of  yesterday,  particularly  in  the  provinces  most  recendy 
emancipated  from  Turkish  misrule,  and  was  even  made  a  claim  by  the 
landed  proprietor  upon  his  impoverished  debtor,  while  the  essentially 
primitive  custom  of  sexual  hospitality  seems  hardly  yet  to  be  obsolete  in 
the  Balkan  provinces. 

The  deep  pervading  bestiality  of  thought  and  act  made  manifest  in 
these  relations  is  certainly  without  parallel  in  any  other  civilized  country. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  book  does  not  deal  with  the  aberrant  im- 
pulse of  a  decadent  aristocracy,  a  degenerate  city  slum  community,  or  of 
a  miscellaneous  gathering  of  the  refuse  of  the  earth  at  some  shipping  port 
or  remote  frontier  outpost.  It  deals  with  the  everyday  things  of  a  whole 
population  made  up  almost  entirely  of  farmers  and  herdsmen  remote  from 
large  cities  and  their  temptations.  Moreover,  the  author  expressly  states 
that  he  is  not  laying  bare  secret  filthiness,  such  as  exists  to  some  extent 
in  every  large  community,  but  is  putting  on  record  * '  only  what  the  peo- 
ple are  accustomed  to  relate  in  full  publicity  and  usually  also  without 
concern  in  the  presence  of  children,  young  girls,  and  women. ' ' 

We  cannot  regard  all  that  is  here  simply  as  a  part  of  an  arrested 
primitive  development,  and  we  have  too  much  faith  in  our  own  stock  to 
believe  that  all  of  it  is  properly  European.  Much  of  it  appears  to  be  due 
to  actual  racial  degeneration,  the  result  of  the  steady  brutalization  of 
centuries  of  subjection  to  an  Asiatic  barbarism  which  makes  the  harem, 
the  eunuch,  and  the  mute  the  cornerstones  of  its  social  system.  Indeed, 
some  of  the  customs  noted  are  directly  stated  to  be  an  inheritance  from  such 
Moslem  warfare  as  the  Kurds  are  still  inflicting  on  the  Christian  provinces 
of  Asia,  while  others  were  enforced  at  the  demand  of  local  Turkish 
officials.  The  question  is  of  practical  interest  in  view  of  the  fact  that  of 
more  than  800,000  immigrants  now  arriving  annually  in  the  United 
States  a  large  and  increasing  percentage  is  from  southwestern  Europe, 
and  the  supply  area,  which  in  1882  centered  at  Paris,  in  1902  had  its 
center  at  Constantinople. 

The  work  has  a  distinct  philologic  value  as  a  repository  of  the  dia- 
lectic forms  of  Servia,  Croatia,  Slavonia,  Bosnia,  Herzegovina,  and  neigh- 
boring provinces.  Among  the  well-known  collaborators  whose  names 
appear  on  the  title-page  are  Dr  Thomas  Achelis,  Bremen  ;  Dr  Iwan  Bloch, 
Berlin  ;  Dr  Franz  Boas,  New  York ;  Dr  Anton  Hermann,  Budapest ;  Dr 
Bemhard  Herrmann  Obst,  Leipzig ;  Dr  Giuseppe  Pitr^,  Palermo  ;  Dr  Isak 
Robinsohn,  Vienna.  James  Mooney. 

BOOK  RE  VIE  WS  1 29 

Beitrdge  zur  Lehre  von  den  GeschUchis-Unterschieden,  Von  Dr  P.  J. 
MObius  in  Leipzig.  Heft  i.  Geschiecht  und  Krankheit,  Pp.  39. 
Heft.  II.  Geschiecht  und  Entartung.  Pp.45.  Hefte  iii-iv.  Ueber 
die  Wirkungen  der  Castration,  Heft  v.  Geschiecht  und  Kopfgrbsse, 
Pp.  47  ( 5  figs.).  Heft  VI.  Goethe  und  die  Geschlechter.  Pp.  30. 
Hefte  vii-viii.      Geschlechte  und Kinderliebe,     Pp.  72  (35  figs.). 

As  the  title  indicates,  M6bius*s  treatment  of  the  subject  of  sex-differ- 
ence covers  a  rather  wide  range,  not  all  of  which  is  of  decided  interest  to 
the  anthropologist.  The  general  conclusions  of  his  study  of  ''sex  and 
disease, ' '  arc,  that  men  sicken  and  die  through  their  own  acts  oftener  than 
women,  the  chief  causes  of  their  greater  mortality  being  the  use  of  alcohol 
and  venereal  diseases,  and  that  there  exists  no  reasonable  ground  for  as- 
cribing to  woman  a  longevity  or  resistance  to  disease  that  is  sui  generis. 
The  ** innate  longevity  in  woman  is  a  superstition.**  Fewer  suicides 
occur  among  women  because  they  lack  initiative  more.  If  it  were  not 
for  alcohol  and  venereal  diseases  men  would  have  less  sickness  and  live 
longer  than  women.  For  man  the  slow-killing  diseases  are  more  fatal 
than  the  plagues  so  feared  by  the  folk-mind. 

A  distinguished  American  psychologist  once  observed  that  he  might 
not  wish  to  be  **  sane  according  to  Lombroso,**  and  for  a  woman  to  be 
healthy  according  to  Mobius  might  lie  as  far  from  rational  human  desire. 
His  eye  filled  with  the  Vollmensch  (here  belongs  the  happy  European), 
he  recks  not  of  **  primitive  peoples**  and  the  like  whose  study  **adds 
nothing  to  our  knowledge  of  human  evolution.'*  For  Mobius  man  is 
nothing  if  not  absolutely  and  entirely  man,  and  no  woman  is  healthy  if 
sex  is  not  the  unvarying  center  of  her  being.  In  his  discussion  of  **  sex 
and  degeneration  **  he  treats  the  physical  and  mental  aberrancies  of  sex. 
Man  loses,  he  thinks,  in  every  way  by  becoming  like  a  woman,  while 
woman,  apparently,  may  gain  something  by  being  more  like  a  man.  The 
causes  of  sexual  degeneration  are  chiefly  bad  heredity  and  alcoholism  — 
the  former  preserves,  the  latter  increases  the  evil. 

In  his  monograph  on  **  Castration,**  after  giving  a  historical  sketch 
of  the  subject,  Mobius  discusses  the  physical  and  intellectual  effects  of  this 
form  of  bodily  mutilation  on  the  human  organism.  The  origin  of  castra- 
tion Mobius,  with  Bergmann,  sees  in  the  custom  of  marking  captives,  who 
were  not  killed  in  war  or  battle,  as  slaves  by  depriving  them  of  their 
membrum  virile.  Observations  of  castrated  men  led  afterward  to  similar 
treatment  of  animals,  tame  or  in  captivity.  Very  early  a  religious  signifi- 
cance attaching  to  the  sacrifice  of  the  organ  in  question  made  castration 
common  alike  with  priest  and  with  victim.     Castration  for  the  purpose 

AM.  ANTH.,  N.  S.,  7—9 

I30  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

of  making  singers  is  the  latest  of  the  series.  The  eunuchs  of  the  Sultan 
explain  themselves.  The  general  effect  of  castration  in  youth  is  to  arrest 
the  development  of  the  secondary  sexual  characters.  Popularly  speaking, 
''a  man  becomes  more  like  a  woman/'  but  really  what  happens  is  that 
he  ceases  to  be  more  like  a  man.  To  this  essay  a  bibliography  of  53 
titles  is  appended. 

The  general  thesis  of  M6bius*s  study  of  **sex  and  size  of  head**  is 
that  **the  circumference  of  the  head  approximately  normal  in  form  in- 
creases in  general  with  the  intellectual  powers.**  His  investigation  of 
the  heads  of  distinguished  men  is  based  on  the  records,  600  in  number, 
of  Haugk,  the  hatter,  made  with  the  conformafeury  —  of  women  only  50 
were  measured.  At  pages  26-39  ^^  measurements  of  360  more  or  less 
distinguished  men  are  given,  from  which  it  appears  that  almost  all  distin* 
guished  men  are  short-headed  (brachycephalic), —  so,  too,  with  women. 
MObius  holds  that  the  relation  between  brain  and  body  is  not  the  same  in 
the  two  sexes,  for  ''a  normal  man,  even  when  he  is  small,  requires  at 
least  a  head  of  53  cm.  circumference,  while  a  woman  gets  along  quite 
well  with  51  cm.,'* — in  other  words,  one  may  be  a  clever  woman  with 
5 1  cm. ,  but  not  a  clever  man.  The  thing  lies  in  the  brain  that  makes 
the  difference.  Sexual  as  well  as  racial  differences  of  head  go  back  to 
intellectual  differences. 

Mobius*s  discussion  of  **  Goethe  and  the  sexes  **  is  devoted  to  a  con- 
sideration of  the  great  German's  sayings,  ^^  Das  Ewig-Weibliche  zieht 
tins  htnan;^'  *^  £s  ist  ungiaubiich,  wie  der  Umgang  der  IVeiber  herab- 
zieht,  *  *  From  an  examination  of  his  declarations  in  prose  and  verse  he 
comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  real  position  of  Goethe  was  about  mid- 
way between  the  two  expressions  quoted.  It  is  rather  the  **  Ewig- 
WeiblicJuy'*^  than  the  Weibliche  that  leads  us  on,  the  ideal  woman,  not  the 
real  one.  The  famous  conclusion  of  Faust,  Mobius  thinks,  can  be  inter- 
preted only  in  light  of  the  fact  that  Goethe  was  old  and  writing 
with  tender  recollections  of  youth.  In  his  completer  manhood  he  would 
have  selected  some  other  ideal.  At  this  point  one  feels  that  he  would 
like  to  hear  Goethe  demolish,  as  doubtless  he  could  and  would,  such 

His  monograph  on  **  Sex  and  love  of  children  **  exhibits  Mobius  in 
his  role  of  resurrector  of  Gall,  the  phrenologist,  whose  organ  of  **  philo- 
progenitiveness '  *  he  seeks  to  make  function  again.  In  three  sections  he 
considers  love  of  offspring  among  animals  and  men,  GalFs  doctrine,  and 
skull  and  love  of  children.  For  Mobius  love  of  offspring  is  an  innate 
instinct  deeply  rooted  in  the  organism,  and  he  argues  for  the  location  of 

BOOK  RE  VIE  IVS  1 3  I 

"the  organ  of  love  of  offspring/'  near  the  ** organ  of  sex-instinct,"  in 
the  upper  part  of  the  occipital  bone,  corresponding  to  a  special  part  of 
the' brain.  The  strong  development  of  this  ** organ*'  (it  is  marked  in 
women)  indicates  love  of  offspring.  With  civilization,  according  to 
Mobius,  comes  a  certain  dulling  of  sex-differences  and  man  takes  on  even 
some  female  traits.  Thus  it  happens,  perhaps,  that  there  are  so  many 
men  to-day  with  a  large  organ  of  love  of  offspring, —  women  with  heads 
of  the  male  type  are  less  common. 

While  interesting,  and  representing,  doubtless,  a  certain  tendency  of 
the  present  Teutonic  mind,  these  views  of  sex-problems  are  fortunately  not 
axioms  of  science.  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

Album  of  Philippine  Types;  Christians  and  Moros,  By  Daniel  Folk- 
MAR.  Prepared  and  Published  under  the  Auspices  of  the  Philippine 
Exposition  Board.  Manila:  1904.  Oblong  4®,  80  plates  with 
introductory  text. 

The  subjects  for  Dr  Yc^voax^  %  Album  of  Philippine  Types  were  prison- 
ers in  Bilibid  prison  in  the  year  1903.  It  is  unfortunate  to  base  an 
anthropological  study  on  prison  subjects  unless  it  be  absolutely  necessary. 
Prison  cases  should  everywhere  be  exceptional  and  aberrant  types,  in  no 
true  sense  representative  of  their  race.  It  may  indeed  be  that  many  of 
the  prisoners  now  held  in  the  Philippines  are  political  prisoners  and  not 
degenerate  and  abnormal  to  the  degree  that  most  criminals  would  be. 
But  it  ought  not  to  be  difficult  to  conduct  a  study  like  Dr  Folkmar's  in  vil- 
lages where  an  unselected  group  might  be  studied  and  the  normal  type 

This  preliminary  criticism  made,  we  turn  to  the  examination  of  Dr 
Folkmar*s  Album.  Front  and  side  views  of  each  subject  are  presented, 
made  to  a  uniform  scale,  measures  being  one-half  the  actual.  Opposite 
the  portraits  are  printed  the  anthropometric  data  regarding  the  subject 
represented  —  eight  measures  and  two  indices  being  given.  In  the  same 
table  are  presented  averages  of  these  measures  and  indices  as  taken  on  a 
number  of  individuals  from  the  same  tribe  as  the  subject,  who  was,  in 
each  case,  chosen  as  approximating  the  average.  The  portraits  thus 
represent  the  average  of  the  prison  representation  of  their  tribal  groups. 
Unfortunately  there  are  errors  in  these  figures  as  given,  and  apparently 
many.  Opening  at  hazard,  plate  11  represents  a  Cagayan  with  chest 
measure  of  .895  m.  The  average  of  5  Cagayans  was  .864  ;  of  15  from 
all  provinces  .856.  One  can  hardly  believe  an  average  subject  to  be  so 
far  from  these  averages  and  guesses  that  .859  m.  was  intended.     It  is 

1 12  ajizi.:7a::  aj^t^jl  c-^z-l  :  J.vr  "iw  i.  •- 1^ 


N't£7:*-:>  ra^tr-il  2Ti:li.LC*  '■•25  1:^3  sznill.     N:r  -"la  ft,  xs  ici3*3.  rr 

Can:':>r:Ci't :   Uziverrin-  Press.      i9ai>.     Lirre  S*.  xi:.  375  r&£fe&  2i 


Th*  Eip/ecitfoa  from  Can^brldge  UniversiiT  id  TjrT«  sraiis  »tb.  per- 
ha;/:,  tJit  IpCT.  t.uippcd  for  work  of  a::y  ethnoer^p hie 
znact.  U^dtrr  tie  leadership  of  Dr  Alfred  C.  Hicc^::,  :bc  p* 
cJ-dtd  also  Dr  Rivers  aad  Messrs  Rav,  SeligrraTi,  and  Wiikis.  Eadi 
worker  was  assigned  bis  parti oilar  porrion  of  the  izivescigaxioQ.  Dr 
HaddoQ  had  already  been  in  the  region  to  be  explored,  srjdying  the 
marine  iajca.  in  i8S3  and  1SS9.  The  r*2nT  spent  nve  weeks  in  the 
Western  islands,  to  which  the  volisne  before  t3  is  connned.  in  1S9S. 
Tlie  region  is  of  particular  interest  25  it  is  the  frontier  between  the  Papuan 
and  A''J5tra]:an  culture  areas,  aitho'Jgh  the  islanders  were  found  to  be  dis- 
tinalv  Pai/Lian. 

The  Reports  of  the  Exj^edition  are  to  form  six  volumes,  as  follows: 

I,  Physical  AnthrojX)log>' ;  II.  Physiology  and  Psychology  :  III,  Lin- 
guistics ;  IV,  Technology- ;  V,  Sociology,  Magic,  and  Religion  of  the 
Western  Islanders ;  VI,  Socio!og>',  Magic,  and  Religion  of  the  Eastern 
Islanders.     All  that  has  so  far  been  published  are  two  parts  of  Volume 

II,  presenting  investigations  on  sense  phenomena  of  these  natives,  and 
Volume  V,  which  lies  before  us.  The  other  volumes  are  in  prepazaticm 
and  will  be  duly  published.  Each  of  the  workers  has  prepared  his  own 
reports  and  the  volume  in  hand  contains  contributions  from  all  but  Mr  Ray 
whose  work  was  purely  linguistic.  In  gathering  material  in  the  Western 
islands,  most  time  and  attention  was  given  to  the  island  of  Mabuiag,  which 
may  be  considered  typical.  These  islanders  have  been  for  thirty  years 
under  missionary  influence  and  have  been  affected  by  it  and  by  other  forms 
of  contact  with  white  men,  but  still  retain  much  of  their  native  culture  and 
have  yielded  a  rich  har\est  of  interesting  data.  Much  in  the  volume 
deserves  notice,  but  we  can  refer  to  but  a  few  points. 


Almost  a  third  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  Folk  Tales,  which  have 
been  treated  and  presented  by  Dr  Haddon  himself.  They  are  classified 
as  nature  myths,  culture  myths,  totem  myths,  spirit  myths,  dogai  tales, 
narratives  about  people,  comic  tales.  A  dogai  is  an  uncanny  and  mali- 
cious, but  stupid,  human  monster,  of  ogreish  instincts.  The  collection 
includes  forty-six  stories.  These  were  told  to  Dr  Haddon  in  broken 
English  and  he  assures  us  that  he  gives  them  as  they  were  received.  He 
does  so  literally  in  some  cases,  and  reading  these  versions  raises  the  ques- 
tion as  to  how  far  scientific  accuracy  demands  such  presentation.  Is  it 
desirable  to  present  such  a  story  in  broken  English,  if  it  can  be  told  in 
good  English  without  falsely  rendering  the  native  teller's  thought  and 
intent?  If  the  recorder  really  knoivs  the  native's  meaning  and  catches 
his  spirit,  it  is  unfair  to  the  narrator  and  to  the  genius  of  his  race  to  spoil 
his  performance  by  too  literal  a  presentation  of  his  imperfect  medium  of 
expression.  When  we  listen  to  a  great  French  or  German  scholar  giv- 
ing a  lecture  in  English,  we  take  his  thought  and  meaning,  not  his  bad 
pronunciation  and  halting  grammar.  A  reporter  of  such  a  lecture,  if  he 
really  understands  its  argument  and  matter,  aims  to  present  these,  not 
the  dialect.  Of  course,  the  jargon  of  the  native  tale  may  have  linguistic 
importance  and  psychologic  value ;  as  material  for  study  samples  may 
have  their  reason.  Dr  Haddon  fortunately  does  not  give  all  his  stories 
in  "  Pigeon-English.**  The  question  may  be  raised,  whether  even  those 
he  does  give  in  true  English  form  do  not  deserve  a  finer  rendering.  If 
not,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  tales  are,  on  the  whole,  poor,  vague, 
and  meager;  not  in  keeping  with  the  artistic  development  shown  in 
the  manufactures,  nor  with  the  intellectual  power  indicated  by  the  gene- 
alogies of  this  people.  Dr  Haddon  not  only  presents  the  stories  them- 
selves, but  makes  them  yield  their  utmost  to  the  student  by  giving  the 
carefully  condensed  plot  of  each  and  a  statement  of  the  anthropological 
incidents  which  each  contains.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  this  work 
is  done  carefully  and  conscientiously  and  that  it  adds  largely  to  the  value 
of  the  collection. 

The  chapters  by  Dr  Rivers  on  Genealogies,  Kinship,  Personal  Names, 
etc. ,  are  of  particular  importance.  These  matters  were  investigated  with 
great  care  and  throw  much  light  on  the  social  organization.  The  kinship 
system  in  use  among  the  Western  islanders  **  is  a  definite  example  of  the 
classificatory  system,"  showing  all  of  Morgan's  ten  indicative  features. 
There  is,  however,  a  clear  tendency  to  break  down  in  some  directions. 
Dr  Rivers  introduces  an  elaborate  system  of  tabulating  the  genealogical 
data,  and  his  tables  require  close  examination  and  some  study.     Once 


134  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

mastered,  however,  Ihey  clearly  show  the  native  i-iew  of  kin.  These 
Torres  Straits  islanders  possess  remarkable  memory  for  genealogical  detail 
and  analogous  to  that  shown  by  Polynesians. 

In  the  chapters  by  Mr  Seligman  on  Birth  and  Childhood  Customs  and 
Women's  Puberty  Customs,  is  a  clear  and  excellent  statement  regarding 
matters  which  are  too  often  neglected  or  but  inadequately  touched  by 
travelers  and  students. 

The  mass  of  material  on  Initiation,  Courtship  and  Marriage,  Funeral 
Ceremonies,  Magic,  Religion,  etc.,  is  large  and  interesting  but  can  be 
mentioned  only  cursorily.  This  has  been  worked  out  chiefly  by  Dr 
Haddon,  with  the  aid  of  Mr  A.  Wilkin,  whose  recent  death  is  announced 
in  the  volume.  Many  interesting  customs  are  described.  Thus,  in  court- 
ship and  marriage  —  the  woman  proposes,  sending  an  arm-band  to  her 
lover;  he  returns  a  leg-ring,  meets  her  in  the  bush,  and  sleeps  at  her 
house ;  often,  her  relatives  battle  over  her.  Very  interesting  is  the 
custom  of  divining  vA'Ccl  skulls,  usually  those  of  relatives.  The  skulls 
were  carefully  prepared  by  cleaning,  painting,  and  enclosing  in  a  basketry 
casing  decorated  with  feathers  and  the  ornaments  of  the  deceased.  When 
such  a  skull  was  to  be  consulted,  it  was  cleaned,  repainted,  and  anointed 
with  or  placed  upon  aromatic  plants.  Before  going  to  sleep  the  inquirer 
urged  the  skull  to  tell  the  truth  and  then  placed  it  by  his  pillow.  The 
skull  spoke  to  the  sleeper,  the  noise  made  being  like  the  chattering  of 
teeth  together.  But  further  reference  to  the  interesting  ethnographic 
details  of  the  volume  is  impossible.  The  work  is  a  storehouse  of  new 
information  regarding  a  little-known  people  and,  after  reading  it,  one 
can  well  understand  the  urgency  of  Dr  Haddon' s  appeal  in  view  of  the 
"  vanishing  of  anthropological  data. ' '  Now  is  the  time  for  such  work  as 
that  of  the  Cambridge  Expedition.  The  harvest  waits.  Soon  it  will  be 
lost  if  there  are  not  reapers  and  gleaners.  The  volume  before  us  is  illus- 
trated with  t\^'enty-two  full  page  plates  and  with  native  drawings  and  maps 
in  the  text.  Frederick  Starr. 



[Note. — Authors,  especially  those  whose  articles  appear  in  journals  and  other 
serials  not  entirely  devoted  to  anthropology,  will  greatly  aid  this  department  of  the 
American  Anthropologist  by  sending  direct  to  Dr  A.  F.  Chamberlain,  Clark  University, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  U.  S.  A.,  reprints  or  copies  of  such  studies  as  they  may  desire 
to  have  noticed  in  these  pages.  —  Editor.] 


Adachi  (B.)  Die  Porositflt  des  Sch&del- 
daches.  (Z.  f.  Morph.  u.  Anthr.,  Ber- 
lin, 1904,  VII,  373-378,  2  pi.)  De- 
scribes two  cases  of  extreme  porosity  of 
the  vault  of  the  cranium  (Dyak,  Egyp- 
tian),—  such  porosity  does  not  occur  in 
European  skulls. 

Anthropology  at  the  St.  Louis  Exposition. 
(Amer.  Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904,  xxvi, 
II 6- 1 20,  I  fig.)  Notes  on  Patagonian 
giants,  aboriginal  groups,  section  of 
archeology,  etc. 

Atgier  (M. )  Ibdres  et  Berbdres  :  origine 
et  significations  diverses  de  ces  expres- 
sions ethniques.  (Bull.  See.  d' Anthr. 
de  Paris,  1904,  v<  s.,  V,  iio-iii.)  Dr 
A.  argues  that  in  the  Kabylian  iberik^ 
**  the  blacks,"  lies  the  orgin  of  the  Latin 
/deri  and  its  cognates  and  descendants. 
From  the  same  root  by  reduplication 
came  Berber^  etc.  Black  hair,  not  skin, 
is  connoted. 

Bardeen  (C.  R. )  Numerical  vertebral 
variation  in  the  human  adult  and  embryo. 
( Anat.  Anz.,  Jena,  1904,  xxv,  497-519. ) 
Risum^s  data.  Author  recognizes  in 
development  of  spinal  column  and  ap- 
pendages 4  periods  (pre-pelvic,  chondro- 
ficative,  ossificative,  —  prenatal,  post- 
natal,—  adult V  B.  concludes  among 
other  things  that  *' regional  variation  in 
the  vertebral  column  is  an  inherited  con- 
dition, manifesting  itself  early  in  em- 
bryonic development. ' '  Variation  seems 
to  be  greater  in  females  than  in  males, 
and  in  Baltimore  negroes  than  in  whites 
as  to  number  of  presacral  vertebrae.  The 
tendency  toward  reduction  and  increase 
in  the  number  of  presacral  vertebne  seems 
equal.  The  article  has  abundant  statistics 
and  a  bibliography  of  46  titles. 

Bloch  (A.)  Des  variations  de  longueur 
de  Tintestin.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'  Anthr.  de 
Paris,  1904,  v«  s.,  V,  160-197.)  R6- 
sumds  knowledge  of  the  length  of  the 
intestines  in  the  animals  and  man  (pp. 
1 77-195 ) .  The  effects  of  disease,  obesity, 
race,  etc.,  are  discussed.  The  intestine 
of  the  child  is  relatively  longer  than  that 
of  the  adult.  The  variability  of  the  adult 
intestine  is  due  to  the  fact  that  its  length 
is  sometimes  congenital  and  sometimes 
acquired  (often  as  a  result  of  disease, 
etc.,  or  obesity).  The  Japanese  (a  more 
or  less  herbivorous  race)  seem  to  possess 
the  longest  intestines.  As  to  sex-differ- 
ences the  authorities  are  not  in  agree- 

et  Vigier  (P.)     Recherches  histolo- 

giques  sur  le  follicule  pileux  et  le  cheveu 
de  deux  ndgres  dic^d^s  a  Paris.  (Ibid., 
124-132,  5  fgs.)  Details  concerning 
the  pilose  follicle  and  hair  of  a  negro 
from  Loango  and  of  another  from  Accra 
in  Guinea.  The  notable  peculiarity  of 
the  negro's  follicle  is  the  oblique  semi- 
circular crest.  The  particular  form  and 
structure  of  the  pilose  follicle  are  not 
confined  to  the  negro,  —  the  Bushman 
has  them.  Whether  the  recurved  follicle 
is  found  in  the  negro  new -bom  child  is 
not  known. 

Buron  (E.  J.  P.)  L*abb6  Casgrain  (J. 
Soc.  Am^ric.  de  Paris,  1904,  N.  s.,  i, 
344-346. )  Sketch  of  life  and  activities 
of  the  distinguished  French  Canadian 
man  of  letters,  historian,  genealogist,  etc. 

Buschan  (G.)  Kultur  und  Gehim.  (A. 
f.  Rassen-  u.  Ges.-Biol.,  Berlin,  1904,  i, 
689-701.)  R^sum^s  briefly  studies  of 
Broca,  Schmidt,  Hunt,  Matiegka,  Mar- 
chand,  Spitzka,  Costa  Ferreira,  Galton 
and  Venn,  Vaschide  and  Pelletier,  Pfit- 


■  36 

ner,  Barlels,  Papillaull,  etc.,  concem- 
iug  the  relations  of  siie  of  skull  nndbnin 
lo  progress  in  civitiiation  and  cultuie. 
I>r  G.  concludes  that  increase  of  brain- 
volume  and  increa^  of  culture  go 
together  and  brain  sinks  with  disappear- 
ing culture  (f.  g.,  ancient  and  modern 
Egyiitians).  Also  that  the  gift  of  rood- 
cm  culture  is  for  certain  primitive  peoples 
fatal  and  brain- killing. 

CmtuUi  (W.  H.)  Adolf  Baslian,  (Open 
O.,  Chicago,  1904,  xviii,  321-330.) 
Sketch  of  life  and  philosophy  with  list  of 
30  published  books  and  portrait.  To  Has- 
tian  belongs  ihe  credit  of  originating  the 
expression  I'oikfrgrtlantfn,  or  "  race 
thoughts"  as  it  has  been  translated, — 
the  mailer  of  primBry  inlerest  is  the 
ptimitiveman's  concept  bonofcheuDJTcrse. 

Cani*(P.)  The  ascent  of  man.  (Ibid., 
17S-190,  6  fgs.)  Discusses  "evolu- 
tion," Neanderthal  skull,  Ihe  Mitchell- 
Ward  restoration  of  Neanderthal  man, 
Gabriel  Max's  painting  of  the  Heme 
alitlui,  etc.  Dr  C.  accepts  Ihe  Newider- 
thal  skull  asof  primitive  man.  and  posits 
the  origin  of  mankind  in  the  north, 
where,  through  stress  of  environment, 
ape-men  developed  altruism  and  intelli- 

A  new  religion.    (Ibid.,  355-371. 

398-4M.  17  fgs.l  Treats  of  Babism, 
"  Ihe  ixiungest  faith  on  earth  "  and  its 
chief  eiponcnls.  Some  Ihink  it  may 
some  day  become  the  religion  of  Persia. 

Slone  worshi|i.   (Ibid.,  660-6S5,  33 

fgs.).  Treats  of  Ihe  roatschah,  jachin 
and  Ik»7.  the  malsebah  as  Itclhel 
(Jacob's  dream),  Gilead  ami  (tileal, 
obelisks,  the  destruction  of  mntsebahs  in 
Judea,  the  Itudurrus  of  ancient  Raliy- 
lonia.  Slonehenge  (a  place  of  sun- 
worshi]i),  the  Tibetan  pyramid  of  peace, 
the  runic  stone  of  C.oltorp  (Sleswick), 
menhirs  and  dolmens,  the  memorial 
stones  of  the  Khasi  (lixlia),  etc.  The 
stone  itself  is  not  worshipped,  but  is  a 
marker  for  Ihe  presence  of  <leily. 

How  history  is  transfigured  hymyth, 

(Ibid.,  690-694).  Shows  the  mixture 
of  ftcl  and  fancy  in  what  we  believe  to 
be  history.  Takes  the  op|K>site  view  to 
Mr  Shaw  (q.  v.). 

ChamberUin  (A.  K.  „nd  I.  C. ).  Studies 
ofachild,  II.  (Pedag.  Sem.,  Worcester, 
1904,  KT,  4Si-483, )  Treats  of  ngglu- 
dnktkw,  analogy,  caressive  repciiiions, 
definitioDS,    father      and 


of  words,  parareduplici 
I       plural -forms.        Poetiy    and    rhythmic 
j       speech,  prefix,  preterile-forms,  redupli- 
!        cation,   reproduction  of  nursery -rhymes, 
I        spontaneous    language,   word -forms   dif- 
I       feting  slightly   (torn  ihe    adult,   wotd- 
I       groups,    words     "original"    or    "in- 
'        vented,"  words  pseudo- primitive  in  form, 
words  with  special  meanings,  etc.     Sec- 
ond article  of  the  authors'  dealing  with 
!       Ihe  psvcholc^cal   phenomena   of   their 
own  child. 

I   Child  study  and  related   topics  in 

recent  Italian  scientific  lileralure.  ( Ibid., 
S08-515).  Risumfis  articles,  etc.,  re- 
lating to  child-life,  craniology,  ctiminol- 
'  ogy,  fatigue,  feebleminded,  foot,  genius, 
giantism,  inbreeding,  Italia  "  baibara," 


enul   I 

physical,   microcephaly,   race  and   indi- 
vidual, school -excursions,  stature. 

Child  study  and   related    topics   in 

recent     Rus^an     scientific     literature. 
j       {Ibid.,     516-530.)      R^sum^s    articles 
I        relating    lo    brain-conformation,    brain- 
cortex,    continuance    of    growth,    ear, 
eye-growth,    fertility,    giantism,    heart, 
heredity,    idiocy,    miceoccphaly,    preco- 
cious   development,    puberty,     seasonal 
'       growth,  slill-birlh,  suicide. 

Cse  and  domestication  of  the  horse. 





164-167.)  Resumes  recent  articles  of 
Zaliorowski.  Ridgeway.  von  Negelein. 
Munro,  /a1>oTowski  and  von  Negelein  do 
not  belieie  ibe  horse  was  domesticated 
in  quaternary  limes,  —  the  horse  was 
first  used  for  food,  Ridgeway  thinks 
the  horse  was  driven  before  ridden,  and 
that  .\frica  was  the  home  of  the  "Arab 
CODwrratioii  (  Lti)  des  nsdansles  tombes. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'.\nthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  v, 
s.,  V,  99-100,^  In  opposition  to  Man- 
ouvrier.  M.  Emile  Kiviire  argued  that 
water  and  humidity  are  not  prime  de- 
structive agents  of  osseous  remains.  Dr 
Kaudouin  took  a  similar  view  and  sug- 
gested  expetimenls  in   the  siifiening  of 

Bijinnui  1 1'.  11. 1  ■Woiieres  iiber  das 
neue  graphische  Syj-iem  lur  die  Krani- 
ologie.  1  Hdlgn.  v.  d.  Nedcrl.  .\nthr. 
Ver.,  Den  ll.iag,  IQ04,  t,  S3-103,  10 
fgs. )  Treat.-  of  height  of  >kull.  raliotial 
modulus,  indfx-system,  nerei.-ity  of 
three-sided  si-stem,   racial   mixture   and 




crossiiig,  exactness,  group-division,  etc. 
The  graphic  system  can  be  used  to  com- 
pare with  each  other  different  methods 
of  measurement  £.  would  reject  the 
index-system  for  the  relative  mass-system 
developed  on  the  ideas  of  Schmidt. 

Brans  (H.  R.)  The  legendary  and  the 
real  Napoleon.  ( Open  Ct. ,  Chicago,  1 904, 
XVIII,  584-605,  8  fgs. )  Cites  legends 
produced  by  the  Egyptian  campaign, 
etc,  the  opinions  of  poets,  historians, 
novelists,  and  others  as  to  the  real  and  the 
legendary  Napoleon.  The  theosophists 
might  win  some  comfort  from  the  fact 
that  the  face  of  a  statue  of  Rameses  now 
in  the  Turin  Museum  and  the  face  of  Bar- 
telda,  a  young  Apache  Indian,  both 
strongly  resemble  in  profile  the  great 
Corsican.  There  is  also  a  rapprochement 
between  Napoleon  and  Alexander  the 

Gfeller  ( S. )  Der  Schulgang  unseres  Her- 
ren  und  Hdlandes  Jesu  Christi.  ( Schw. 
Arch.  f.  Volksk.,  Ziirich,  1904,  vii, 
154-157.)  Gives  text  of  poem  (Bern, 
1563)  on  the  school-going  of  Jesus. 

HochBtetter  (  F. )  Ueber  die  Nichtexistenz 
der  sogenannten  Bogenfurchen  an  den 
Gehimen  lebensfrisch  konservierter 
menschlicher  Embryonen.  (Verb.  d. 
anat.  Ges.,  Jena,  1904,  27-34,  5  fgs.) 
Author  still  holds  to  the  post-mortem 
origin  of  these  "transitory**  furrows. 

Hutchinson  ( W.)  What  the  dog  is  built 
to  do.  (Open  Ct.,  Chicago,  1904,  xviii, 
577-583.)  Popular  discussion.  Dr  H. 
thinks  dog  the  earliest  domestic  animal, 
— **long  before  the  dawn  of  history  he 
had  become  our  companion  in  the  chase, 
then  the  most  important  occupation  of 
life,**  —  and  grants  him  a  ''  record  of  at 
least  10,000  years  of  continuous  service 
and  devotion  to  our  race.**  To  chase 
and  catch  were  long  his  chief  acts. 

Ksssel  (C. )  Androgynous  man  in  myth 
and  tradition.  (Ibid.,  525-530.)  Treats 
of  the  idea  of  "man- woman  "  in  Aryan 
myth,  Hebrew  Bible,  Plato's  Symposium^ 
the  words  of  Jesus,  facts  of  biology 
(Haeckel),  etc.  A  pre-sexual  andro- 
gynous condition  is  posited. 

Keibel  ( Hr, )  Zur  Entwickelungsgeschichte 
der  Affen.  (Verb.  d.  anat.  Ges.,  Jena, 
1904,  156-163.)  Describes  feti  (from 
material  of  Selenka  and  Hubrecht) 
Semnopitheci,  Hylobates,  Orang,  Ma- 
cacque,  etc.,  and  man.     There  is  a  strik- 

ing similarity  between  the  young  embryos 
of  the  various  monkeys  and  the  much 
more  developed  human  embryos.  The 
occurrence  of  a  schwanzfeder  in  the  long- 
tailed  monkeys  is  noteworthy.  The  im- 
portance of  slight  variations  and  even 
"arabesques  of  development**  for  phy- 
logeny  is  emphasized.  In  the  discussion 
G.  Retzius  showed  that  the  pads  in  the 
hands  and  feet  of  the  monkey  embryos 
were  less  developed  than  those  of  man, 
—  the  saying  of  K.  von  Bardeleben  is 
illustrated  here,  that  man  is  a  more 
primitive  monkey  than  the  monkeys 

Kr&mer  (A.)  Der  Neubau  des  Berliner 
Museums  Hlr  Vdlkerkunde  im  Lichte  der 
ethnographischen  Forschung.  (Globus, 
Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  21-24.)  Dr 
A.,  who  remarks  that  since  Goethe  no 
one  has  so  clearly  pointed  out  "the 
yellow  peril*'  as  the  present  Kaiser, 
proposes  to  make  the  Berlin  Museum 
solely  a  "Museum  for  Asiatic  Culture.** 
In  another  location  the  collections  relat- 
ing to  "primitive  peoples**  (American 
Indians,  Africans,  except  Mediterranean 
races,  people  of  Australasia  and  Poly- 
nesia, Indonesians,  etc.)  should  be  ac- 
comodated. This  limitation  to  Asiatic 
culture  had  been  previously  advocated  by 
O.  Milnsterberg. 

Lasch  (R.)  Wachstumszeremonien  der 
Naturv5lker  und  die  Entstehung  des 
Dramas.  (Ibid.,  137-138.)  Critical 
r6sum6  of  the  monograph  of  Preuss 
(see  American  Anthropologist,  1904,  N. 
s.,  VI,  359),  on  phallic  growth  demons, 
etc.  and  the  origin  of  the  mimus  and 
the  clown.  The  primitive  mime-drama 
is,  in  its  beginnings,  an  act  of  worship 
and  magic  and  is  intimately  connected 
with  religious  ideas  as  to  the  begetting  of 
the  natural  products  of  the  field. 

Lewis  (J.  F.)  "  Teigdrticke  "— prints 
in  paste.  (Proc.  Num.  &  Antiq.  Soc. 
of  Phila.,  1 902-1 903  [1904],  189-194, 
I  fg. )  Of  "paste-prints,"  made  by 
printing  the  design  from  the  plate  or 
block  with  paste  instead  of  ink,  only 
some  100  are  known  altogether.  They 
may  antedate  ink  printing  and  "belong 
to  the  very  dawn  of  the  art  of  engraving 
for  the  purpose  of  reproducing  designs.** 
They  were  made  in  Germany  (probably 
Bavaria)  before  1500,  possibly  before 
1450.  Teigdrticke  are  usually  found 
pasted  in  books. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

**  Schrotblftttcr  ;**  or,  prints  in  the 

*'  mmni^re  criblie/*  with  some  consider- 
ation of  ft  set  of  eight  such  prints  asso- 
ciated with  typographic  text.  (Ibid., 
I05-210,  9  pi. )  These  prints  are  so 
called  from  the  dots  of  the  design, 
suggesting  that  **  the  plate  from  which 
they  were  printed  had  been  gnawed  or 
indented,  or  pierced  through  like  a 
sieve. '  *  They  belong  among  the  earliest 
forms  of  engraving  for  reproducing  de- 
signs, and  their  chief  period  was  1470- 
1500.  Like  the  TeigdHicke^  they  are 
probably  of  Bavarian  origin. 

LoiMl  (G.)     Sur  Ernst  Haeckel.     (Bull. 
Soc  dWnthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  %•♦  s.,  v, 
197-199.)     Risumis  Ilaeckel's  ^M/iro- 
pogfnit  (5*  Aufl.,  Leipzig,  1903). 

lUcCurdy  ( G.  G. )  John  Wesley  Powell. 
(J.  Soc  Amine,  de  Paris,  1904,  N.  s., 
1,  339-344. )  Sketch  of  life  and  scien- 
tific activities  with  chronological  list  of 

MenM  (F.)  I^  simultaneity  des  d^con- 
veites  sdentitiques.  (Rev.  Scientif., 
Paris,  1904,  >-♦  s,.  II,  555-559-^  Con- 
tains a  list  of  simmlSQmtous  scientific  dis- 
coveries in  mathematics,  astroDomy,  me- 
chanics, physks.  diemistry,  biology, 
sociology.  These  simultaneous  discov- 
eries are  due  neither  to  accident  nor  to 
the  free  will  of  the  m«a  of  science,  but 
rather  K>  an  external  and  an  internal  de- 
terminism of  a  <aocial  character.  Everr 
moment  has  its  sdentitk  milieu  of  ideas, 
acts,  and  objects.  Contemporary  men  of 
genius  workii^  in  the  same  6eki  have,  as 
it  wei>f«  «*  a  common  soul  '*  and  a  com- 

£.)  Die  Voilk^imde  im  Rahmen 
der  Kvhiueui  •  k:k}nng  der  G<s|^warL 
(He».  BL  1  Volksk,,  Lespzii:,  1004, 
m,  I-15< )  Acon>dJz^  TO  tiw  asibar  the 
«l|^ect  cif  lbe«n6ca}  ioJkkire  is  :o  know 
-Id  01  die  Jalk  in  its  processes 

mon  envuvnmenL  ' 

\WffSt  (A.  R)     Nene  Mitteilnngen  fiber   , 
Nephrii.      (Globus,   Bmsdiw^r.,    1904,    | 
LXXXA'l,  53-55. )     Discnfises  recent  ex- 
amples of  ^  occurrence  of  nephrite  in   i 
New  Guinea,  Australia,  Brazil,  Celebes., 
a»i  tbe    sdotbem  Tirol.  —  the  last    a 
votrre   axe    icNind    in    1903   at  Verro. 
Crade  nephrite  is  now  reported   mm 
se««ral  parts  of  New  Guinea,  AufSralxa, 
aaid  BnudL     Tbe  impoitation  thwvr  has 
reoenxlT  recciiYd    arrexml     odwr    hard 

ing  of  the  individual  phenomena,  and 
to  work  on  that  basis  is  the  most  im- 
portant task  of  practical  folklore.  The 
Beld  of  the  destructive  amateur  will  be 
narrowed  and  the  scientific  method  more 
and  more  employed.  As  a  science,  folk- 
lore belongs  with  the  culture-sciences. 
A  knowledge  of  the  folk-soul  is  neces- 
sary for  the  clergy,  the  teachers,  the 
statesmen.  M.  is  of  opinion  that  the 
estrangement  of  the  educated  classes  from 
the  vuigus  accounts  for  the  success  of 
the  propaganda  of  social  democracy  in 

Peareon  ( K. )  On  the  inheritance  of  the 
mental  and  moral  characters  in  man,  and 
its  comparison  with  the  inheritance  of 
the  ph}*sical  characters.  (J.  Anthr. 
Inst.,  Lond.,  1903,  xxxiii,  179-237.) 
In  this  article,  mainly  consisting  of  dia- 
grams and  statistics  resulting  fnnn  the 
study  of  the  brothers  and  sisters  in  looo 
fiunilies,  Dr  P.  treats  of  health,  color  of 
eyes  and  hair,  curliness  of  hair,  cephalic 
index,  head  length,  breadth  and  auricu- 
lar height,  athletic  power ;  vivacity,  as- 
sertiveness,  introspection,  popularity, 
conscientiousness,  temper,  ability,  hand- 
writing. The  number  of  school  boys 
examined  was  191$,  girls  2014.  Dr  P. 
concludes  that  **  the  degree  of  the  resem- 
blance of  the  physical  and  mental  diar- 
acters  in  children  is  one  and  the  same." 
This  sameness  involves  a  like  heritage 
from  parents,  and  * '  we  inherit  our 
parents*  tempers,  our  parents*  conscien- 
tiousness, shyness  and  ability,  even  as  we 
inherit  their  stature,  forearm  and  span.*' 
Intelligence  can  be  aided  and  be  trained, 
but  **  no  training  or  education  can  erf  of e 
iL*'  It  must  be  bred.  The  great  prob- 
lem is  to  make  the  best  families  and  stocks 
more  fertile  than  the  bad. 

^S.  D.)  The  tree  of  life  among  all 
nations.  (Am.  Antiq.,  Chicafro,  1 904, 
XXVI,  1-16,  7  i|:s.  \  General  discussion 
of  occurrence  of  these  symSc^is  in  Asia 
and  .Vmerica  ^  Majras  chieny  . 

—  Superstition  a  means  of  defense. 
I  Tbid.,  4S-5tv.  6  fp^  ^  Author  holds 
ibat  ••the  mas:  interesting  method  of 
defense  was  that  which  came  from  the 
cvmlunation  of  reli^poos  symbols  and 
mechanical  cocirix-anoesv."  as,  e.  g.,  a: 
Fl  Ancierii,  Ohio.  Tv>%em-pas:s  are 
another  example. 

—  Architecture    irs    the   proiii^istoric 
age.      t^lbid-,  N>-i04,   13^*     Treats 



of  Egypt,  Crete  ■nd  the  Meditcmuian  , 

UlBDds,  Ana   Minor,  etc.     Tbe  end  of  | 

the  prolohisCoric  period  ii  marked  b;  the  ' 
ttppe»i«nce  of  the  column  ;  it  began  with 

the  use  of  broQie.      The  rock-cut  tombs  I 

of  Phrygu  and  Lf  dia  ue  imitative  of  the  ' 

The  distribution  of  pile-dwellings.   | 

(Ibid.,  137-130,  4  fgs.)  Notes  of  a  | 
genera]  character  on  Swiss  lake-dwell-  i 
ings  and  those  of  the  Pacific  1 

Sttzlni  (G.)  Die  sog.  Taslballen  an 
den  Hlnden  uDd  FQssea  des  Menschcn. 
(Verh.d.  Anat.  Ges,,  Jena,  1904,41-43,  I 
3  fgs.)  Author  shows  that  the  pads,  ' 
well  developed  in  most  of  the  adult 
monkeys,  develop  in  the  man  during  the 
third  fetal  month,  and  then  from  the 
(butth  month,  "regress."  Accordingto 
Keibel  the  pads  are  also  present  in  mon- 

fiobin  (P.)  Substance  et  populations- 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Aothr.  At  Paris.  1904,  v* 
s.,  V,  76-79.)  Author  holds,  with 
Gabriel  Giroud  in  his  Population  de  sub- 
listanctt  (Paris,  1904),  that  one-third  of  ' 
mankind  are  condemned  tot/v  of  hunger, 
and  nine-tentbs  have  their  end  fastened 
through  insufficient  food.  Hence,  the 
author  a^ues,  the  advocates  of ' '  parental 
prudence"  need  not  appear  as  mere 
suppliants.  In  the  discussion  M.  Le- 
jeune  pointed  out  some  of  the  fallacies  | 
in  such  arguments. 

Sduper  (A.)     Zur  Frage  der  EUisteni-  ,< 
berechtigung  der  BogenfurcheB  am  Ge- 
bime  menschlicher  Embryonen.     (Verb, 
d.  anat.  Ges.,  Jena,  1904,  35-37,  5  fgi)   . 
S.  produces  evidence  to  confirm  the  vit;*s 
of  Hochstetter  (q.  v. )  | 

ScbwubU   (R.)      L'alchimie   en    1904.   ' 
(Rev.  Scientir,   Paris,   1904,  5°  %.,  ll, 
396-398.)   Notes  on  modem  alchemists, 
their  claims  and   alleged  performances.    : 
There  are  those  who  pore  over  the  old  ' 
leits  and  the  so-called  "  unitary  chem-  1 
ists."    Likewise  those  stand  between  the  I 
two  like  the  Society  of  Alchemists  of 
France,  with  its  organ  Rosa  AUhcmiia. 
M.  SchwaebW  has  publidied  a  book  en-    ' 
titled  Commntlairis  alchimiquis. 

Shaw   (G.   W.)     Mythopceic    erudition.   ' 
(Open  Ct..  Chicago,    1904,  xviii,  687- 
689,  )      Author  argues  against  resolving 
the  stories  of  the  Trojan  war,  Samson, 
William   Tell,   etc.,   into   solar   myths.   , 
SeeGir»«(P.).  \ 

Stelzl  (G.)     Intomo  alia   struttura  dell' 

ipofisi  nei  verlebrati.  (A.  d,  Accad. 
Sci.  Ven, -Trent. -Isti.,  Padova,  1904, 
N.  s.,  I.,  70-141,  9fgs.)  Risumis  litera- 
ture of  subject,  —  bibliography  of  49 
titles.  Tbe  hypophysis  ctrtbri  ot  pitui- 
tary gland  is  interesting  by  reason  of  the 
so-called  cbromophile  and  chromphobic 
cells,  the  eiisteocc  of  the  two  portions 
of  the  glandular  lobe  and  the  way  of  de- 
fluiioQ  of  the  secretion.  These  ques- 
tions Dr  S.  discusses  in  detail. 


pi.)  Treats  of  n 
ing,  arms  and  armor,  etc.  Decadence 
of  tournament  and  jousl  dates  from 
middle  of  l6tb  century,  —  death  of 
Heniy  JI  in  famous  joust  with  Comte  de 
Mongomeri.  They  came  into  eiistence 
with  the  Middle  Ages. 
StTAti  (C.  H.)  De  phylogenetische 
beteekenis  van  het  mamma-organ. 
(Hdlgn.  V.  d.  Neder].  Anthr,  Ver., 
Den  Haag,  1904,  I,  Sl-Sa. )  Dr  S. 
distinguishes  four  forms  of  mammae,,  the 

tna  areotala,  mamma  papillala,  —  the 
third  is  "primitive"  and  the  fourth 
"  progreiaive,"  the  one  characterizing 
the  negro,  the  other  the  white  races. 
Further  details  are  given  in  Dr  S-'s  Dit 
Naturgrschichtr  ^is  _MenstheH  (Stutt- 
gart, 1904I.  .'■ 

ThOl^  (f.  W. )  D9  Internationale 
KattHoederoaturwissenschaftlichen  Lit- 

>  eratur,  Abteilung  P :  Physische  An- 
thropologie.  (Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904. 
LXXXVl,  185-187.)  Critique  of  the  see- 
tion  on  physical  anthropoli^  of  the  In- 
'  '" i/ologve  of  Self    '"     '  '' 

T.  advo 

n  annual  author 

Vierkandt  (A.)  Der  Mimus.  (Ibid., 
1904,  Lxxxv,  356-358.)  Critical  risum* 
of  Hermann  Reich's  Der  Mimus.  Ein 
lilirar-enhaicklungsgcich  ichllicktr  Vtr- 
such,  Bd.  I.  Erstcr  u.  Zweiter  Th. 
(Beriin,  1903).  devoted  to  the  study  of 
the  history  and  evolution  of  the  kind  of 
poetry  designated  by  the  classical  term 
mimus.  Vierkandt  does  not  quite  ap- 
prove Reich's  derivative  of  the  Greek 
mimus  from  a  certain  species  of  older 
religious  representations.  The  influence 
of  the  mimu!  is  seen  in  the  "  fool  "  ot 
Shakespeare,  the  clown  of  the  circus, 



Wud  (D.  J.  H.)     First  year]}'  meeting  i 
of  the  lows  Antbropoli^ail   Associa-  i 
ttcm.     (lova  J.  of  Hist.  &  Pol.,  lowB 
City,     1904,    11,    342-368. )     Rtsumii 
proceediags  and  papers  read  by  Messrs  ' 
Wilder   (Physiogimphy),   Nulling   (Bio-  . 
logy).  Fairbuiks  (Archeoli^y),  Shimek 
(Loess),   FaaraiaoD   (Davenport  Acad- 
emy), Flora  (Philoli^y),  Loos  (Social-  . 
i^y),  Bolton  (Education),   Shambaogh  I 
(Histoiy),   McCee  (Human   ProgreSE],  ' 
on  various  aspects  of  anthropology.  I 


Annandale  (N.)     The  sarviral  of  primi-   1 

tive  implements,  materials  and  methods 
in  the  Faroes  and  south  Iceland.     (J.    1 
Anthr.  Inst.,  Lend.,  1903,  xxxiii,  246-   I 
258,  I  pi. )     Treats  of  objects  of  stone, 
and    skin    (hammers,    ponnders. 

sinkers    for    fishing- line 

weights  and  whorls,  stone  lamps, 
use  comparatively  recently,  ~  toys  and 
implements  from  bones  of  whales,  bone- 
skates,  pins,  needles,  li&h- carriers,  bone- 
sinkers,  weaver's  sword,  skin  shies, 
floats,  putlin-wing  brooms ;  skin-win- 
dows, —  now  obsolete ) ,  baskets  and 
creels.  The  resemblance  between  these 
baskets  and  certain  clay  vessels  is  very 
BatM  (W.  N. )  Scenes  from  the  ^^thiopis 
on  a  black-figured  amphora.  (Trans. 
Dept.  Arch.  Univ.  of  Penn..  Phila., 
1904.  I,  45-50,  3  pi.)  Describes  frag- 
ments of  Greek  vases   from  Orvieto  in 

' '  two  of  the  most  important  events  de- 
scribed in  the  Aithiopis,  namely,  the 
death  of  Antilochus  and  the  death  of 
Acbilles."  The  ^ihiofis,  continuation 
of  the  /AW,  was  the  work  of  Arclinus 
of  Miletus. 

BaDdanin  (M.)  L'influeocedumariachl- 
nage  sur  les  formes  de  natality.  ( Bull. 
Soc.  d' Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  ^-^  s.,  v, 
80-87.)  From  a  statistical  study  of  the 
birth  and  marriage  data  of  the  de  Mont 
region,  Dr  B.  concludes  that  the  custom 
of  "  mariachinage "  or  pre-marriage 
sexual  relations  has  a  more  moralizing 
effect  than  at  first  sight  would  be  granted, 
—  although  ^j  or  )^  of  the  young  women 
marry  tnceinle,  for  it  overbalances  the 
illegitimate  births.  It  also  seems  to 
favor  marriage  and  docs  not  reduce  the 
birth-rate.  The  author  considers  that 
"10  poetic  and  fecund  a  custom"  adds 

the  perpetuation  of  the  spedes. 

Les  menhirs  satellites  dcs  mtgalitbcs 

funiraires.  (Ibid.,  139-142.)  Dr  B. 
argues  that  among  menhirs  properly  M- 
called,  exclusive  of  alignments  and 
cromlechs,  are  to  be  distinguished  iso- 
lated large  menhirs  or  "  indicator  aienhin 
at  a  distance,"  and  the  lesser  menhin 
close  to  funerary  megaliths,  which  wboi 
venr  near  and  regularly  disposed  may  be 
called  satellites  of  the  megalilhic  tcpol- 
ture,  and  they  may  indicate  that  the 
dolmen  or  covered  way  was  formerly  hid- 
den from  the  eye.  TTie  "pierre  folle" 
of  Plessis  and  the  "covered  way"  of 
the  Landes  are  cited. 

Mnnd  (G.)  Galel-polissoirs.  (Ibid., 
'S3-IS4-)  AuthorhasfouQdi3Softh«*e 
pebbles  at  11  "sUtions."  They  were 
probably  used  to  make  the  grooves  of  the 
polishers  for  use  on  stone  axes. 

TonBliiMr  (C.  A.  U)  Die  RSmerw^ 
iwiscben  der  Unterveser  und  der  Nied^ 
elbe  und  die  mutmasslichen  AnkerpUtK 
des  Tiberius  im  Jahre  5  n.  Chr. 
(Globus,  Bmscbwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  37- 
41.)  The  place  of  anchoring  of  Tibmns 
must  have  been  in  tbe  region  of  the  lake 
near  Bederkesa,  then  connected  with  tbe 
Elbe  or  the  mouth  of  the  Ostc. 

Bord  (Harriet  A.)  Goumia. — Kepoit 
of  the  American  Exploration  Sodety** 
Excavations  at  Goumia,  Crete,  190I- 
1903.  (Trans,  Dept.  Arch.,  Univ.  of 
Penn.,  Phila.,  1904,  I,  7-44,  I  pi.,  31 
fgs.,map.)  Treats  of  Turkish,  Venetian, 
Gneco-Koman,  Iron  age  (l7cx>-i5oo  B. 
C),  Bronic  age  (before  iioo  B.  C) 
ruins  and  remains,  literary  testimony  00 
the  isthmus,  the  town  and  its  buildiogli 
stone  tools,  bronie  tools  and  weapon^ 
stone  vases,  lamps,  basins,  potteiy 
(painted  and  unpainted),  modeling,  en- 
graving, writing,  etc.  Gournia  is 
thought  to  be  one  of  the  90  dlies  men- 
tioned by  Homer. 

BnniB  (C.  M.)  A  few  impressions  of 
Segesta  and  Selinus.  ( Proc.  Num.  & 
Antiq.  Soc.  of  Phiia.,  1903-1903  [l904]i 
185-1S6,  3  pi.)  Describes  ruins  as  leea 
in    1903-1903.      At  Selinunte   are  the 

Cans  (P.)     Russian  icons.     (Open  Ct. 
Chicago,  I9(H,  xviii,  449^53,  9  fgs.) 
Descnbes  in  partictUar  the  Hudoui  fald- 




ing  icon  of  St  Petersburg  and  reproduces 
this  and  others. 

Cooley  (A.  S. )  The  Macedonian  tomb 
and  the  battlefield  of  Cheroneia.  ( Rec. 
of  Past,  Wash.,  1904,  ill,  131-143,  7 
fgs. )  R6sum6s  the  investigations  of  Dr 
G.  Soteriades.  The  large  funeral  mound 
is  identified  with  the  tomb  of  the  Mace- 
donians mentioned  by  Plutarch.  The 
colossal  stone  lion,  marking  the  grave  of 
the  Thebans,  blown  up  during  the  Greek 
Revolution,  is  now  being  restored. 

Cr6pin  (G.)  et  Laville  (A.^  D^cou- 
verte  et  fouille  du  dolmen  ae  Muriel. 
(Bull.  Soc  d*Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  \'« 
s.,  V,  1 1 7- II 8.)  Notes  on  discovery  in 
December,  1903,  of  the  Muriel  dolmen 
and  the  objects  (pottery  fragments,  flint 
implements,  stone  and  bone  ornaments, 
flint  arrowheads  and  axes)  found.  The 
human  bones  include  a  trepanned  skull. 

Crittenden  (A.  R. )  The  topography  and 
monuments  of  ancient  Rome.  (Rec.  of 
Past,  Wash.,  1904,  III,  310-314,  5  fgs.) 
R6sum6s  Professor  S.  B.  Platner's  Topo- 
graphy and  Monuments  of  Ancient 
Ronu  (Boston,  1904). 

Dana  (C.  £. )  The  English  coronation, 
its  service  and  its  history.  (Proc.  Num. 
and  Antiq.  Soc.  of  Phila.,  1902- 1 903 
[1904],  99-133.)  Contains  interesting 
historical  notes  on  ceremony,  etiquette, 
dress  and  ornament,  the  crown,  anoint- 
ment, throne.  King's  champion,  etc. 

DeLoe  (B.  A.)  Discovery  of  an  ancient 
wooden  structure  in  the  excavations  of 
Port  Zeebrugge.  (Rec.  of  Past,  Wash., 
1904,  III,  344-346,  2  fgs.)  Translated 
from  Bull.  d.  Mus,  R.  des  Arts  Dhor. 
et  Industr.,  Brussels.  Description  of 
what  may  have  been  the  frame  or  ground- 
work of  an  artificial  island  in  a  marsh. 
The  structure  ( there  is  no  trace  of  metal ) 
probably  dates  from  the  Roman  period. 

Delore  ( M. )  Les  Romains  et  les  Francs 
dans  les  montagnes  du  centre  de  la  Gaule 
au  sein  de  1'  Arvemic.  (Bull.  Soc.  d' 
Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  \^  s.,  v,  104- 
109. )  The  Arvemic  region  had  special 
attractions  for  the  Romans, —  around  St. 
Flour  1 8  sites  indicating  the  presence  of 
their  civilization  have  been  discovered. 
The  author  describes  in  some  detail  the 
finds  at  the  villa  of  Mons,  and  also  some 
Prankish  weapons  found  in  this  region. 

Dumas  ( U. )  La  station  des  Chataigniers- 
Baron,  Gard.     (Ibid.,  157-158. )     This 

neolithic  <' station  *'  is  characterized  by 
the  diminutive  size  of  the  stone  imple- 
ments found.  The  pottery  ( rare )  has  no 
spar  in  the  paste.  The  *' station"  may 
be  due  to  a  nomadic  people  with  early 
neolithic  culture. 

La  grotte    Nicolas,    commune    de 

Sainte  Anastasie,  Gard.  (Ibid.,  158- 
159.)  Brief  description  of  a  funeral 
grotto  of  the  transitional  period  between 
the  stone  age  and  the  age  of  the  metals 
and  the  remains  of  human  bones,  stone 
implements,  pottery,  terra-cotta  statuette 
of  a  nude  man,  perhaps  the  earliest 
representation  of  the  human  figure  in  this 
material  known. 

Oebhardt  ( A. )  Die  Rentiere  auf  Island. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  261- 
263.)  Gives,  after  Th.  Thoroddsen, 
the  history  of  the  reindeer  in  Iceland, 
where  it  is  not  native  as  is  often  stated, 
but  was  introduced  in  1 77 1  from  Norway. 
The  polar- fox  is  also  not  indigenous, 
but  an  accidental  immigrant  (originally 
brought  on  drift  ice). 

Hoffmann-Krayer  (£.)  Knabenschaften 
und  Volksjustiz  in  der  Schweiz.  (Schw. 
Arch.  f.  Volsk.,  Zurich,  1904,  viii, 
81-99,  1 61- 1 78. J  An  interesting  and 
valuable  study  of  societies  of  the  youth 
and  folk-justice  in  Switzerland.  The 
names  of  these  organizations  and  their 
officers,  their  duties  and  activities,  history 
and  character  in  the  various  cantons,  are 
discussed.  They  busied  themselves  with 
wooing  and  marriage,  leasts  and  festivals, 
took  over  the  control  of  certain  social, 
religious,  political,  military  events,  etc. 
They  were  generally  no  unruly  mob  of 
chance-met  youths,  but  performed  dis- 
tinctly useful  service  in  the  community. 
Dr  H.-K.  emphasizes  their  religiousness 
and  sexual  morality, —  their  decrees  were 
directed  notably  against  godlessness, 
cursing  and  swearing,  breaking  the 
divine  commands,  wrong  conduct  on 
Sundays,  holidays,  fast  days,  etc.,  im- 
morality. In  Switzerland,  as  the  oc- 
currence of  the  charivari  shows,  the 
amenities  of  married  life  came  under  the 
eye  of  folk-justice.  The  unofficial  char- 
acter of  these  organizations  made  it  easy 
for  some  of  them  to  become  mere 
parodies  of  official  institutions.  Their 
three  chief  characters  were  sacral, 
judicial,  military.  Beneath  all  the  author 
sees  "belief  in  the  holiness  and  purify- 
ing power  of  youth." 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

Volkmedizinisches.     (Schw.  Arch. 

f.  Volksk.,  Ziirich,  1904,  viii,  141- 
153.)  Gives  Dumerous  items  of  folk- 
medicine  received  in  answer  to  question- 
naire recently  sent  out. 

Jones  (II.  S. )  Recent  discoveries  in 
Rome.  (Am.  Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904, 
XXVI,  236-239. )  Notes  on  excavations 
in  the  Forum,  the  Lacus  Curtius,  etc. 
Reprinted  from  the  London  Times. 

K.  (W. )  Kunstgewerbliche  Frauenarbeit 
in  den  Ostalpen  und  Nachbargebieten. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  93- 
95. )  Treats  of  the  work  of  women  and 
girls  (house-industry  especially)  in  the 
production  of  embroidery,  carpets,  lace 
(blond,  etc. ).  Lace  is  made  of  yam, 
silk,  silver,  gold,  etc.,  in  more  than  500 
patterns  at  the  lace-school  at  Idria.  The 
Bosnian  women  are  adepts  in  making 
oriental  carpets.  Appenzell  embroidery 
is  of  great  reputation. 

Knowles  ( W.  }. )  Stone  axe  factories 
near  Cushendall,  County  Antrim.  (J. 
Anthr.  Inst.  Lond.,  1903,  xxxiii,  360- 
366,  8  pi.)  Describes  sites  in  Ballye- 
mon  Glen,  where  thousands  of  flakes, 
etc.,  exist  and  from  which  800  whole 
axes  were  obtained.  The  most  favored 
material  used  has  not  been  found  in  situ 
in  the  district.  The  boulders,  in  various 
states  of  flaking,  indicate  the  process  of 
manufacture.  These  implements  prob- 
ably belong  to  an  early  stage  of  the 
neolithic  period, —  some  have  been  found 
in  the  clay  below  the  peat. 

Kopp  ( A. )  Handschrift  der  Trierer  Stadt- 
bibliothek  vom  Jahre  1744.  (Hess.  Bl. 
f.  Volksk.,  Leipzig,  1904,  III,  16-54.) 
Describes,  with  abundant  citation  of 
material,  a  German  song-book  in  Ms.  in 
the  public  library  of  Trier,  dating  from 
1744,  and  probably  belonging  originally 
to  a  pious  Catholic  family  of  Cologne. 
A  number  of  French  pieces  are  included, 
—  also  a  few  drinking  songs  and  some 

Kraitschek  (G.)  Die  Menschenrassen 
Europas.  (Polit. -Anthr.  Rev.,  Berlin, 
1903-1904,  15-45,  533-547»  684-704.) 
R^sum^s  data  on  the  races  of  Europe, 
their  divisions,  physical  characters,  etc. 
Dr  K.  recognizes  three  chief  European 
races  :  Nordic  (light,  tall,  dolichocephal- 
ic) radiating  from  Scandinavian  ;  south 
European  (dark,  short,  dolichoceph- 
alic) ;  Mediterranean,   kin  with  certain 

North  African  and  West  Asiatic  people, 
brachycephalic  [Mongolian,  Celtic  or 
Alpine, —  both  broad-faced  ;  Sarmatian, 
long-faced]  originating  from  central  Asia. 

Krause  ( E.  L. )  Einige  neuere  Ergebnisse 
der  skandinavischen  Quart&rforschung. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxv,  381- 
382. )  Reviews  recent  literature  on  the 
quatemary  period  in  Sweden  and  Nor- 
way. The  middens  of  Schonen  must  be 
older  than  the  remains  discovered  on  the 
island  of  Sven  and  described  by  Anders- 
son  in  1902. 

ManoUTlier  ( L. )  Incisions,  cauterisations 
et  trepanations  cr&niennes  de  I'^poque 
n^olithique.  (Bull.  Soc.  d' Anthr.  de 
Paris,  1904,  V  s.,  v,  67-73,  ^  fg-) 
Dr  M.  argues,  as  Dr  Loydreau  did  30 
years  ago,  that  the  fine  thin  pieces  of 
flint,  quartz,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  neo- 
lithic period,  were  tools  of  the  primitive 
''  surgeon  ' '  for  use  in  trepanning,  etc.  A 
trepanned  skull  from  the  dolmen  of 
Champignolles  is  described  with  some 
detail.     (See  page  17.) 

Note  sur  les  ossements  humains  du 

dolmen  du  terrier  de  Cabut,  Gironde. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d* Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904, 
v«  s. ,  V,  73-76. )  Describes,  with  chief 
measurements,  a  skull  (index  81.8), 
several  mandibles,  femurs,  etc.,  from  a 
dolmen  of  the  Morgian  epoch  at  Cabut, 
much  damaged  by  agricultural  opera- 
tions. One  of  the  astragali  found  has 
<'an  almost  simian  form." 

Sur  I'aspect  n6groTdedequelques  crAnes 

pr6historiques  trouv6s  en  France.  (Ibid. , 
119-124,  I  fg.)  Dr  M.  argues  that  the 
seemingly  negroid  aspect  of  the  Mentone 
crania  **  is  due  to  morphologic  characters 
whose  occurrence  together  in  the  same 
skull  is  certainly  rare  in  the  white  race,** 
but  does  not  require  the  assumption  of 
negro  ancestry.  They  vst.  female  skulls, 
which  explains  some  of  their  peculiar 
features.  The  fades  mon^oloideus  said 
to  be  frequent  in  certain  parts  of  Brittany 
becomes,  when  associated  with  dolicho- 
cephaly,  Vifmcies  nef^roideus.  The  author 
discusses  also  the  skull  from  the  dolmen 
of  M6riel.     See  Cr^pin  et  Laville. 

Cr&nes   de   vieillards  de   I'^poque 

n^olithique  en  France.  ( Ibid.,  101-104, 
2  fgs. )  Describes  two  neolithic  skulls, 
from  the  dolmen  of  Pocancy  and  a  grotto 
in  H6rault,  both  of  which  bear  marks  of 
advanced  old  age.     The  chief  signs  of 





old  age  are  atrophy  of  the  alveolar  por- 
tion of  the  maxillary  and  the  more  or 
less  symmetrical  sinking  of  the  external 
table  of  the  parietals,  due  to  atrophy  of 
the  spongy  tissue  of  the  center.  These 
skulls  are  interesting  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  many  theorists  have  not  admitted  the 
possibility  of  the  attainment  of  high  old 
age  among  the  savage  ancestors  of  the 
present  races  of  man. 

Mayr  (A.)  Die  voi^eschichtlichen  Denk- 
m&ler  von  Sardinien.  (Globus,  Bm- 
schwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  133-137.)  R6- 
sum^s  present  knowledge  of  Sardinian 
antiquities  —  based  chiefly  on  Pinza's 
Monumenti  primitivi  delta  Sardegna 
(Roma,  1901 ).  According  to  P.,  with 
whom  M.  agrees,  the  nuraghi  are 
**  graves  *  *  —  there  exist  also  the  **  giants' 
graves ' '  and  the  domos  de  inna^  or  rock 
graves,  besides  natural  caves.  The  cul- 
ture of  the  nuraghi^  giants'  graves,  rock 
graves,  etc.,  suggests  a  close  connection 
between  Sardinia,  the  Balearic  islands, 
the  islands  between  Sicily  and  Africa 
and  the  southern  part  of  Spain  and 
France  during  the  bronze  period.  There 
is  a  unity — a  sort  of  "western  Medi- 
terranean culture  area"  indicated.  In- 
fluences of  older  i^ean  culture  are 
present  in  this  region  —  also  Mycsenian 
and  pre-Mycsenian  both  in  implements 
and  architecture.  The  nuraghi  people 
were  probably  of  African  origin.  The 
specific  creators  of  old  Sardinian  culture 
were  the  Jolai  of  the  ancient  Roman 

Mehiis  (C.)  Die  Nekropole  im  Benzen- 
lockbei  Neustadt  a.  d.  H.  (Ibid.,  1904, 
LXXXV,  388. )  Brief  account  of  the  con- 
tents of  6  tumuli  examined  in  1904. 
The  neolithic,  Hallstatt,  La  Tdne,  and 
Roman  periods  are  all  represented  —  the 
last  two  subsequent  interments. 

OfFord  (J.)  Roman  discoveries  in  Great 
Britain.  (Am.  Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904, 
XXVI,  17-23.)  Treats  of  discoveries  of 
1903  :  altars  and  tablets  from  New- 
castle-upon-Tyne, inscriptions  from  mili- 
tary station  at  Brough  (Derbyshire)  and 
city  of  Venta Silurum  (Monmouthshire), 
excavations  at  Silchester,  etc.  Frequent 
references  occur  in  the  inscriptions  to  in- 
dividuals of  German  origin  among  the 
Roman  soldiery  in  Britain.  Some  of  the 
deities  cited,  e.  g.,  Mogon^  may  also  be 

A    prehistoric    Scandinavian     sun- 

chariot.  (Ibid.,  234-235,  I  fg.)  De- 
scribes the  sun-chariot  (dating  from  ca. 
1000  B.  c. )  found  at  Trundholm.  The 
author  seeks  Babylonian  or  Sumerian 

P.  Die  Karelier  im  russischen  Gouveme- 
ment  Twer.  (Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904, 
LXXXVI,  188-189.)  Brief  r6sum6  of 
data  in  D.  Richter's  article  on  the 
Karelians  of  Twer  in  the  Journal  der 
finnisch-ugrischen  Gesellschaft  in  Hel- 
singforsy  1 904.  Folk- literature  and  folk- 
songs seem  to  have  vanished  —  even  the 
recollection  of  their  original  home. 
Russian  influence  is  marked  and  racial 
assimilation  has  increased  since  the  build- 
ing of  schools  and  the  coming  of  rail- 
roads, etc.  In  the  family  there  is  "no 
suppression  of  personality."  The  pro- 
portion of  males  to  females  is  100  :  1 10.6. 

Reindl  (J.)  Die  ehemaligen  Weinkul- 
turen  in  Siidbayem.  (Ibid.,  1904, 
LXXXV,  384-387. )  Discusses  the  extent 
of  the  vineyards  in  South  Bavaria,  the 
quality  of  the  wine,  and  the  cause  of  the 
decline  of  wine  culture  (the  increasing 
importation  of  foreign  wines  since  the 
14th  century).  The  vine  on  the  gables 
of  houses  and  bams,  the  frequent  occur- 
rence of  IVein  in  place-names,  etc.,  indi- 
cate the  influence  of  this  industry  since 
its  introductions  by  the  Romans. 

Rossat  (A.)  Les  paniers  :  podme  patois. 
(Schw.  Arch.  f.  Volksk.,  ZUrich,  1904, 
VIII,  116-140,196-219.)  Gives  dialect 
versions  and  literary  French  texts  of 
Raspieler's  poem  Les  Paniers  (1849), 
with  critical  notes  on  the  various 

Schdner  (G. )  Erinnerungen  und  Ueber- 
lebsel  vergangener  Zeiten  aus  dem  Dorfe 
Eschenrod  im  Vogelsberg.  (Hess.  Bl. 
f.  Volksk.,  Leipzig,  1904,  in,  54-63.) 
Reproduces  from  the  narration  of  an  old 
man  25  items  of  beliefs,  customs,  folk- 
thought,  etc.,  from  the  village  of 

Stuckelberg  ( E.  A. )  Die  Verehrung  des 
h.  Morand  Mon.  (Schw.  Arch.  f. 
Volksk.,  Zurich,  1904,  viii,  220-223, 
I  fg. )  Gives  account  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  worship  of  the  late  medieval 
St  Morandus  of  Bftle,  limited  to  the 

Tedeschi  (E.  E. )  Contributo  alia  cranio- 
logia  dei  popoli  alpini.  (A.  d.  Accad. 
Sci.    Ven. -Trent. -Istr.,    Padova,    1904, 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

■  I 

n . 

^*  s.,  I,  57-69.)  Gives  measurements 
and  descriptions  of  50  male  and  50 
female  skulls  from  the  ossuary  of  S. 
Pietro  in  the  commune  of  Zuglio. 
Homogeneity  in  the  distribution  of  the 
cephalic  indexes  in  both  sexes  is  marked. 
The  female  skulls  are  more  rectangular 
than  the  male.  There  are  features 
which  suggest  artificial  deformation 
rather  than  ethnic  characters. 

Tetzner  ( F. )  Zur  Volkskunde  der  Serben. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  85- 
91,  12  fgs. )  Treats  of  name,  dress 
(particularly  bridal),  houses,  furniture 
and  implements  (domestic  and  agri- 
cultural), folk-poetry  (  hero-song,  lyric- 
poems,  etc.).  Wooden  vessels  are  still 
much  in  use  ;  noteworthy  are  the  east 
Servian  calabashes.  The  Servian  ox- 
yoke  has  some  peculiarities,  likewise  the 
fire-tongs.  The  "puberty  cane**  also 
deserves  mention,  although  some  deny 
its  significance. 

Tobler  ( A. )  Der  Volkstanz  im  Appen- 
zellerlande.  (Schw.  Arch.  f.  Volksk., 
Zurich,  1904,  VIII,  100-115,  178-195.) 
Consists  of  the  music  for  some  1 7  Appen- 
zell  folk-dances. 

Vir6  ( A. )  Unc  station  solutr^enne.  Nou- 
velle  grotte  et  abri  sous  roche  de  Lacave, 
Lot.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthr.  de  Paris, 
1904,  v«  s.,  V,  63-66.)  Describes  cave 
and  rock-shelter  with  remains  discovered 
( flints,  bone  implements  and  ornaments, 
shells,  kitchen  debris,  the  last  very 
numerous),  of  the  Solutrean  epoch 

Walker  (F.  I.)  The  story  of  Pompeii. 
(Am.  Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904,  xxvi,  169- 
176.)  R6sum6s  history  and  describes 
excavations  and  results,  as  revealing  the 
nature  of  the  city  and  its  inhabitants. 

Weinberg  ( R. )  Pr&historische  Feuersteine 
und  der  neolithische  Mensch  in  Baltisch- 
Russland.  (Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904, 
LXXXVI,  231-235,  21  figs.)  The  East 
Baltic  region  oflfers  comparatively  few 
worked  flints,  —  a  dozen  or  so  is  the 
largest  find  (near  Swineek  on  Lake 
Burtneck).  Implements  combining  flints 
and  bone  (harpoons)  occur,  and  some  of 
the  flints  are  of  fine  workmanship  and 
belong  probably  with  the  RUgen-Pomer- 
ania  stone-age  culture.  The  Woisek 
skeleton  belongs  to  a  decidedly  dolicoce- 
phalic  type  (index  67)  —  Pomeranian 
and  also  Ladoga  lake  man  may  be  related. 

Der  syrjanische  Pam-Kultus.    (Ibid., 

259-261.)  Describes  the  Syrjanian  folk- 
figure  of  ram,  the  highest  conception  of 
this  people  of  the  governments  of 
Wologda  and  Archangelsk  in  European 
Russia.  Pam  incarnates  the  spirit  striv- 
ing after  light,  the  struggle  of  the  soul, 
the  ideal  of  humanity,  Uie  highest  aims 
of  man,  his  boldest  hopes,  his  deepest 
emotions  —  he  stands  high  above  all  that 
is  small  and  commonplace  in  the  life  and 
activities  of  men.  Para  is  perhaps  the 
same  as  the  half-god  of  the  Ugro- Finnish 

Wilser  ( L. )  Die  Menschenrassen  Euro- 
pas,  nach  Kraitschek.  (Ibid.,  45-46.) 
R^sum^s  the  article  of  Dr  G.  Kraitscheic 
on  European  races  in  the  Politisch-an- 
thropologische  Rrvue^  vols.  I- 1 1.  Dr 
W.  agrees  with  K.  that  the  dolichoce- 
phalic race  of  Europe  is  the  oldest,  the 
brachycephalic  a  later  immigrant  from 
the  East.  Also  as  to  the  mixture  of 
Finnish  peoples.     See  Kraitschek  (G.  ) 

Winter  (A.  C. )  Totenklagen  der  Russen. 
(Ibid.,  1904,  Lxxxv,  388-389.)  Gives 
German  texts  of  three   "death-wails'* 

from  Twer,  R&san  and  Cemigov.  In 
Twer  they  are  called  w6pi,   in  R&san 

kriki,  in  Jaroslav  pric6ty,  in  Cemigov 
Zapla^ki.  The  Twer  **wail*'  consists 
of  140  lines  containing  many  repetitions. 

Wright  (G.  F.)  The  bone  cave  of  San 
Ciro,  Sicily.  ( Rec.  of  Past,  Wash., 
1904,  III,  216-219,  2  fgs.)  Brief  notes 
on  the  investigation  of  this  cave  in  1 830. 
Immense  quantities  of  bones  (chiefly  of 
hippopotami  and  very  fresh),  some  of 
which  were  commercially  exploited,  were 
found.  Prestwich,  the  geologist,  thought 
a  land  subsidence,  in  times  when  the 
hippopotami  lived  in  this  part  of  the 
world,  drove  them  into  the  cave  for 

Zaborowski  (S. )  La  c6r6ale  protoary- 
enne.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthr.  de  Paris, 
1904,  v«  s.,  V,  87-99.)  Treats  ot 
limits  of  the  proto- Aryan  period,  com- 
mon terms  relating  to  the  employment 
of  stone  implements  (words  for  knife, 
sword,  razor,  arrow,  whetstone,  etc. ), 
agriculture  in  the  European  and  Indo- 
Iranian  groups  (words  for  plow,  sickle, 
reap,  etc.  —  the  European  knowledge  of 
agriculture  was  earlier  than  the  Indo- 
Iranian),  the  late  app>earance  of  agricul- 
ture   (of   Teutonic  origin)   among  the 




Finns,  the  proto- Aryan  plow,  the  plants 
cultivated  by  the  proto-Aryans.  Z. 
thinks  that  the  proto-AiTans  long  con- 
fined themselves  to  gathering  wild  grains 
—  first  of  the  cereals  was  barley,  and  the 
oldest  names  signify  not  special  cereals 
but  simply  the  grains  of  the  wild  plant 


Borchard  ( L. )  Excavations  of  the  Ger- 
man Oriental  Society  near  Abusir.  (  Rec. 
of  Past,  Wash.,  1904,  in,  195-212,  15 
fgs. )  Gives  account  of  excavations  of 
winters  of  1901-1902  and  1902-1903. 
Describes  the  temple  of  King  Ne- 
rooser-re ;  the  cemetery  surrounding 
''offers  traces  of  all  periods  of  Egyptian 
civilization."  Three  types  of  mastabas 
were  found. 

Brower  (C.  DeW. )  Phila.  abid.,  259- 
268,  6  fgs. )  Historical  and  descriptive 
account  of  Philse  and  its  famous  temples, 
now  threatened  with  possible  submersion 
by  the  erection  of  the  great  Assouan  dam. 
The  author  suggests  that  the  new  stone 
bulwark  is  really  more  beautiful  than  the 
old  ruined  temples  because  more  useful, 
now  that  the  day  of  the  Fellaheen  has 

Curtis  (W.  E.)  Ancient  cities  of  Egypt, 
f  Am.  Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904,  xxvi,  77- 
84. )  These  notes,  originally  contributed 
to  the  Chicago  Record- Heraldy  treat  of 
Alexandria,  Cairo  and  its  university, 
stone  towers,  Memphis,  mastaba  of  Ti, 
rock-hewn  tombs,  etc. 

DaTid  (J.)  Notizen  Qber  die  Pygm&en 
des  Ituriwaldes.  (Globus,  Bmschwg., 
1904,  Lxxxvi,  193-198.)  Treats  of 
physical  characters,  dwellings,  imple- 
ments and  utensils  (few  and  pots  rare), 
tobacco  (obtained  from  taller  negroes 
and  much  used  by  pygmies ),  bunting  and 
other  activities  (traps and  pits),  counting, 
language  (brief  vocabulary  including 
numerals  and  proper  names  of  men  and 
women).  No  evidences  of  degeneration 
or  abnormality  exist  and  the  Wambutti 
have  been  for  centuries  the  primitive  for- 
est folk  they  are  now.  There  is  no  sym- 
biosis with  the  surrounding  agricultural 
peoples,  as,  e.  g.,  at  Mawambi.  Dr  D. 
describes  (p.  197)  a  new-bom  child. 
Their  uncleanliness,  dread  of  water, 
ignorance  of  boiling  flesh,  etc.,  are  noted. 
The  author,  from  his  personal  experience, 
credits  these  pygmies  with  great  skill  in 
hunting  and  tradcing  animals. 

AM.  ANTH.,  N.  S  ,  7~XO 

Ton  Doeiing  (Hptnt,)  Ueber  die  Her- 
stellung  von  Seife  in  Togo.  (Ibid.,  282- 
283.)  Describes  the  manufacture  of 
soap  by  the  negresses  of  Togo-land.  It 
is  made  from  the  ashes  of  the  kongulu 
palm  and  some  other  trees  and  palm- 
seed  oil. 

G«werbe  (Das)  in  Ruanda.  (Ibid.,  82> 
83.)  R6sum6  of  the  article  of  Dr  R. 
Kandt.  See  American  Anthropologist y 
1904,  vol.  VI,  N.  s.,  731. 

Hobley  (C.  W.J  British  East  Africa: 
Anthropological  studies  in  Kavirondo  and 
Nandi.  (J.  Anthr.  Inst.  Lond.,  1903, 
XXXIII,  325-359,  3  pi.  8  fgs. )  Treats 
of  legends  of  tbe  origin  of  the  Ja-Luo 
race  and  their  genealogy,  genealogy  of 
the  Awa-Wanga,  animal-stories  of  the 
Ama-Wanga,  ghost  beliefs  of  the  Ithako, 
omens,  ancestor- worship,  charms  (a  list 
of  the  components  of  the  magic  necklace 
of  a  chief  is  given  at  page  345),  totems 
(list  given),  rain-making,  c^It  of  the 
mkia  (speci/il  mark  of  married  woman), 
<<mika"  operation  on  girls  among  the 
Guasangishu  and  Nandi,  naming  of 
children,  tattooing  and  tribal  marks, 
numeral  proportion  of  sexes  (table  given; 
in  Bantu  tribes  male  births  exceed 
female,  in  Nilotic  vice  versa),  the  isira 
custom  (vendetta),  miscellaneous  cus- 
toms and  beliefs,  laws  of  succession  among 
the  Ja-Luo  (chiefship  goes  to  eldest  son 
of  wife  whom  father  married  first),  etc. 
Neither  the  Ja-Luo  nor  the  Nandi  have 
such  animal- love  as  the  Ama-Wanga. 
The  Ithako  consider  ghosts  much  larger 
than  life-size.  Cremation  of  a  corpse  and 
re- interring  the  ashes  *'  lays  "  a  ghost. 
Charms  are  legion.  Artificial  deflower- 
ing of  dead  virgins  occurs  among  the 

Hutter  (F.)  Volkergruppierung  in  Ka- 
merun.  (Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904, 
LXXXVI,  1-5,  map.)  The  distribution- 
map  suggests  an  ethnic  chaos.  The 
greatest  sections  are  the  Bantu  and  the 
Sudan-Negroes,  the  third  chief  element 
consisting  of  intruding  non-negro  peoples. 
In  German  Bomu  are  the  Kanuri,  Ma- 
kari,  Musgu,  Marghi,  besides  tribes  of 
Arab  lineage  (Sh6a),  some  Fula,  immi- 
grants from  Baghirmi  and  Wadai,  from 
Dar  Rt^nga  and  Dongola.  In  Adamua 
are  Batta  tribes,  Fali,  Musgu,  Kanuri, 
Sh6a,  Mbum,  Bantu,  Baia,  Tikar, 
Haussa,  etc.  In  the  primitive  forests 
of  the  west  and  south  dwell  the  Fans. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 


The  Fula  have  followed  often  the  ruins 
of  Haussa  <*  states.'*  Mixture  of  races 
has  long  been  taking  place  here. 

Slandt  ( R. )  Ein  Marsch  am  Ostufer  des 
Kiwu.  (Ibid.,  209-214,  245-249,  11 
fgs.)  Contains  notes  on  the  Watussi 
(higher  classes),  Wahutu  (Bantu  com- 
mon people),  etc.  A  pariah-folk,  the 
pygmy  Batwa,  is  scattered  over  the 
country.  The  east  shore  of  Lake  Kiwu 
belongs  to  Ruanda. 

Klose  ( H . )  Produktion  und  Handel  Togos. 
( Ibid. ,  69-75,  145-149. )  Notes  on  ex- 
ploitation of  oil-palm  and  its  products, 
caoutchouc,  ^^/-palm  (shi-butter),  cocoa- 
palm  (copra),  kola-nut,  earth-nut,  cas- 
sava, maize,  cotton,  caoutchouc,  cacao, 
etc.  The  spread  of  such  American 
plants  as  cassava,  maize,  and  cacao  in 
Africa  is  remarkable.  The  oil -palm  fur- 
nishes oil,  sauce,  salve,  hair-dressing, 
light,  building  material,  fish-traps,  food, 
drink,  etc. 

LeMner  (^Oberltn,^  Die  Balue-  oder 
Rumpiberge  und  ihre  Bewohner.  (Ibid., 
273-278,  337-344,  18  fgs.)  Contains 
notes  (pp.  277-278)  on  the  Balue, 
Bakundu,  Ngolo,  and  Batanga,  all  of 
Bantu  stock.  Several  albinos  (who 
enjoy  no  special  rOle)  were  met  with. 
Although  these  four  peoples  speak  the 
same  language,  yet  the  words  for  several 
things  (including  father y  nosey  dogy )  are 
not  the  same  in  all  of  them.  Tattooing, 
clothing,  and  ornaments  (comparatively 
little),  objects  used  in  dance  (very  num- 
erous and  manifold),  weapons,  houses 
and  villages,  "palaver ''-houses,  furni- 
ture and  utensils,  land-culture,  domestic 
animals,  etc.,  are  discussed.  Tobacco  is 
much  used. 

New  English  province  (The)  of  Nigeria. 
(Nat.  Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1904,  xv, 
433-442,  9  fgs. )  Contains  notes  on  the 
city  of  Kano  and  the  people  of  the  prov- 
ince, chiefly  Hausas. 

OfFord  (J. )  Discoveries  in  Egypt.  (Am. 
Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904,  xxvi,  73-77.) 
Discusses  the  inscription  of  the  **  Stele 
of  Palermo  "  (5  th  or  6th  dynasty,  relat- 
ing to  Heliopolis),  the  new  papyrus 
(ca.  410  B.  c.)  from  Luxor,  and  two 
new  cuneiform  tablets  from  Tel-el 

^—  Monuments  of  primitive  Pharaohs. 
(Ibid.,  240-242.)  Author  thinks  that 
evidence  shows  that  these  early  monarch, 

were  not  petty  princes,  but  ruled  over 
upper  and  lower  Egypt.  It  also  proves 
the  accuracy  of  Manetho's  lists  and  the 
increasing  antiquity  of  Egyptian  culture. 

ParlBh  Yon  Senftenburg  (Freih.  O.) 
Zwei  Reisen  durch  Ruanda  1902  bis 
1903.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1904, 
Lxxxvi,  5-13,  73-79,  13  fgs.,  map.) 
Based  on  data  of  Lieut,  von  Parish.  Con- 
tains ethnographic  notes  on  the  Watusi 
(a  tall  negro  people),  Mssinga,  the 
ruler  of  Ruanda,  the  dwarf  executioners 
of  Mssinga  (Bagiga  or  Watwa).  The 
Watwa  of  the  volcanic  region  are  said 
to  be  cannibals.  The  Watwa  and  Watusi 
(the  ruling  element  in  Ruanda)  get 
along  well  together. 

Pittard  (M. )  Sur  lamonnaie  du  Ba-Souto. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  v« 
s.,  V,  142-143.)  Describes  the  iirale 
or  copper  money  of  the  Basuto  from  a 
sp>ecimen  in  the  Geneva  Museum  and 
one  presented  to  the  Anthropological 

Sg.  Die  Festlegung  der  Westgrenze  von 
Togo.  (Globus,  Brnschwg,  1904, 
LXXXVI,  283-286,  map. )  Contains  brief 
notes  on  the  Moab,  Guan  tribes,  Nawuri, 
Shanbordn,  Nanumba  (becoming  more 
and  more  Mohammedanized),  Dag- 
bamba,  Tjanse,  Kusa,  Konkomba, 
Chokosi,  etc. 

Singer  (H.)  Eine  Begr&bnish5hle  auf 
der  Insel  Bussira,  Victoria  Nyansa. 
( Ibid. ,  80-82,  I  fg. )  Notes  on  a  photo- 
graph by  the  late  Lieut,  von  Parish, 
representing  a  grave  on  the  island  of 
Bussira,  and  on  the  funeral  customs  of 
the  Wasiba.  A  sort  of  strata-deposition 
of  corpses  is  practised. 

Hauptmann    Merkers  Monographic 

Uber  die  Massai.  (Ibid.,  264-268,  10 
fgs. )  R^sum^s  Capt.  M.  Merker's  Die 
Masai.  Ethnographische  Monographic 
eines  ostafrikanischen  Semitcnvolkes 
(Berlin,  1904).  On  anthropological, 
ethnographic  and  ethnologic  grounds 
(but  particularly  from  study  of  their 
myths)  M.  holds  that  the  Masai  are  of 
Semitic  lineage,  but  he  probably  places 
too  much  weight  on  certain  legends.  The 
beginning  of  Masai  immigration  he  sets  at 
ca.  5000  B.  c.  Cattle  are  of  great  im- 
portance for  the  Masia,  but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  great  cattle-plague  of  some 
14-15  years  ago,  they  are  in  process  of 
change  from   cattle-nomads  to  agricul- 




turists.  To  the  main  part  of  the  book 
are  added  ethnobotanical  notes  and  an- 
thropological descriptions  of  18  men  and 
43  women.  At  pages  286-287  of  Globus 
is  given  the  creation  myth  of  the  Masai. 

Sommerrille  (M.)  Amulets  and  talis- 
mans from  Senegal.  (Proc.  Num.  and 
Antiq.  Soc.  of  Phila.,  1902-1903  [1904], 
53,  2  pi. )  Brief  note  and  photographs 
of  6  amulets  from  the  Sahara,  east  of 


Carus  (P.)  Stone-worship.  (Open  Ct, 
Chicago,  1904,  XVIII,  45-52,  7  fes.) 
Treats  of  stone-worship,  votive  stones, 
etc.,  among  the  Phenicians. 

Pre-Christian  crosses  as  symbols  of 

chthonic  deities.  (Ibid.,  285-290,  12 
fgs.)  Author  notes  that  the  cross  is 
found  on  tombs  in  Asia  Minor  and  used 
in  connection  with  chthonic  deities,  gods 
of  the  lower  world.  Hades,  etc. 

The    religion    of    proto-Semitism. 

(Ibid.,  421-429.)  Based  on  Prof.  S.  I. 
Curtiss'  Ursemitische  Religion  (Leip- 
zig, 1904),  the  improved  German  edition 
of  the  author's  Primitive  Semitic  Re- 
ligion, Chicago,  1902. 

Corea.     (Ibid.,    218-220,   2   fgs.) 

Contains  notes  on  coat-of-arms  and  kwas 
or  trigrams. 

—  The  Rosetta  stone.  (Ibid.,  531-536, 
3  fgs. )  Describes  the  stone  with  cuts  of 
the  hierogljrphic,  demotic,  and  Greek 

The  spinning  damsel.     (Ibid.,  568- 

5^>  I  fg* )  Brief  account  of  an  ancient 
bas-relief  from  Susa  of  a  Semitic  (?) 
maiden  spinning,  while  a  slave  behind 
£euis  her. 

—  Naram-sin's stele.  (Ibid.,  563-567, 
4  fgs. )  Describes  the  stele  (now  in  the 
Louvre)  of  Naram-sin  (ca.  3750  b.  c.) 
found  in  the  ruins  of  Susa  by  DeMorgan. 
The  facial  types  of  the  Elamites  are  repro- 
duced in  outlines. 

—  Japanese  leaders.  (Ibid.,  454-478, 
21  fgs.  Treats  of  the  Mikado,  the  Em- 
press, Oyama,  Yamagata,  Kodowa, 
Kuroki,  Oku,  Nodzu,  Nogi,  Ito,  Yama- 
mato,  Togo,  Kamimura,  Uriu,  Hirose, 
Fukushima  (author  of  patriotic  poems  as 
well  as  a  general).  Some  of  these  nota- 
bles represent  the  Japanese  physical  type 
(or  types),  others,  apparently,  do  not. 

Clement  (E.  W.)  The  Japanese  floral 
calendar.  (Ibid.,  6-13,  107-112,  163- 
165,  213-217,  282-284,  351-354,  394- 
397,  499-5oi>  554-557,  615-617,  695- 
698,  723-73 1,  28  fgs. )  Interesting  notes 
on  the  pine,  plum,  peach,  cherry,  wis- 
taria, iris,  morning-glory,  lotus,  nana- 
kusa  (<*  seven  grasses'*),  maple,  chrys- 
anthemum, camellia,  the  various  month- 
flowers  in  poetry,  art,  etc.  The  Japanese 
love  a  flower  as  a  flower.  To  them  a 
bouquet  is  floral  murder  and  the  whole 
theory  of  Japanese  flower  arrangement 
'depends  upon  the  *  language  of  line' 
rather  than  upon  mass  or  color.''  The 
arrangement  of  flowers  is  an  important 
item  in  woman's  education. 

Crabbe  (J.  J. )  Japanese  songs  and  folk- 
lore. (Ibid.,  277-481.)  According  to 
the  author  '<  no  other  nation  has  so  rich 
a  treasury  of  folk-lore  as  the  Japanese,  or 
has  such  a  wealth  of  myth  and  romance," 
and  religion,  myth,  romance  and  history 
are  inextricably  intertwined.  One  of 
the  most  popular  collections  of  songs  and 
folk-lore  is  the  Hyak  Nin  Is^shiu  Mine 
No  Kake-hashi.  The  Taketori  Mono^ 
gatari  was  first  issued  about  iboo  years 
ago.  The  Japanese  variant  of  Rip  van 
Winkle  is  given  on  page  279. 

Doolittle  (G.  E.)  Neglected  archeologi- 
cal  ruins  in  Coelesyria.  ( Rec.  of  Past, 
Wash.,  1904,  III,  227-233,  12  fgs.) 
Notes  on  die  Libo  aqueduct,  the  temple 
ruins  of  Kefr  Zebed,  Shleefa  Niha,  the 
shrine  near  Kobb  Elias,  the  Kamu'  at 
Hermil  (a  monument  of  some  hunting 
monarch,  etc.).  These  ruins  have  been 
neglected  because  so  overshadowed  by 
**  the  titanic  ruins  of  Baalbek."  Coele- 
syria was  the  home  of  Baal  worship. 

El-Howie  (Ghosn. )  Gezer  foundation  de- 
posits and  modem  beliefs.  ( Ibid. ,  212— 
216.)  Treats  of  foundation-sacrifices, 
ancient  and  modem,  of  this  region  in  con- 
nection with  the  finding  at  Tell-el-Jezari 
(the  Gezer  of  King  Solomon)  of  jars 
containing  bodies  of  infants,  lamps  and 
bowls,  in  the  foundation  of  dwellings. 
This  was  probably  to  ward  of  the  **  evil 



.     The     Drooz    of    Syria.      (Amer. 

Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904,  xxvi,  167-168.) 
Notes  on  beliefs,  etc.,  of  the  Druses  con- 
cerning the  origin  of  life,  transmigration 
of  souls,  etc. 

d'Enjoy  (P.)     De  la  legislation  chinoise 
^  regard  des  congregations  religieuses. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  v« 
s.,  V,  154-157.)  Gives  the  French 
version  of  the  legislation  of  the  old 
Chinese  code  relative  to  the  Buddhist 
monks  and  monasteries,  for  comparison 
with  recent  edicts  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment concerning  the  Catholic  **  congre- 

Foster  (J.  W.)  China.  (Nat.  Geogr. 
Mag.,  Wash.,  xv,  463-478,  2  maps.) 
Contains  some  notes  on  the  character  of 
the  Chinese  peoples. 

Gilbert  (O.)  Babylons  Gestimdienst, 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi. 
225-231,  2  fgs. )  Treats  of  the  stars  in 
Babylonian  mythology  and  religion, 
their  S3rmbolism  and  its  interpretation, 
combinations  of  deities,  double-heads, 
etc.  The  author  holds  that  these  em- 
blems are  all  per  se  symbols  of  deities, 
which  later  became  connected  with  and 
were  transferred  to  certain  chief  stars 
and  constellations.  The  stars  were 
always  subordinated  to  the  gods  and  not 
vice  versa. 

Goldziher  (I.)  Orientalische  Bauleg- 
ende.  (Ibid.,  95-96. )  Treats  of  the 
Persian  legend  of  the  building  of  the 
castle  of  Chawamak  by  the  Greek  ar- 
chitect Sinnim&r  in  the  fifth  century,  the 
country  palace  of  Sh&pur  I.  Connected 
with  this  legend  was  the  astrologer's 
verdict  that  the  King  would  lose  his 
kingdom  for  a  time  and  recover  it  only 
after  **  taking  golden  bread  fix>m  an  iron 
dish.  *  *  The  architect  escapes  the  King*  s 
attempt  to  destroy  him,  by  making  him- 
self wings  and  flying  away.  This  sug- 
gests the  classic  tale  of  Daedalus. 

▼on  Hahn  (C. )  Neues  Uber  die  Kurden. 
( Ibid.  ,31-32.)  R6sum6s  an  address  by 
A.  A.  Arkeljan  before  the  Geographical 
Society  of  Tiflis.  A.  maintains  that  the 
Kurds  are  a  very  mixed  race,  com- 
pounded of  Medes,  Mongols,  Tatars,' 
Armenians,  Turks,  Arabs,  etc.,  and  not 
a  somewhat  pure  Iranian  people  as  is 
generally  believed.  They  number  alto- 
gether about  1,000,000,  divided  into 
some  100  *' tribes,"  partly  nomadic, 
partly  half-nomadic  In  religion  they 
are  strict  Sunnites.  Divorce  is  easy, 
hospitality  a  sacred  duty,  theft  and  rob- 
bery works  of  valor. 

Harper  (R.  F.)  Exploration  and  dis- 
covery in  Babylonia.  (Am.  Antiq., 
Chicago,  1904,  XXVI,  177-179.)    Notes 

on  the  excavations  at  Bismya,  where 
large  ruins  exist,  from  whi<^  ridi  re- 
sults are  expected. 

Haa  (K. )  German  excavations  in  Baby- 
lon, 1901  and  1902.  (Rec  of  Fk^ 
Wash.,  1904,  III,  166-183,  6  fjgs).  De- 
scribes the  excavations  of  the  '*kasr" 
mound  and  the  remains  discovered  (clay 
sculptures,  cylinders,  glazed  tiles,  docu- 
ments found  in  coffins,  exploratioos  of 
the  temple,  palace,  fortifications,  etc). 
Among  the  finds  are  a  new  text  of  King 
Nabopolassar,  a  hjmn  to  Marduk,  etc 

German     excavations     in    Fan. 

(Ibid.,  233-243,  6  fgs.,  map.)  De- 
scribes investigations  of  1 902- 1903,  at 
Fara  and  Abu  Hatab.  R6sum6d  firan 
official  reports  of  the  German  Oriental 

Hedin  (S.)  De  vetenskapliga  resnltaten 
af  min  sista  resa.  (Ymer,  Stkhlm., 
1 904»  XXIV,  237-258,  maps.)  R^sumis 
scientific  results  of  last  journey  in  central 
Asia,  1 899- 1 902,  which  are  to  appear  in 
English  in  six  volumes.  Of  great  inter* 
est  are  the  excavations  in  old  Lobnor. 

Hendenon  fA.  E.)  Survey  of  Cyziciu. 
(Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  1904,  iii,  355- 
364,  7  fgs.,  map. )  Describes  sitnatioo 
and  topography  of  the  ruins  of  Cyskns 
on  the  southern  shore  of  the  Sea  of  Mar- 
mora. The  chief  ruin  is  that  of  "the 
colossal  *  temple  of  Hadrian.' "  Others 
are  the  ''theater,'*  the  '  *  honey-maiden's 
palace,''  etc. 

Henning  (C.  L.)  Die  sumerische  Gnmd- 
lage  der  vorderasiatischen  Sch5pfangs- 
sage.  (Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904, 
LXXXVI,  46-49,  58-61,  I  fg. )  Risumis 
the  recent  writings  of  Zimmem,  Tide, 
Radau,  etc- ,  particularly  the  last.  Radaa 
endeavors  to  prove  the  "Sumerian" 
origin  of  the  Babylonian  creation  myth, 
added  to  Tide's  opinion  (*'by  far  the 
greater  part  of  Babylonian  religious  ideas 
were  already  in  the  possession  of  the 

Hervey  ( D.  F.  A. )  Malay  games.  (J. 
Anthr.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1903,  xxxiil,  284- 
304,  8  fgs. )  Describes  briefly  63  games, 
chiefly  children's,  and  mostly  as  plajred 
in  Malacca.  Some  of  these  games  re- 
semble :  Hide-and-seek,  Tom  Tiddler's 
Ground,  Oranges  and  Lemons,  French 
and  English,  Marbles,  Hopscotch,  Pitch 
and  Toss,  etc 




Janke  (A.^  Das  Schlachtfeld  am  Grani- 
kus.  (Ibid.,  129-133,  6  fgs.,  map. )  J. 
does  not  confirm  Kiepert's  opinion  as  to 
the  old  course  of  the  Granicus,  nor  his 
site  for  the  battle-field — the  lowest  course 
of  the  stream  has  most  in  its  favor. 

Joyce  (T.  A. )  On  the  physical  anthro- 
pology of  the  Oases  of  Khotan  and 
Keriya.  (J.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1903, 
XXXIII,  305-324,  2  pi.,  tables.)  Treats 
of  cephalic  nasal  and  facial  indices,  stat- 
ure, thickness  of  lips,  color  of  hair  and 
eyes,  etc.,  of  23  individuals  from  Khotan 
and  16  from  Keriya  measured  by  Dr  M. 
A.  Stein  during  his  recent  archeological 
investigation  in  Chinese  Turkestan.  The 
ethnic  affinities  of  these  people  are  dis- 
cussed at  some  length.  A  Turki  ele- 
ment has  probably  modified  the  Kho- 
tanese  more  than  the  Galchas,  whom 
they  much  resemble,  also  a  large  Tibetan 
admixture.  The  Keriya  have  a  larger 
Turki  element  and  perhaps  also  some 
Mongol.  Both  Khotanese  and  Keriya 
are  in  the  main  **  Aryan  "  and  descend- 
ants of  Lapouge's  Homo  alpinus. 

Kanten  (Paula)  Abbaji  Radscha  und 
sein  Schwager  Tinn&ll.  ( Globus,  Bms- 
chwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  138-140.)  Text 
in  German  of  a  Tamil  legend  of  TinnAll, 
a  sort  of  Oriental  Eulenspiegel. 

Lanfer  (B. )  Religidse  Toleranz  in  China. 
(Ibid.,  1904,  Lxxxv,  219-220.)  Criti- 
cizes somewhat  severely  J.  J.  M.  de 
Groot*s  recent  book  Sectarianism  and 
Religious  Persecution  in  China  (2 
vols.,  Amsterdam  :  1903- 1904),  which 
Dr  L.  considers  very  partial  and  often 
inexact,  and  unjust  in  suppressing  refer- 
ences to  edicts  of  toleration,  while  care- 
ful to  cite  all  intolerant  acts.  China 
never  burned  witches,  had  no  inquisition, 
and  never  destroyed  primitive  civiliza- 
tions. Any  Chinese  can  change  his  re- 
ligion at  will.  The  growth  of  Buddhist 
clericism  and  the  "dead  hand"  of  the 
church  are  dangers  to  China  as  similar 
conditions  have  been  in  Europe.  China 
has  tolerated  Buddhists,  Parsees,  Mani- 
cheans,  Mazdeans,  Nestorians,  Jews, 
and  Mohammedans  before  Christians  of 
to-day,  and  she  can  in  no  way  be  styled 
intolerant  and  religiously  bigoted. 

Lyle  (T.  H.)  Notes  on  the  ancient  pot- 
tery kilns  at  Sawankalok,  Siam.  (J. 
Anthr.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1903,  xxxiii,  238- 
245,  I  pi.,  4  fgs. )  Gives  results  of  ten 
days'    investigation  of  the   Sawankalok 

kilns  said  to  belong  to  the  time  of  King 
Phra  Roang  (fifth  or  sixth  century,  A. 
D. ),  and  the  pottery  found  there.  In  an 
appended  "note"  (pages  244-245)  Mr 
C.  H.  Read  points  out  that  Mr  Lyle's 
material  makes  it  certain  that  celadon 
ware  was  made  in  Siam  in  ancient  times 
in  considerable  quantity  and  of  a  kind 
closely  resembling  the  Chinese  kind. 

Meyer  (A.)  Tasch- Rabat.  (Globus, 
Bmschwg.,  1904,  LXXXVI,  41-45,  8 
fgs. )  R^sum^s  N.  N.  Pantusov's  article 
published  in  1902  on  the  ruins  of  Tasch- 
Rabat  on  the  Russo-Chinese  frontier 
(Kashgar  caravan  road),  the  remains  of 
a  Nestorian  monastery  —  these  monks 
were  already  in  central  Asia  by  the  7th 

Myres  (J.  L. )  The  early  pot-fabrics  of 
Asia  Minor.     (J.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Lond., 

1903,  XXXIII,  367-400,  4  pi.,  II  fgs.) 
Discusses  the  black  polished  fabric  of 
Hissarlik  and  its  homologues, —  Hissar- 
lik  is  "the  pier-head  of  Asia  toward 
S.  E.  Europe,  the  tHe  de  pant  of  Europe 
toward  N.  W.  Asia"  ;  the  red -faced  fab- 
ric of  Hissarlik  II  and  its  homologues  ; 
the  painted  style  of  Cappadocia  (distri- 
bution, fabrics,  forms,  ornament,  post- 
Mycenaean  and  Mycenaean  accretions, 
pre- Mycenaean  geometrical  residuum,  re- 
sidual Cappadocian  style),  a  Syro-Cappa- 
docian  promise  of  ceramic  art.  The  last 
the  author  argues  from  the  decorative  re- 
pertoire, the  lavish  use  of  red  paint,  the 
treatment  of  pot-surface,  etc. —  the 
white-ground  fabric  may  be  due  to  the 
local  occurrence  of  meerschaum, 

Niehns  (H. )  Die  Zuckerfabrikation  des 
indischen  Bauem.    (Globus,  Bmschwg., 

1904,  LXXXVI,  167-171,  7  fgs.)  De- 
scribes the  making  of  sugar  to-day  by  the 
Hindu  peasantry.  The  old  sugar- mill 
is  not  yet  extinct. 

Oppert  (G. )  Erinnerungen  an  Indien. 
(Ibid.,  249-252.)  Critique  of  Dr  Paul 
Deussen's  Erinnerungen  an  Indien 
(Kiel  u.  Leipzig,  1904).  Dr  O.  con- 
siders the  author  rather  unjust  and  un- 
sympathetic toward  the  English,  and 
instances  a  case  in  which  an  educated 
Brahman,  an  M.  A.,  did  not  consider  it 
wrong  for  a  judge  to  receive  money  from 
the  two  parties  to  a  cause,  provided  he 
returned  his  to  the  loser. 

Ranke  (H.)  Business  house  of  Murashu 
Sons  of  Nippur.     (Rec.  of  Past,  Wash. 




,7,  1905 

1904,  111,  364-374,  8  fgi.)     Risumit 

Rev.  A.  T.  Clay's  Business  DocumiHts 
of  Murasku  Sons  of  Nippur  (PhiU., 
1904),  which  treats  of  the  cuneiform 
Ubiets  (found  al  Nippur  in  1893)  re- 
Cording  the  business  transactions  (464- 
434  B.C.,  and  413-405  B.  C. )  of  a  finn 
of  that  city.  The  number  of  Aramaic 
indorsements  is  notable, —  Babylonian 
may  have  been  at  this  late  period  in  uje 
only  for  literary  and  legal  purpoica,  etc. 

Segnsnlt  (J. )  L'hygiine  chei  les  Chinois, 
(Kev.  Scienlif.,  Paris,  1904,  S'  s.,  11, 
582-585,617-620,651-655.)  Treatsof 
houses,  clothing,  food,  drink,  opium,  to- 
bacco (receol),  physical  exercise,  seT, 
childhood,  diseases  (particularly  small- 
poi),  death.  The  "comhinatioD  of  nat- 
ural science  and  general  hygiene  obscured 
by  superstition,"  which  passes  for  hygiene 
in  China,  is  ci\\^  fnung-choei,  "wind- 
water";  and  the  primitive  hygienist  is 
fouitg  ckoci  ti. 

▼on  RaitlenstBill  {frh. )  Die  Silbcrinscl 
bei Chinkiang.  (Globus,llmschwg.,t9a4, 
LXXXV],  317-21S,  I  {%.,  map.)  Notes 
on  the  former  summer  seal  of  the  Chinese 
imperial  family,  '■  Silver  Island"  in  the 
Yang-lse-kiang.  The  pagoda  of  the 
near-by  lawn  of  Chinkiang  is  the  subject 
of  legend. 

Ti«ws  of  Lluoa.  (Nat.  Gcogr.  Mag.. 
Wash.,  1905,  KVI,  27-38.)  Selected 
from  pictures  taken  bylbeBuriatTsibikov 
and  the  Kalmuck  Noriunov  on  their 
recent  visit  to  Tibet. 

WrieM  (F.  B.l  Ancient  caravan  routes 
ofChina.  { Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  1904, 
III,  163-166,  5  fgs.)  Brief  notes  on 
the  Nankin-Turfan-Kashgar-Kuldja,  and 
Pekin  -Urga-Kiakhta-  Baikal-Semipala- 
tinsk  caravan  routes,  the  Chinese  wall, 


Bewotmer  (Die)  der  westlichen  Torres- 
strosse-Inselin.  (Globus,  Brnschvig., 
1904,  L.\sxvi,  177-181,3  fgs.)  R6- 
Sum£s  the  fifth  volume  of  the  Reports  of 
the  Anthropological  Kxpedition  to  1'orres 
Strait,  Soiiolegy,  /l/ofiV  and  Rr/ij;iiin 
of  the  Western  Islanders  (Cambridge, 
1904).     See  page  132. 

Dr  Heinrlch  Schnee'a  Buch  Uber  den  Bis- 
marckarchipel.  (Ibid.,  152-156,  6  fgs. ) 
Risumts   Dr  Schnee's   Bilder  aus   der 

SDdset  (Berlin,  1904),  which  treats 
chiefly  of  ethnr^raphic  matters.  The 
population  is  estimated  (rather  low)  at 
300.000,  many  losses  taking  place,  et- 
pedally  of  women  and  children,  through 
vengeance- feuds.  The  peoples  of  the 
Matty  and  Durour  islands,  where  cul- 
ture is  mi  generis,  Dr  S.  thinks,  pos- 
sess a  strain  of  Chinese  or  Japanese 
blood.  His  linguistic  map,  exclusive  of 
some  of  the  smaller  islands,  counts  9 
stocks,  from  Papuan-like  to  Polynesian. 
The  Manus  are  said  to  have  a  special 
word  for  10,000.  An  inter-island  system 
of  signals  by  smoke  and  fire  exists.  The 
Bismarck  Islanders  are  still  one  of  the 
wildest  peoples  of  the  Pacific,  and  can- 
nibalism is  prevalent  among  many  tribes. 
The  pile-dwellings  of  Mok  Mandrian, 
are  interesting.  The  dui-dut  of  Gaielle 
peninsula  is  an  importation  from  New 

Fruer  (J. )  Some  notes  on  the  ethnology 
of  the  New  Hebrides.  (Am.  Antiq., 
Chicago,  1904,  xxvt,  2S-31.)  Discusses 
the  origin  of  the  blacks  ("negroid,  not 
negro")  of  New  Hebrides,  etc.  Dr  F,, 
who  locates  the  "original  home  of  the 
undivided  human  family  "  in  a  "portion 
of  High  Asia,  to  (he  east  of  Mesopo- 
tamia," brings  the  negroes  into  Africa, 
Asia,  and  the  Pacific  islands  by  a  wide 
dispersion.  That  the  New  Hebrides 
black  is  negroid  is  due  to  race  intermix- 
ture—  three  streams  of  immigration  into 
these  islands  (Malay  the  lastj. 

Fnioess  (H.  F.,  3d)  The  stone  money 
of  Uap.  Western  Carolines.  (Trans. 
Depl.  Arch.,  Univ.  of  Penn.,  Phila., 
1904,  I,  51-60,  4  fgs.)  Describes  the 
fei  or  stone  money  (in  diameter  from  I 
to  12  feet)  of  L'ap  —  quarried  and  shaped 
400  miles  away  in  the  I'ttew  Is.,  and 
brought  thence  in  canoes  or  rafts.  No 
attribute  of  age  or  sacreilness  attaches 
to  them  and  Ihey  have  no  practical  or 
intrinsic  value.  Mr  ¥.  thinks  "they 
present  to  the  people  a  certain  visible 
and  tangible  amount  of  labor  expended 
in  their  production,"  are,  in  fact,  primi- 
tive "  certillcales  of  dc[iosil  of  work." 
Actual  ]x)ssession  on  one's  own  property 
is  not  neces.sary.  indeed  one  al  the  bot- 
tom of  the  sea  is  said  to  have  served  just 
OS  well,  its  linking  having  become  com- 

Hagen  (H.)  Die  Gajos  auf  Sumatra, 
(Globus.  Brnschwg.,  1904,  I.XXxvi,  24- 
30,   13  fgs.)     Physically  the  Cajos  are 




only  "grown  children,** — they  have  re- 
mained at  the  child-stage,  and,  with  the 
Alas,  represent  **the  old  primitive  or 
pre- Malay  population  of  Sumatra  more 
purely  and  less  mixed  than  the  Bataks.*' 
Their  pandanus-weaving  is  noteworthy. 
The  Bataks  show  a  more  advanced,  less 
fluctuating  culture  than  the  Gajos ;  other- 
wise there  are  close  resemblances  between 
them.  Close  relations  are  suggested  by 
Dr  H.  between  the  Toradjas  and  Toalas 
of  Celebes,  the  Veddas  and  even  some 
South  American  Indians.  References 
are  made  to  Dr  S.  Hurgronje's  book 
Het  Gajoland  en  zijne  bewoners  ( Batavia, 


Krimer  (A.)  Der  Wert  der  Siidseekeulen 
fUr  Vdlkerbeziehungen.  ( Ibid.  ,125-128, 
3  fgs. )  Describes  three  clubs,  —  from 
Tutuila  (Samoa),  from  Fiji,  and  from  a 
grave  at  Truxillo,  Peru,  the  last  **  thor- 
oughly Tongan  **  in  form  and  ornament 
South  Pacific  clubs  have  been  reported 
also  from  Alaska,  etc.  These  are  all 
probably  incidental  imports.  The  rela- 
tions between  the  Spaniards  in  Peru  and 
the  Pacific  islands  might  account  for  the 
Truxillo  club. 

Xathews  (R.  H.)  Languages  of  the 
Kamilaroi  and  other  aboriginal  tribes  of 
New  South  Wales.  (J.  Anthr.  Inst., 
Lond.,  1903,  XXXIII,  259-283. )  Gives 
granmiatical  sketches  of  the  Kamilaroi 
and  Darkifiung  languages,  with  notes  on 
the  Yuan  (a  mystic  tongue  used  in  the 
Bora  ceremonies),  the  Wallarai,  Wir- 
raiarai  and  Guinbrai  dialects,  a  vocabulary 
of  some  900  words  of  the  Kamilaroi  and 
Thurrawal  tongues.  App>ended  are  also 
notes  on  some  native  tribes  of  Victoria, 
S.  Australia,  and  Queensland.  The 
Kamilaroi  has  an  inclusive  and  exclusive 
plural  of  the  first  personal  pronouns. 

Language  des  Kurnu,  tribu  d' indi- 
genes de  la  Nouvelle  Galles  du  Sud. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d' Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  v« 
s.,  V,  132-138.)  R6sum6  of  the  gram- 
mar of  the  Kurnu,  an  Australian  tribe  on 
the  river  Darling  in  New  South  Wales. 
The  pronouns  have  certain  special 

Meyer  (A.  B. )  Alte  SUdseegegenstlnde 
in  Amerika.  (Globus,  Brnschwg.,  1904, 
LXXXVi,  202-203,  I  fg. )  Brief  notes 
on  a  <*Samoan  club*'  from  Peru  and  a 
mask  from  Atacama,  the  South  Pacific 
origin  of  which  is  probably  post-Colum- 
bian.    See  Kramer. 

und  Richter  (O. )    Das  indonesische 

Webgestell.  (Ibid.,  172,  i  fg.)  Gives 
a  more  exact  figure  of  the  Indonesian 
weaving-apparatus.     See  previous  title. 

.      Ethnographische     Miszel- 

len  II.  (Abhandl.  u.  Ber.  d.  K. 
Zool.  u.  Anthr. -Ethn.  Mus.  zu  Dres- 
den, 1903,  X,  Nr.  6,  viii  -|-  102,  4  pi., 
'  I  o  fgs. )  Treats  of  spirit-traps  in  the 
East  Indian  archipelago  (1-7)}  brass 
shields  from  the  Moluccas  (8-15),  brass 
breast-plate  from  the  Moluccas  (16-18), 
weaving-apparatus  from  the  East  Indies, 
particularly  Gorontalo  in  North  Celebes 
( 19-67),  Kain  Bintinany  or  cloths 
from  the  island  of  Bentenan  ;  the  bronze 
age  in  Celebes,  rings,  ornaments, 
weapons, —  prehistoric  and  historic  (72- 
91),  the  stone  age  in  Celebes  (92-102). 
The  "soul-traps"  are  of  two  chief 
types,  the  "cage**  and  the  "boat.** 
The  prototype  of  the  brass-shields  is  to 
be  found  in  the  northern  Moluccas,  but 
they  are  probably  to  be  traced  back  to 
the  Spanish  immigrants,  though  indige- 
nous origin  is  not  yet  excluded  by  the 
evidence.  The  data  do  not  allow  one 
to  dogmatize  as  to  the  origin  of  Malay- 
sian weaving, —  it  may  have  been  of  in- 
digenous origin  or  have  spread  later  from 
the  Asiatic  continent  through  Hindu  in- 
fluences. The  bronze  remains  seem  to 
indicate  the  former  existence  of  a  pre- 
historic copper  or  bronze  culture  (last 
relics  of  primitive  Malay  bronze  culture) 
more  or  less  repressed  by  iron,  etc., — 
this  bronze  culture  was  of  Indian  origin. 
Fetishistic  use  of  stone  implements  is 
reported  from  various  regions  of  Celebes; 
also  "holystone  stocks."  Stone  axes 
(except  those  found  by  the  Sarasins  in 
the  caves  of  the  Toalas)  have  always 
served  previously  for  amulets.  Evi- 
dences of  a  former  stone  age  are  numer- 
ous in  Celebes. 

Parkinson  ( R. )  Tatowierung  der  Moge- 
mokinsulaner.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1904,  LXXXVI,  15-17,  3  fgs.)  Accord- 
ing to  P.  the  statement  of  Kubary  that 
the  Yap  tattooing  is  found  on  Mogemok 
("Mackenzie  Islands")  is  not  quite 
correct,  as  there  are  notable  differences 
as  well  as  resemblances.  The  tattooing 
of  the  women,  while  simpler,  is  very 
characteristic.  The  Mogemok  tattooing 
is  in  some  respects  like  that  of  Nuku- 
manu  and  Liueniua.  The  men's  tattoo- 
ing has  considerable  variation. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

Schmidt  (W.)      Eine   Fspuasprache  auf   | 
Neupommein.    (Ibid.,  79-So.  )    A  dose 
stud;  of   tbe  Sulka  language  of   New   1 
Britain,  according  to  Father  S.,  makes  it 
Papuan  in  character.     Papuooid  features   . 
occur  in  the  pemMwl  pronoun,  possessive,    1 
nouD,  adjective,  numeral,  and  verb.   The    I 
numeral  system  is  of  the   two-root  nnd 
partly  of  die  quinary-vcgesimal-     S.  ci-    1 
pects  to  Riid  other  more  01   less  Papuan    I 
languages  farther  south  and  also   in  the   , 
Solomon  islands. 

Seldel    (H. )     Tobi   in    Westmikronesien   ' 
eine   deutsche    Insel   mit  acht  Namen.    j 
(Ibid.,  13-ISO     The  proper  appellation    ' 
of  this  manf-named  island  seems  to  be 
"  Tobi,"  the  Kadogube  of  Kobary  is  of   1 
uncertain  origin.    The  natives  of  Tobi  in 
1832   were  fierce  savages  wbo  enslaved 
and  ill-treated  shipwrecked  sailors. 

Saipan,  die  Hauptinsel  derdeutschen 

Marianen.      ( Ibid.,    178-zSz. )      Con- 

ChamoTTOs  and  their  history  (the  island    , 
was  resettled  in  1815,  after  the  original 
inhabitants    had    been    eitenninated   01    1 
transported  by  the  Spaniards). 
TaU  (M.)     Rondelle  percie  en  coquille, 
Nouveiles-Hebrides,     (Bull.  Soc.  d'An- 
thr.    de    Paris,    1904,  V"    S.,    V,    II5.) 
Brief  description  of  a  shell  breast  orna- 
ment of  the  native  chiefs  of  the  New 
Hebrides.      Some  similar  objects    found 
in  the  prehistoric  "stations"  of  western 
Europe  were  probably  worn  in  the  same 


Buber  (E.  A.)     The  ceramic   literature 
of  the  Pennsylvania  Germans.      [Proc. 
Num.  and  Antiq.  Soc.  of  Phila.,  190Z- 
1903  [1904],  83-98,  6  fgs.)      Under  the 
heads  of  humor,  superstitions,  philoso- 
phy,  questionable  inscriptions,  history, 
sentiment,    eating,  religion,  the   author   1 
gives    English  translations  of  numerous    I 
inscriptions  on    si  ip-decorHted    earthen- 
ware, mainly  in  the  superb  collection  of  1 
the  Pennsylvania  Museum,  which  perpel-    I 
uateproverbsand^oimfolk-lore-     This    1 
"  curious  phase  of  the  potters  art  flour- 
ished in  eastern  Pennsylvania  for  nearly 
a  century  and  a  half" — -its  existence 
was  an  accidental  discovery  some  10  years 

BeanrolS  (B. )  La  Crande-Irland  ou  pays 
de  blancs  pricolombiens  du  Nouveau- 
Monde.  (J.  Soc.  d.  Amir,  de  Paris,  1904, 

N,  s.,  1,  189-319,  map.)  Historical  and 
critical  study  of  the  evidence  as  to  the 

existence  and  location  of  the  Hvitra- 
mannalandt^ ' '  white  man's  land  " )  of  the 
Icelandic  sagas.  The  author,  who  ac- 
cepts the  "  evidence,"  places  ^is  r^ion 
up  the  St.  Lawrence  "near  modem 
Quebec,  which  may  have  been  the  capital 
of  the  Gaelic  colony,  as  it  was  later  of 
New  France." 

Bomon  (E. )  Groupes  de  tumulus  pr6- 
hispaniques  dans  la  valine  de  Lerma, 
RipubliqueArgenline.  (L'HommePri- 
hist.,  Paris,  1904,  11.  extr.,  pp.  i-il, 
5  fgs, )  Describes  briefly  the  tutnnlos  i^ 
Pucari  de  Lenna  —  group  A  contains 
1047  tumuli,  group  B  158,  and  group 
C  463— in  all  1168.  The  investiga- 
tions of  the  author  were  made  in  1901 
and  1903.  These  lumuli  appear  to  ha»e 
been  constructed  and  grouped  according 
to  lines  previously  adopted.  They  are 
undoubtedly  of  Indian  (Calchaqui?) 
origin,  but  are  not  grave-mounds,  nor 
hut. foundations ;  they  may  be  garden- 
mounds  or  ceremonial  seats. 

Cutells  (F.  De  P. )     The  ruins  of  Indian 

Church  in  British  Honduras.  (Am.  An- 
liq.,  Chicago,  1904.  xxvi,  32-37.  ^  fg».) 
Describes  "temple,"  etc.,  at  Indiait 
Church,  a  mahogany-cutter  settlement 
in  northern  Belize  —  the  Indian  name 
Ichinihiih  is  said  to  be  an  imitation  of 
the  English,  but  more  likely  vice  vtrsa. 
These  ruins  may  be  of  considerable  im- 
portance for  Mayan  archeoli^.  At  the 
mouth  of  New  river  are  the  ruins  of 
Santa  Rita.  Indian  Church  is  on  the 
way  to  Yaxhaa  lake,  where  other  ruins 

Chaniay  (D. )  I^s  explorations  de  Tto- 
bert  Maler.  (J.  Soc.  d.  Amftric  de  Paris, 
1904,  N.  s.,  I,  289-308,  2  fgs. )  Critique 
ofVleXtT's  Reiearfieiin  l/id  Usumasinfla 
ru//(i',i898-i900(  Memoirs  Peab-Mus., 
vol.  It,  1901-1903).  Chamay  objects  to 
the  name  Yaxchilan  for  "Lorillard  City" 
and  to  certain  spellings,  the  use  of  the 
term  acropolis  (there  are  no  fortresses  in 
"Anahuac").  He  agrees  with  Maler 
that  Palcnque  was  in  existence  at  the 
time  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  but  thinks 
that  itwas  Tayasal  where  Corlez  slopped 
in  1534.  C.  considers  Copan  the  junction 
of  two  branches  of  the  same  civilization. 
The  oldest  monuments,  according  to  C, 
date  from  the  nth  century  at  Comalcalco; 
the  latest  (middle  of  17th  century)  are  at 




Tajrasal.  The  whole  Yucatecan  civiliza- 
tion is  thus  quite  modem  and  **  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  fossil  horse  and 
the  Abb6  Brasseur's geologic  epochs.'' 

Chithero  (T.)  Site  of  Mascouten  redis- 
covered. (Am.  Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904, 
XXVI,  84-8)8. )  Author  argues  that  the 
Mascoutenof  Marquette  ( 1673),  AUouez, 
and  other  early  explorers  and  writers, 
located  by  Dablon,  in  1675,  <*in  the 
midst  of  a  terrestrial  paradise,"  was 
situated  in  Seymour's  valley  at  the  head 
of  Mud  lake  on  the  banks  of  the  Run- 
ning Swan,  as  evidenced  by  archeolog- 
ical  remains  and  the  ruins  of  fortiBcations, 
etc.  The  Mascoutens  are  identified  with 
the  Gens  du  Feu  or  **  Fire  Indians." 

Dana  (C.  £.)  Fitch  and  his  predecessors 
in  steam-navigation.  (Proc.  Num.  and 
Antiq.  Soc  of  Phila.,  1902-1903  [1904], 
47-82,  4  pi.)  3  iigs. )  Interesting  illus- 
trated account  of  the  beginning  of  the 
steamboat  in  America,  Pennsylvania  in 

Kzploration  of  Jacob's  Cavern.  (Rec.  of 
Fast,  Wash.,  1904,  ill,  347-35 >»  2  fjgs.) 
Risnm^s  account  given  by  C.  Peabody 
and  W.  K.  Moorehead  in  Bull.  /,  Dept, 
of  Arch,,  Phillips  Academy  (1904). 
Jacob's  cavern ,  in  the  limestone  region  of 
the  Ozark  uplift,  contained  traces  of 
human  occupancy  (six  burials,  flint  im- 
plements, thousands  of  flint  flakes,  split 
bones,  etc. ) .  The  antiquity  of  man' s  resi - 
dence  is  suggested  by  the  type  of  imple- 
ments, pictographs,  etc.  The  cave  man 
here  was  not  the  Osage  Indian,  nor  the 
present  tribes  of  the  lower  Mississippi. 

Exploration  (The)  of  the  Potter  Creek 
cave,  California.  (Ibid.,  275-282,  2 
fgs. )  R^sum^  from  the  monograph  of 
W.  J.  Sinclair  (q.  v. ) 

Fischer  (H.)  Eine  altemexikanische 
Steinfigur.  (Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904, 
LXXXV,  445-348,  5  fgs).  Describes  a 
nephritoid  stone  figure  of  Quetzalcoatl, 
the  wind-god  (partly  represented  as  a 
skeleton),  now  in  the  Stuttgart  Museum. 
In  the  various  parts  of  the  figure  are 
many  S3rmbols.  The  back  has  the  sun- 
disc,  Tonatiuh,  etc. 

FOrBtemann  (£. )  Die  Stela  J.  von  Copan. 
(Ibid.,  361-363,  2  fgs.)  F.  concludes 
that  this  stele,  dating  from  1496-15 10, 
relates  to  the  app>earance  on  the  coast  of 
unknown  foreigners.  Comparison  is 
suggested  with  the  inscription  of  Piedras 

Negras  of  about  the  same  date,  which 
resembles  Stela  J  in  many  respects. 

Gold  plates  and  figures  from  Costa  Rica. 
(Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  1904,  ill,  282- 
286,  4  fgs. )  Notes  on  a  collection  from 
ancient  tombs  in  central  Costa  Rica, 
made  by  Don  Juan  Lau  Don  and  now  in 
the  possession  of  Mr  G.  C.  Dissette,  of 
Glenville,  Ohio.  The  workmanship  is 
fine  and  the  carving  delicate.  The  bells 
have  little  clappers  of  gold.  The  small 
animal  figures  are  skilfully  designed. 

Gordon  (G.  B. )  Chronological  sequence 
in  the  Maya  Ruins  of  Central  America. 
(Trans.  Dept.  Archeol.,  Univ.  of  Penn., 
1904,  I,  61-66.)  From  archeological 
evidence  (decorative  designs,  conditions 
of  formations  of  ruined  buildings,  in  par- 
ticular), Dr  G.  argues  that  **the  earliest 
unquestioned  date  is  one  found  at  Copan. 
The  movement  from  south  to  north  (Co- 
pan  to  Chichen  Itza)  covered  alx>ut 
three  centuries.  Maya  culture  developed 
in  the  region  in  which  its  remains  have 
been  found.  Doubtless  dates  earlier  and 
later  than  those  now  known  will  be  dis- 

Gnnn  (J.  M. )  History  of  the  pueblos  of 
Laguna  and  Acoma.  (Rec.  of  Past, 
Wash.,  1904,  III,  291-310,  323-344, 
7  6gs. )  Rdsum^s  old  Spanish  explor- 
er's accounts,  etc.,  the  struggles  with 
the  invaders,  etc.  At  pages  330-337 
some  of  the  native  traditions  as  to  the 
origin  of  these  pueblos  are  given.  Their 
history  since  cession  to  the  United  States 
in  1848  is  stated  in  brief  and  the  proph- 
ecy of  She-ake,  to  which  Coronado  is 
here  said  to  have  alluded,  referred  to  as 
having  been  now  fulfilled.  The  author 
spoils  the  effect  of  his  paper  by  asking  if 
the  Queres  Indians  might  not  be  refugees 
from  Tyre  after  the  conquest  by  Alex- 
ander, etc. 

Humbert  (J.)  *'L' archive"  du  consulat 
de  Cadiz  et  le  commerce  de  l'Am6rique. 
(J.  Soc.  d.  Am6ric.,  de  Paris,  1904,  N. 
s.,  I,  231-236.)  Describes  the  archives 
of  Cadiz  relating  to  American  trade, 

La  premiere  occupation  allemande 

du  V6n6zu61a  au  xvi*  si^cle,  p^riode  dite 
des  Welser,  1 528-1 556.  (Ibid.,  309- 
320. )  Sketches  the  history  of  the  Ger- 
man colonists  Ynguer,  Sayler,  the  Wel- 
ser, etc.,  in  Venezuela  1528-1556. 



Ln.  s.,  7,  1905 

Immigration  (Our)  during  1904.  (Nat 
Ge<^.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1905,  xvi,  15-27, 
8  figs.)  R^sumis  Report  of  Commis- 
sioner General  of  Immigration  Peck. 
The  <<  racial/'  classification  is  into  Teu- 
tonic, "Iberic,"  Celtic,  Slavic,  Mon- 
golic,  etc. 

ten  Kate  (H.)  Anthropologische  Publi- 
kationen  aus  La  Plata.  (Globus, 
Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  268.)  Brief 
notes  on  three  recent  publications  of  Dr 
Lehmann-Nitsche  treating  of  arthritis 
deformans  in  andent  Patagonians, 
brachyphalangia^  and  "mortar  holes'* 
in  rodcs  of  the  Sierra  de  C6rdoba. 

Kroeber  (A.  L.)  The  languages  of  the 
coast  of  California  south  of  Siim  Francisco. 
(Univ.  of  Calif.  Public,  Amer.  Arch, 
and  Ethn.,  Berkeley,  1904,  11,  29-80.) 
Treats  phonetic,  grammatic,  and  lexical 
characters  of  Chumash,  Salinan,  Esselen, 
and  Costanoan.  Chumash  and  Salinan, 
while  not  genetically  related,  constitute  a 
morphological  group.  Another  such  group 
is  formed  by  E^sselen  and  Costanoan.  The 
only  continuous  text  obtained  was  in 
Costanoan.  Chumash  has  an  article, 
tna^  and  Salinan  a  plural  in  verbs.  Es- 
selen has  case-suffixes.  Costanoan  has 
preposed  particles,  but  no  suffixes.  This 
article  will  be  welcome  to  the  students  of 
American  Indian  comparative  philology 
by  reason  of  the  accuracy  of  its  data  and 
the  real  information  it  conveys. 

Types  of  Indian  culture  in  Cali- 
fornia. (Ibid.,  81-103.)  Discusses 
briefly  habitat,  food,  dwellings,  arts, 
social  organization,  ceremonies,  shaman- 
ism, mythology,  culture-hero,  origin  and 
creation  myths,  etc. 

d0  La  Grasserie  (R. )  Les  langues  de 
Costa- Rica  et  les  idiomes  apparent^s. 
(J.  Soc.  d.  Am^ric.  de  Paris,  1904,  n.  s., 
I,  153-187. )  Gives  grammatical  sketches 
of  Bribri,  Terraba,  Brunca,  Guatuso, 
Chibcha,  Cuna,  Koggaba ;  tables  of  re- 
semblances in  numerals,  personal  pro- 
nouns, substantives,  etc.,  —  after  Uhle, 
Thiel,  Pittier,  etc. ;  phonetic  rules ;  com- 
parative vocabulary  (pp.  183-187)  of 
Bribri,  Cabecar,  Terraba,  Brunca,  Gua- 
tuso, Chibcha,  Dorasque,  Guaymi,  Cuna. 
All  these  languages,  with  certain  others, 
make  up  one  stock,  which  ought  to  be 
called  Chibchan. 

Lejeal  ( L. )  Un  petit  probUme  de  th^olo- 
gie Mixicaine.  (Ibid.,  257-361.)  Treats 

of  Centeotl,  «the  Aztec  Ceres,"  and  her 
cult  The  author  inquires  why  a  pacific 
and  joyous  cult  (that  of  fecundity  and 
the  perpetuation  of  life)  came  to  be  de- 
formed and  degenerate.  Beside  a  more 
primitive  (Toltec  and  Totonac)  Centeotl 
existed  another  (Aztec)  with  sanguinary 

Explorations  et  dicouvertes  dans  les 

regions  Andines.  (Ibid.,  262-265.) 
Notes  on  the  expeditions  of  MM.  Rivet, 
de  Cr6qui,  Montfort,  Granger,  etc  See 

L' exposition  de  la  Mission  Fran^mise 

de  r  Am^rique  du  Sud  au  Palais  da  Tro- 
cad^ro.  (Ibid.,  321-328,  2  pi.)  Con- 
tains brief  notes  on  Uie  excavations  in 
Argentina,  Tiahuanaco,  Tarija  (pottery), 

McSweeny  (Z.  F.)  The  character  of  oar 
immigration,  past  and  present  (Nat 
Geogr.  Mag.,  Wash.,  1905,  xvi,  1-15, 
chart. )  Discusses  world-migrations,  early 
American  immigration,  immigration  dur- 
ing 19th  century,  immigrants  from  Italy, 
Austria-Hungary  and  Russia,  the  Finns, 
Greeks  and  Syrians,  the  Chinese,  blend- 
ing of  the  ** American"  race,  effects  of 
unchecked  immigration,  contract-labor 
law,  the  examination  of  immigrants,  etc 
Author  takes  optimistic  view  of  ability 
ot  America  to  receive  and  make  over  her 
immigrants.  The  ** toughest  problem" 
is  presented  by  the  Syrians. 

Marcel  (G.)  Un  texte  ethnographique 
inedit  du  xviii«  sidcle.  (J.  Soc  d. 
Am6ric.  de  Paris,  1904,  N.  s.,  I,  133— 
151.)  Gives  text  of  MS.  (rtf.  1787)  by 
a  surgeon  named  La  Croix  containing 
notes  on  the  Indians  of  French  Guiana 
at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  — 
physical  characters,  clothing,  religion, 
marriage  (the  couvade  is  described  bat 
not  named),  festivals,  arms,  chiefs,  etc.). 
The  author  notes  the  existence  of  a 
jargon  for  intercommunication  between 
Indians  and  Europeans. 

L' inscription  du  Rupunumi.     (Ibid., 

387-390,  I  fg. )  Describes  the  curious 
*'  inscription,"  which  includes  a  number 
of  European  letters,  said  to  have  been 
found  by  Nicholas  Horstman  in  1739. 
It  is  probably  of  Europ>ean  ( Portuguese  ?) 

Moorehead  (W.  K. )  Some  unknown 
forms  of  stone  objects.  ( Rec  of  Past, 
Wash.,     1904,    III,    268-274,   9    %5.) 




Treats  of  finished  and  unfinished  objects 
of  the  "winged-perforated"  class.  Mr 
M.  thinks  reed  drills  were  preferred  to 
those  of  flint  or  bone.  Other  curved 
stone  objects  are  figured  and  described 
—  the  "bird**  and  "butterfly"  types, 
etc.  The  author's  plea  for  Latin  names 
ought  not  to  be  heard. 

Morioe  (A.  G.  j  Du  lac  Stuart  ^  TOc^an 
Padfique.  (Bull.  Soc  Neuch&t.  de 
G^ogr.,  1 904,  XV,  32-80,  2  fgs.,  map.) 
Contains  notes  on  the  Indian  names  of 
lakes  and  rivers  (pp.  53-56),  and  on  the 
Dini  Indiansof  the  country  traversed. 

Peet  (S.  D.)  Comparison  of  the  codices 
with  the  ordinary  pictographs.  (Am. 
Antiq.,  Chicago,  1904,  xxvi,  137-152, 
9  %s. )  Cites  evidence  to  show  that  "  to 
Uiose  who  have  become  familiar  with  the 
pictographs  and  other  symbols  which  are 
still  common  among  the  uncivilized  tribes, 
there  is  a  very  close  connection  between 
them,  and  both  treat  of  the  same  sub- 
ject,"—  calendars  and  religious  cere- 
monies chiefly. 

The    suastika  and   fire  worship  in 

America.  (Ibid.,  185-192,  4  fgs.) 
Treats  chiefly  of  die  Navaho  fire-dance 
and  the  Aztec  "  new  fire." 

making  her  capable  of  the  production  of 
new  vegetation.  Out  of  the  sacrifice 
of  gods  came  that  of  man. 

—   Der  XIV.  Internationale  Amerikan- 

—  The  ethnography  of  art  in  America. 
(Ibid.,  201-224,  21  fgs.)  General  dis- 
cussion of  sculptured  art,  ethnographic 
districts,  graphic  arts,  picture-writing, 
symbolic  figures  and  hieroglyphs,  per- 
sonal decorations  and  ornaments,  jew- 
elry, basketry,  musical  instruments,  etc. 

Archeological  researches   in   Costa 

Rica.  (Ibid.,  249-256,  13  fgs.)  Based 
on  C.  V.  Hartman's  Archeological  Re- 
searches in  Costa  Rica  (Stockholm, 
1904),  which  it  rdsum^s  in  part. 

The  red  men  of  Brazil.     (Ibid.,  41- 

46,  2  fgs. )     Ethnographic  notes  based  on 
a  recent  work  of  Rev.  Hugh  C.  Tucker. 

Preuss  (K.  Th.)  Der  Ursprung  der 
Menschenopfer  in  Mexico.  (Globus, 
Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  108-119,  i 
fjg. )  Treats  of  the  renewing  of  the  sun 
ana  fire  gods,  the  death  of  the  deities 
of  rain  and  vegetation,  the  origin  of  god- 
sacrifice,  etc.  The  festivals  of  the  sun 
and  fire  gods  are  for  the  most  part  a  re- 
newal of  the  sun  by  killing  a  deity  and 
the  spring  and  harvest  festivals  a  bloody 
rejuvenation  of  the  spring-god  and  the 
old  harvest-mother,  for  the  purpose  of 

istenkongress  in  Stuttgart,  18.  bis  23. 
August  1904.  (Ibid.,  199-202.)  Good 
r^sum^s  of  proceedings  and  chief  papers 

Prince  ( L.  B. )  The  stone  lions  of  Cochiti. 
(Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  1904,  ill,  151- 
160,  2  figs. )  Describes  what  the  author 
calls  **  the  most  important  specimen  of 
aboriginal  sculpture  in  the  United 
States,"  and  thejpueblo  to  which  these 
lions  belonged.  The  tale  of  its  destruc- 
tion by  fire  is  also  given.  The  lions  face 
the  east,  "  a  fact  no  doubt  having  sym- 
bolic significance."  They  have  sufiered 
from  the  vandalism  of  ignorant  herdsmen. 
The  author  compares  the  enclosure  of 
Stonehenge,  etc. 

Reid  ( W.  M. )  Mohawk  pottery.  ( Ibid. , 
184-188,  4  pi. )  Treats  of  the  pottery 
of  the  Mohawk  valley  —  the  author's 
collection  includes  65  decorated  frag- 
ments of  as  many  diflerent  vessels.  In 
the  sand  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Pleasant 
was  foimd  recently  a  whole  pot  of  large 
size  —  this,  the  Hanson,  the  Richmond, 
and  the  Horrack  pots  were  all  found  in 
the  Adirondack  region. 

Riyet  (Dr)  Le  "huicho"  des  indiens 
Colorados.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'  Anthr.  de 
Paris,  1904,  v«  s.,  v,  116-117. )  Notes 
on  the  huicho  of  the  Colorado  Indians  of 
western  Ecuador,  a  deadly  disease  char- 
acterized by  an  irresistible  tendency  to 
sleep.  The  Colorados'  method  of  cur- 
ing it  is  "an  ethnographic  curiosity." 
One  ingredient  is  human  urine.  Iluicho 
may  have  analogies  with  the  well-known 
African  *  *  sleeping-sickness. "  It  attacks 
foreign  Indians  and  whites  first,  then  the 

Les  Indiens  de  Mallasquer :  Etude 

ethnologique.  (Ibid.,  144-152. )  Treats 
briefly  of  environment,  dwellings,  cloth- 
ing, agriculture  (banana,  sugar-cane, coca, 
yucca,  maize  and  several  fruits,  including 
fine  pineapples),  domestic  animals  (cat- 
tle), and  fowls,  food  (banana  chief 
basis),  drink  [guarapoy  fermented  sugar- 
cane juice),  coca-chewing  (from  the  age 
of  7  years  up),  trade  and  commerce 
(children  of  5-6  are  already  porters), 
dysentery  ( as  fatal  and  as  feared  as  small- 
pox), chiefs,  marriage  (curious  "civil" 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

ceremony),  priests  (the  coming  of  the 
priest  of  Cumbal  is  the  event  of  the 
year),  **priostes'*  (the  Indians  who 
pay  for  the  festivals,  etc.).  These  In- 
dians are  Catholic  in  name  only  and 
they  are  more  affected  by  the  maleficent 
vuja  of  their  pagan  past  than  by  all  the 
ntYf  figures  of  Christianity.  On  pages 
150-15 1  are  given  the  chief  anthropo- 
metrical  data  of  6  individuals,  all  male. 
The  cephalic  index  is  generally  brachy- 
cephalic.  Mallesquer  is  in  northern  Equa- 
dor,  west  of  the  Cordillera. 

Schmidt  ( M. )  Aus  den  Ergebnissen  meiner 
Expedition  in  das  Schingi!iquellgebiet. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi, 
1 19-125,  16  fgs.)  Treats  of  omament- 
motifs  (fire-fans,  wall-friezes,  etc.)  of 
the  Bakairi.  Also  maize  straw  and  cob 
figures  of  animals,  pencil-drawings  of 
animals,  etc.,  including  several  of  the 
author,  to  whom  the  native  artists  as- 
signed some  Indian  characteristics.  Some 
of  the  wall-frieze  patterns  were  said  by 
the  Indians  to  refer  to  marks  on  tor- 
toises, snakes,  etc.  The  wall-frieze  pat- 
terns are  related  to  those  of  the  fire-fans. 

Simmons  (H.  J.)  Human  bones  found 
near  Galveston.  (Am.  Antiq.,  Chicago, 
1904,  XXVI,  122-123.)  Notes  on  re- 
mains (bones,  pottery  sherds,  beads) 
found  in  shell  and  sand  deposits  in  the 
ballast  pits  on  the  railroad  near  Galves- 
ton, Texas.  One  layer  of  bones  was 
found  3  feet  below  the  surface,  another 
at  sea-level  about  20  feet  below  the  sur- 
face. A  very  large  number  of  skulls 
were  discovered.  The  steam  shovel  em- 
ployed destroyed  very  many. 

Sinclair  (W.  J. )  The  exploration  of  the 
Potter  Creek  cave.  (Univ.  Calif.  Publ., 
Amer.  Arch,  and  Ethnol.,  Berkeley, 
1904,  II,  1-27,  12  pi.)  Describes  cave 
and  contents,  rediscovered  in  1902,  the 
first  Califomian  cave  to  be  systematically 
excavated  and  explorated,  1 902- 1 903. 
No  human  bones  wttt  founds  but  certain 
implement  like  bone  fragments  may  be 
human  artifacts,  —  these  polished  pieces 
of  bone  "closely  resemble  many  of  the 
rough  implements  from  the  shell-mounds 
of  California.''  The  cave  fauna  is  not 
too  old  to  negative  contemporaneity 
with  man. 

Smith  (H.  I.)  The  archeology  of  the 
Dakotas.  (Rec.  of  Past,  Wash.,  1904, 
III,  220-221.)  Notes  on  shell  rings 
from  neck  of  skeleton  (from  grave  in  the 

Turtle  mountains)  now  in  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History  (N.  \, ),  and 
other  Dakota  relics. 

The  cairns  or  stone  sepulchers  of 

British  Columbia  and  Washington. 
( Ibid.,  243-254,  5  fgs.,  map. )  R^sum^ 
from  H.  I.  Smith  and  G.  Fowke*s  Cairns 
of  Briti  h  Columbia  and  Washington 
(Mem.  "^Amer.  Mus.  Nat  Hist.,  N.  Y. 
1 901,  IV,  pt.  11). 

Shell  heaps  of  the  lower  Eraser  river, 

British  Columbia.  ( Am.  Antiq. ,  Chicago, 
1904,  XXVI,  235-236. )  Notes  from  a 
paper  printed  in  the  Memoirs  of  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 

A  Michigan  earth-work  and  its  im- 

pending loss.  (Ibid.,  121-122. )  Brief 
account  of  a  prehistoric  earthwork  in 
Ogemaw  co.,  probably  a  fort,  with  plea 
for  its  preservation  by  the  public 

▼on  den  Steinen  (K. )  Ausgrabungen  an 
der  Valenciasee.  (Globus,  Bmschwg., 
1904,  LXXXVI,  101-108,  29  figs.)  I>e-. 
scribes  the  excavations  of  1903  near  Lake 
Valencia,  Venezuela,  made  by  A.  Jahn 
for  the  Berlin  Museum, —  the  finds  in- 
cluded 32  skulls,  140  stone  implements, 
more  than  100  clay  objects,  28  neck 
charms,  and  many  ornaments  and  frag- 
ments of  pottery.  The  culture  reveal^ 
is  a  type  of  pre-Columbian  stone  age,  and 
the  number  of  tumuli  and  urns  discovered 
indicate  that  in  these  cerritos  were  buried 
a  series  of  generations.  Noteworthy  is 
a  little  clay  pot  on  three  legs  with  a 
human  face  showing  a  nose-ring.  Neck- 
chains  seem  to  have  been  the  most  com- 
mon ornaments.  The  cerrito-population 
of  Indian  descent  contains  few  of  pure 
blood.  According  to  the  mapts  of  the 
1 6th  century  the  Meregoto,  a  Cariban 
tribe,  occupied  the  region  in  question. 

Stoddard  (H.  L.)  The  abstruse  signifi- 
cance of  the  numbers  thirty-six  and 
twelve.  (Am.  Antiq.,  Chicago,  1 904, 
XXVI,  153-164,  6  fgs.).  Discusses  at 
length  the  origin  and  meaning  of  the 
discoidal  stone  and  statues  discovered 
near  Menard's  mound,  Arkansas,  in  the 
spring  of  1 901.  The  outer  edge  of  this 
jasper  discoidal  has  36  semicircles  and 
on  the  underside  is  a  phallic  symbol,  a 
yoni  conventionalized  (the  male  figure 
has  a  Mongolian  cast  of  features,  the 
headdress  of  the  female  suggests  Egypt). 
This  wonderful  find  is  regarded  as  evi- 
dence of  prehistoric  Asiatic  culture  in 


Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition  Awards.  —  The  following  awards 
have  been  made  in  the  Department  of  Anthropology,  Louisiana  Purchase 
Exposition,  St.  Louis.  The  list  is  corrected  to  February  lo,  and  while 
the  awards  may  not  be  regarded  as  absolutely  final,  and  hence  as  strictly 
official,  the  work  of  the  Residuary  Committee  empowered  to  complete 
the  functions  of  the  International  Jury  of  Awards  is  so  well  advanced  as  to 
leave  little  probability  that  the  list  will  be  changed. 


united  states 

A.  Departmental  Exhibits 
Ainu  group  :   Grand  prize^  Frederick  Starr ;  Silver  medal,  Y.  Inagaki ; 

Bronze  medal.  Chief  Sangyea. 
Patagonian  group  :   Grand  prize,  Vicente  Cane ;  Silver  medal,  Chief 

Guechico ;  Bronze  medal,  Juan  Wohlers. 
Pygmy  group  :    Grand  prize,  S.  P.  Vemer ;   Bronze  medal,  John  Kon- 

Field  school  of  anthropology  :   Grand  prize.  University  of  Chicago. 
CocoPA  GROUP  :   Gold  medal,  E.  C.  Cushman  Jr.  ;  Silver  medals.  Chief 

Pablo  Colorado,  Chief  Tom  Moore. 
Vancouver  group  :    Gold  medal,  C.   F.   Newcombe ;   Bronze  medals. 

Doctor  Atliu,  Charles  Nowell. 
General  assemblage:   Gold  medal,  Mrs  S.  M.  McCowan. 
Sundry  groups  :   Gold  medal,  George  A.  Dorsey. 
Sioux  GROUP :  Silver  medal,  Chief  Yellow  Hair. 
Pawnee  group:  Silver  medal,    Roaming  Chief;  Bronze  medal,   James 

Wichita  group  :    Silver  medal,  Chief  Towakanie  Jim ;  Bronze  medal. 

Burgess  Hunt. 
Arapaho  group  :  Silver  medal.  Cleaver  Warden. 
Cheyenne  group  :  Silver  medal,  Richard  Davis. 
Geronimo  band  :  Silver  medal,  Chief  Geronimo. 

Navaho  group  :  Silver  medal,  Vicente  Beguay ;  Bronze  medal,  Pestlekai. 
PoMO  GROUP  :    Silver  medals,  William  Benson,  Mary  Benson. 


158  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Osage  group  :  Silver  medals^  Charles  Michel,  Chief  Olahowallah ;  Bronte 

medals^  Chief  Claymore,  Frank  Comdropper,  Wilson  Kirk. 
Chippewa  group  :  Bronze  medal^  Chief  Meshakegeschig. 
KiCKAPOO  group  :  Bronze  medaiy  D.  H.  Roubideaux. 
Pima  group  :  Bronze  medal,  Kestro  Jackson. 
Maricopa  group  :  Bronze  medal,  James  Bluebird. 
Apache  group  :  Bronze  medal.  Chief  Trucha  Tafoya. 
AcoMA  GROUP :  Bronze  medal,  Juan  Antonio  Saracini. 
Pueblo  group  :  Bronze  medal,  Antonio  Chavez. 

B.    General  Exhibits 

AccuLTURAL  ARTIFACTS :   Grand  prize,  J.  W.  Benham. 

American  Anthropologist  :   Grand  prize,  American  Anthropological 

Association;  Gold  medal,  F.  W.  Hodge. 
Palace  of  Ancient  Art  :    Grand  prize,  H.  Ephraim  Benguiat ;  Silver 

medal,  Mordecai  Benguiat. 
Photographs  of  ethnic  types  :  Gold  medal,  Frederick  Starr. 
PoMO  basket:   Gold  medal,  J.  W.  Benham. 
Fictile  ware  :   Gold  medal.  The  Rookwood  Pottery. 
Haida  structures  :   Gold  medal,  Alaska  Territory ;  Silver  medal,  Mary 

E.  Hart. 
Ethnic  map  :  Silver  medal,  University  of  California. 
Alaskan  artifacts  :  Silver  medal.  Governor  Brady. 
KiCKAPOO  relics  :  Bronze  medal,  O.  E.  Edwards. 
Indian  beadwork  :  Bronze  medal,  Herbert  Brown. 
Mongolian  type:  Bronze  medal,  Allen  Hutchinson. 


East  African  artifacts  :  Grand  prize.  Imperial  Government,  German 
Ost-Afrika ;   Gold  medal,  Hugo  Hardy. 


Jain  temple  :    Grand  prize,   F.    P.    Bumghara ;     Gold  medal,    N.    F* 

East  Indian  artifacts  :  Silver  medal.     F.  P.  Bumghara  &  Co. 


Siamese  artifacts:  Grand  prize  (letter),  H.  M.  the  King  of  Siam; 
Grand  prize,  H.  H.  the  Crown  Prince  of  Siam ;  Gold  medal,  J. 
Howard  Gore. 




Paintings  of  types  :   Gold  medaiy  H.  E.  Partridge. 
Photographs  of  types  :  Silver  medaiy  New  Zealand  Govemment. 
Maori  artifacts  :  Silver  medaiy  T.  E.  Donne. 

INDIAN   school    (UNITED   STATES) 

Typical  Indian  school  :  Grand  prize^  U.  S.  Indian  Bureau ;  Gold 
medaiy  S.  M.  McCowan ;  Silver  medals y  Miss  C.  F.  Peters,  Miss 
Lillian  Harrison,  C.  A.  Peairs,  E.  K.  Miller,  Jesse  McCallum,  Chris 
Kaufman ;  Bronze  medals.  Miss  Katherine  Keck,  Miss  Emma  John- 
son, Miss  Abbie  ScotU 


united  states 

Indian  mound  relics  :  Grand  prize,  Ohio  Archaeological  and  Historical 
Society ;   Gold  medal,  William  C.  Mills. 

Aboriginat«  artifacts  :  Grand  prizes.  New  Mexico  Territory,  Fred  Har- 
vey ;  Gold  medal,  J.  F.  Huckel ;  Bronze  medals,  George  Tictzel, 
Jackson  Hurley,  E.  W.  Whitcomb. 

Wampum  treaty  belts  :   Gold  medal,  Wyman  Brothers. 

Aboriginal  antiquities  :  Gold  medals,  State  of  Louisiana,  Fred  Har- 
vey ;  Silver  medal,  George  T.  Williamson. 

Indian  mound  relics  :  Silver  medal,  Davenport  Academy  of  Sciences. 

Indian  cave  relics  :  Silver  medal,  Phillips  Academy. 

Prehistoric  cache  :  Silver  medal,  Weatherford  &  Vail. 

Prehistoric  cradle-basket  :  Silver  medal,  Julian  T.  Zeller. 

Native  copper  implements  :  Silver  medal,  Wyman  Brothers. 

Aboriginal  petroglyphs  :  Silver  medal,  C.  H.  Bennett. 

Ceremonial  axe  :  Bronze  medal,  Charles  Aldrich. 

Iron  brank  :  Bronze  medal,  Joseph  Roth. 


Calchaqui  RELICS :    Grand  prize,  Manuel  B.  Zavaleta. 


Archeologic  and  ETHNOLOGICAL  COLLECTIONS :  Grand  prize.  State 
Govemment  of  Amazonas ;  Gold  medal.  Commissioner  Aguiar. 

Archeologic  collection  :  Silver  medal,  Ricardo  Krone. 

Aboriginal  artifacts  :  Silver  medal,  Mirando  Ribeiro ;  Bronze  medal, 
Alfonse  Roche. 

Stone  implements  :  Bronze  medal,  Nicolao  Badariotti. 

l6o  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 


Reproductions  of  antiquities  :   Grand  prize.  Sees.  Justicia  y  Fomento. 

Archeologic  collection  :    Gold  medal,  Mexican  Commission. 

Archeologic  publications  :  Gold  medals,  Alfredo  Chavero,  Antonio 

Reproductions  of  sculptures  :    Gold  medal,  Eufemio  Abadiano. 

Models  of  antiquities  :   Gold  medal,  Secretaria  de  Fomento. 

Treatises  on  tongues  :  Silver  medal,  Cecelio  Robelo. 

Map  of  migrations  :  Bronze  medal.  Angel  Bravo. 

Photographs  of  types  :  Bronze  medals, Gohi^mo  de  Chiapas,  Gobiemo 
de  Guerrero,  Gobiemo  de  Tabasco,  Gobiemo  de  Mexico,  D.  F. 

Aboriginal  costumery  :  Bronze  medal,  Gobiemo  de  Oaxaca. 

Native  instruments  :  Bronze  medal,  Gobiemo  de  Michoacan. 

Aboriginal  metates  :  Bronze  medals,  Jefatura  Politica  de  Maxcanu, 
Jefatura  Politica  de  Motul. 

Native  hammock  :  Bronze  medal,  Jefatura  Politica  de  Tixkokob. 

Native  artifacts  :  Bronze  medals,  Jefatura  Politica  de  Valladolid,  Jefa- 
tura Politica  de  Tancanhuitz,  Junta  Local  de  Puebla. 

Native  beds  :  Bronze  medal,  Jefe  Politico  de  Chiautla. 

Native  costumery  :  Bronze  medal,  Ayuntamiento  de  Cuetzalan. 

Embroidered  camisas  :  Bronze  medal,  Seftorita  Margarita  Vald^z. 

Bead-embroidered  camisas  :  Bronze  medal,  Nina  S.  Orosco. 

Illustrations  of  antiquities  :  Bronze  medal,  Seftorita  Maura  Marin. 


Protohistoric  ANTIQUITIES  :  Silver  medal,  Alejandro  Bermudez. 


Aboriginal"  collars  '*:  Bronze  medal,  Gustavo  Preston. 



Saalburg  castle  ANTIQUITIES  :  Grand  prize  (letter),  K.  K.  Wilhelm  II ; 

Gold  metal,  Geh.  Baurat  Jacobi. 
Babylonian  relics:    Gold  medals,  Kgl.  Museen,  Deutsch  Orient. -Ges. 
Illustrations  of  relics:    Gold  medal,  Kgl.  Messbild-Anstalt. 
Illustrations  of  antiquities  :    Gold  medal,  Dir.  Dr  Th.  Wiegand. 

great    BRITAIN 

Egyptian  antiquities  :    Grand  prize,  Egyptian  Exploration  Fund. 
HoLYLAND  antiquities  :    Grand  prize,  Palestine  Exploration  Fund. 
Cretan  antiquities  :    Grand  prize,  Cretan  Exploration  Fund. 



Archeologic  collections  :  Grand  prize  y  Egyptian  Government ;  Gold 
medals^  Prof.  G.  C.  C.  Maspero,  Dr  J.  E.  Quibell;  Bronze  medaly 
A.  B.  Coover. 


Tamil  antiquities  :  Silver  medaly  Ceylon  Government. 
Ola  manuscripts  :  Silver  medal,  Ceylon  Government. 
Photographs  of  artifacts  :  Bronze  medal,  E.  F.  im  Thum. 
Bronze  Buddhas  :  Bronze  medal,  N.  S.  Terninnanse. 
Ola  books  :  Bronze  medal,  P.  E.  Pieris. 
Photographs  of  types  :  Bronze  medal,  John  Scott. 


Classified  relics  :  Grand  prize,  Mus^  d'Histoire  Nat.;  Gold  medaly 
Prof.  Dr  Houze,  Prof.  J.  Fraipont. 


Illustrations  of  types  :    Gold  medal.  Government  of  Formosa. 


Prehistoric  collections  :  Grand  prize,  Imperial  Chinese  Government ; 
Gold  medal,  H.  H.  Prince  Pu  Lun. 


UNITED   states 

Historical  collections  :  Grand  prizes,  Missouri  Historical  Society, 
State  of  Iowa,  Franco-Louisiana  Society;  Gold  medals,  Pierre 
Chouteau,  Mrs  Wallace  Delafield ;  D.  I.  Bushnell,  Judge  W.  B. 
Douglas,  Charles  Aldrich,  Caspar  Cusachs,  Chicago  Historical 
Society;  Silver  medals,  Dr  C.  A.  Peterson,  Miss  Mary  L.  Dalton, 
Charles  A.  Cumming ;  Bronze  medals,  Dr  W.  F.  Parks,  Miss 
Valentine  Smith. 

Historical  records  :   Grand  prize,  Louisiana  Historical  Society. 

Protohistoric  relics  :    Gold  medal,  Missouri  Historical  Society. 

Chipped  flints  :    Gold  medal,  Gates  P.  Thruston. 

**  History  of  Louisiana  ''  :   Gold  medal.  Prof.  Alc^e  Fortier. 

Native  agricultural  implements  :  Silver  medal,  Missouri  Historical 

Marquette  portrait  :  Silver  medal,  Donald  G.  McNab. 

Arkansas  post  records:  Silver  medal,  W.  H.  Halli-Burton. 

Napoleon  autographs  :    Silver  medal,  Gus  V.  R.  Mechin. 

l62  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [x.  s.,  7, 1905 

Ceremonial  axe  :  Bronze  medal^  D.  I.  Bushnell. 
Claiborne  portrait  :  Bronze  medal^  W.  C.  C.  Claiborne. 
Zachary  Taylor  reucs  :  Bronze  medaiy  Mrs  W.  H.  Staufier. 
Napoleon  death  mask  :  Bronze  medaly  Miss  Gaily. 
Maps  and  docl^ments  :  Bronze  medal y  T.  P.  Thompson. 
Letters  and  docl^ents  :  Bronze  medal^  W.  H.  Sejrmour. 

great   BRITAIN 

Queen's  jubilee  tributes  :  Grand  prize  (letter),  H.R.M.  Edward  VII ; 
Gold  medal.  Miss  Florence  Hayward. 


Historical  collections  :  Grand  prize ,  St.  Mary's  Collie ;  Gold  medal, 
A.  E.  Jones,  S.  J. ;  Silver  medal,  J.  C.  Burke,  S.  J. 

ITALY  (the  Vatican) 

Reproductions  of  archives:   Grand  prize  (letter).  His  Holiness  Pios 

X;    Gold  medal,    Fabrica  dei   Mosaid;   Silver  medal,    Francesco 



united  states 

Anthropometric  pubucations:  Grand  prize,  Peabody  Museum  of 
American  Ethnology  and  Archaeology ;   Gold  medal,  F.  W.  Putnam. 

Life  casts  of  types  :  Silver  medal,  Caspar  Mayer. 

Anthropometric  apparatus  :  Silver  medals,  The  Fairbanks  Company, 
Narragansett  Machine  Company,  C.  H.  Stoelting  Company ;  Bronu 
medals,  George  Tieman  &  Co.,  Kny-Scheerer  Company. 

Anthropometric  chart  :  Bronze  medal,  Bryn  Mawr  College. 

* '  Hastings  Manual  ' ' :  Bronze  medal,  Macmillan  Company. 


Anthropometric  apparatus  :  Silver  medal,  Boehm  &  Wiedmann. 
Anthropometric  publications  :  Bronze  medal,  Dietrich  Riemer. 


Casts  and  photographs  of  types  :  Silver  medal.  Imperial  Government 
of  German  Ost-Afrika. 


Anthropometric  apparatus  :  Silver  medal,  (Maison  Charridre)  Collin. 


Anthropometric  publications  :   Gold  medal,  Soci6t6  d' Anthropologie. 
Maps  of  types  :  Silver  medal.  Prof.  L.  Vanderkindere. 



Anthropometric  apparatus  :  Silver  medals^  P.  Hermann,  Prof.  Rudolf 

Illustrations  of  types  :  Bronze  medal y  Art  Institut  Orell  Fiissli. 

united   STATES 

Psychometric  laboratory  :   Grand prize^  Columbia  University. 

Psychometric  apparatus  :  Gold  medals^  Harvard  Apparatus  Company, 
C.  H.  Stoelting  Company ;  Silver  medals^  Yale  University,  Milton 
Bradley  Company ;  Bronze  medal^  E.  B.  Meyrowitz. 


commemorative  awards 

Creation  of  Department  :    Gold  medal,  F.  W.  Lehmann. 
Collective  exhibits  :   Gold  medal,  W  J  McGee ;  Silver  medals,  C.  E. 

Hulbert,  Anna  Everly  Ford. 
Ethnologic  exhibits  :  Silver  medal,  S.  C.  Simms. 
Protohistoric  exhibits  :  Silver  medal,  Gerard  Fowke. 
Indoor  exhibits  :  Silver  medal,  C.  L.  Armstrong. 
Technical  exhibits  :  Silver  medal,  R.  S.  Woodworth ;  Diploma,  F.  G. 


Organization  and  Personnel  of  Juries 
Department  of  Anthropology 

group  juries 

Section  of  Ethnology.  —  Dr  George  A.  Dorsey,  Field  Columbian  Mu- 
seum, Chairman,  Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam,  Harvard  University,  Vice- Chair- 
man, Dr  George  Byron  Gordon,  Philadelphia  Free  Museum,  Secretary. 
Mrs  Alice  Palmer  Henderson,  Tacoma,  Washington. 

Indian  School  Section.  —  C.  A.  Peairs,  U.  S.  Indian  School  Service, 
Chairman,  Dr  Hugo  Hardy,  Berlin,  Vice- Chairman,  Jesse  McCal- 
lum,  U.  S.  Indian  School  Service,  Secretary,  Miss  Cora  Peters,  U.  S. 
Indian  School  Service. 

Section  of  Archeology.  —  Prof.  M.  H.  Saville,  Columbia  University, 
Chairman.  Dr  J.  C.  Alves  de  Lima,  Brazil,  Vice- Chairman,  Dr  George 
Grant  MacCurdy,  Yale  University,  Secretary.  Madame  Zelia  Nuttall, 

Section  of  History,  —  Prof.  Alc^e  Fortier,  Tulane  University,  Chair- 
man, Hon.  L.  Bradford  Prince,  Santa  F6,  Vice- Chairman,  Prof.  B.  F. 
Shambaugh,  University  of  Iowa,  Secretary. 

164  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Section  of  Anthropometry,  —  Dr  AlcS  HrdliCka,  U.  S.  National  Mu- 
seum, Chairman,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Harvard  University,  Vice- 

Section  of  Psychometry. — Prof.  J.  McKeen  Cattell,  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, Chairman,  Prof.  Hugo  Miinsterberg,  Harvard  University,  Vice- 
Chairman,     Prof  Edward  B.  Tichener,  Cornell  University. 

Of  the  foregoing,  Mrs  Henderson,  Miss  Peters,  Madame  Nuttall,  and  Miss  Fletcher 
were  designated  by  the  Board  of  Lady  Managers  ;  Doctor  Hugo  Hardy  was  designated 
by  the  Imperial  German  Commission  ;  and  Doctor  de  Lima  was  designated  by  the  Brm- 
zilian  Commission. 


Prof.  F.  W.  Putnam,  Chairman,  Hon.  F.  W.  Lehmann,  Honorary 
Vice-Chainnan,  Dr  J.  C.  Alves  de  Lima,  First  Vice- Chairman,  Prof. 
Alc^e  Fortier,  Second  Vice- Chairman,  Prof.  M.  H.  Saville,  Third  Vice- 
Chairman,  Dr  George  A.  Dorsey,  Secretary,  Mr  C.  A.  Peairs,  Dr 
Hugo  Hardy,  Hon.  L.  Bradford  Prince  (absent),  Dr  AleS  HrdliCka, 
Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  Prof  J.  McKeen  Cattell,  Dr  Hugo  Miinster- 
berg, Madame  Zelia  Nuttall. 

Of  the  foregoing,  Madame  Nuttall  was  designated  by  the  Board  of  Lady  Managers ; 
Mr  Lehmann  was  named  by  the  Executive  ;  and  all  others  entered  as  chairmen  and  rice- 
chairmen  of  the  group  juries. 


F.  W.  Putnam,  United  States  (absent).  J.  C.  Alves  de  Lima, 
Brazil.     W  J  McGee,  Chief  of  Department. 

Preservation  of  Antiquities.  — Under  the  law  of  February  i,  1905, 
the  administration  of  the  National  Forest  Reserves  was  transferred  from 
the  General  Land  Office,  Department  of  the  Interior,  to  the  Bureau  of 
Forestry  under  the  Department  of  Agriculture.  As  a  large  proportion  of 
the  prehistoric  ruins  of  the  Southwest  are  situated  on  forest  reserves,  this 
change  is  of  importance  to  students  of  archeology.  The  Department  of 
Agriculture  must  now  be  looked  to  for  the  protection  of  these  ruins  and 
for  permits  to  do  archeological  work  on  forest  reserves. 

By  an  order  recently  issued  the  Office  of  Indian  Affairs  directs  that 
all  traders  on  Indian  reservations  shall  be  prohibited  from  dealing  in  pre- 
historic wares  in  the  future.  Traders  are  given  thirty  days  in  which  to 
dispose  of  collections  on  hand,  after  which  such  articles  found  in  their 
possession  will  be  considered  contraband  and  future  violations  of  the  order 
will  be  punished  by  revocation  of  license  to  trade  with  the  Indians. 

On  the  request  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  the  Secretary  of 
Agriculture  has  directed  that  the  ruins  of  Montezuma  Castle  on  Beaver 


creek,  Arizona,  lying  on  public  lands,  about  three  miles  outside  the  Black 
Mesa  Forest  Reserve,  shall  be  under  the  protection  of  the  forest  rangers 
of  the  adjacent  portion  of  the  reserve. 

It  is  reported  by  Forest  Supervisor  Breen  that  on  establishing  the 
northern  boundary  of  the  San  Francisco  Mountains  Forest  Reserve  in 
northern  Arizona,  the  Black  Falls  group  of  ruins  are  found  to  lie  within 
the  limits  of  the  reserve.  This  important  group  of  ruins  is,  therefore, 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  forest  rangers  of  the  Bureau  of  Forestry,  in- 
stead of  being  entirely  unprotected  on  the  public  lands  as  has  been 

The  bill  for  the  preservation  of  American  antiquities,  which  was 
drafted  by  the  joint  committee  of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America 
and  the  American  Anthropological  Association,  and  presented  by  them 
for  the  consideration  of  the  House  of  Representatives  committee  on  Pub- 
lic Lands,  met  with  the  approval  of  that  committee  and  was  favorably  re- 
ported to  the  House.  Final  consideration  of  the  measure,  however,  could 
not  be  obtained  during  the  short  session  of  Congress. 

As  far  as  heard  from,  it  is  the  feeling  of  the  members  of  the  joint 
committee  that  the  measure  should  be  perfected  and  reintroduced  at  the 
beginning  of  the  next  session  of  Congress.  Certain  defects  in  the  bill 
have  been  pointed  out  and  revisions  suggested  to  meet  conditions  that 
were  not  formerly  understood  or  that  have  recently  arisen.  The  local 
members  have  prepared  and  sent  out  the  following  draft  for  consideration 
and  discussion  by  all  who  are  interested  in  the  subject : 

An  Act  for  the  preservation  of  American  antiquities^  and  to  control 
the  excavation  of  archeological  sites. 

Be  it  enacted  [etc.]. 

Sec.  I .  That  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  and  protecting  from  des- 
poliation the  historic  and  prehistoric  ruins,  monuments,  and  other  antiq- 
uities that  are  situated  on  lands  owned  or  controlled  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  said  antiquities  are  hereby  placed  under  the  custody 
and  control  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Departments  having  jurisdiction 
over  said  lands,  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  said  Secretaries  to  preserve 
and  protect  said  antiquities  from  despoliation  or  unauthorized  appropria- 
tion or  injury. 

Sec.  2.  That  the  Secretaries  of  the  Departments  having  jurisdiction 
over  the  lands  owned  or  controlled  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  are  hereby  authorized  to  permit  the  examinations  of  ruins,  the 
excavation  of  archeological  sites,  and  the  gathering  of  objects  of  antiquity 
upon  the  lands  under  their  respective  jurisdictions  by  institutions,  either 

1 66  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

domestic  or  foreign,  which  they  deem  properly  qualified  to  conduct  such 
examination,  excavation,  or  gatherings,  subject  to  such  rules  and  regula- 
tions as  they  may  prescribe :  Provided,  That  the  examinations,  excava- 
tions, and  gatherings  are  undertaken  for  the  benefit  of  reputable  museums, 
universities,  colleges,  or  other  recognized  scientific  or  educational  institu- 
tions with  a  view  to  increasing  the  knowledge  of  such  objects,  and  that  the 
gatherings  shall  be  made  for  permanent  preservation  in  public  museums 
and  not  for  commercial  purposes. 

Sec.  3.  That  of  all  excavations  and  explorations  made  under  the  pro- 
visions of  this  act,  a  proper  written  and  photographic  record,  with  plans, 
shall  be  made  at  stated  periods,  and  transmitted  for  preservation  to  the 
United  States  National  Museum. 

Sec.  4.  That  the  Secretaries  of  the  Departments  aforesaid  shall  make 
and  publish  from  time  to  time  uniform  rules  and  regulations  for  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  this  act. 

Sec.  5.  That  all  persons  who  shall,  without  permission,  appropriate, 
injure,  or  destroy  any  of  the  objects  of  antiquity  referred  to  in  this  act, 
shall,  upon  conviction,  be  fined  in  a  sum  not  more  than  five  thousand 
dollars,  or  be  imprisoned  for  a  period  not  more  than  twelve  months,  or 
shall  suffer  both  fine  and  imprisonment,  in  the  discretion  of  the  court 

It  is  hoped  that  all  who  are  interested  will  consider  this  thoroughly 

and  freely  express  their  views  for  the  guidance  of  the  committee  at  its 

next  meeting.  Edgar  L.  Hewett. 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Archaeological  Institute  of  America.  —  The  twenty-fifth  anniversary 
of  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  America  was  celebrated  by  a  meeting  in 
Boston  and  Cambridge,  December  28-30,  1904. 

For  several  years  many  members  have  been  urging  that  attention 
should  be  given  to  American  archeology  in  accordance  with  the  original 
plan  of  the  Institute,  **  embracing  the  sites  of  ancient  civilization  in  the 
New  World  as  well  as  in  the  Old.'*  An  important  step  in  this  direction 
is  the  establishment  of  an  American  Fellowship,  now  in  its  foiuth 
year.  This  fellowship  has  been  held  from  the  beginning  by  Dr  Alfred 
M.  Tozzer,  a  graduate  in  the  Division  of  Anthropology  at  Harvard,  who  is 
now  on  his  fourth  trip  to  Yucatan  and  Central  America.  At  the  Boston 
meeting  an  appropriation  was  made  for  the  continuation  of  this  fellowship. 

At  this  meeting  Mr  C.  F.  Lummis  gave  an  account  of  the  work 
done  by  the  recently  organized  Southwestern  branch  of  the  Institute,  with 
headquarters  at  Los  Angeles,  in  collecting  phonographic  records  of  Indian 


and  old  Spanish  songs,  both  of  which  are  so  rapidly  passing  away  that 
Mr  Luxmnis  aptly  terms  the  research  'Miving  archeology."  Dr  F.  M. 
P^Qmer  gave  an  illustrated  paper  on  some  features  of  the  archeology  of 
southern  California,  showing  what  had  been  accomplished  by  the  South- 
western branch  in  making  collections  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  state. 
So  active  has  this  branch  become  that  the  Institute  made  a  liberal  appro- 
priation for  the  continuation  of  the  researches  by  Mr  Lummis  and  Dr 
Pdmer,  the  exact  amount  to  be  decided  by  the  executive  committee.  An 
appropriation  of  $1,000  was  made  in  aid  of  the  archeological  researches 
in  Central  America  under  the  auspices  of  the  committee  of  the  Peabody 
Museum ;  and  the  sum  of  I500  was  granted  toward  the  continuation  of 
the  research  in  the  caves  of  northern  California  under  the  direction  of  the 
Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  University  of  California. 

With  the  exception  of  the  researches  by  Bandelier  in  the  Pueblo 
region  during  its  earlier  years,  the  Institute  has  been  engaged  principally 
in  classical  archeology,  in  which  it  has  accomplished  much  of  value. 
This  new  awakening  to  the  importance  of  American  archeology  in  the 
wider  study  of  the  life  of  man,  and  the  continuation  of  this  broader 
policy  by  the  Institute  will  be  gratifying  to  many  of  its  members  and  will 
be  sure  to  bring  about  additional  support  in  all  its  sections.  The  Insti- 
tute has  now  an  efficient  American  Committee  which  is  ready  to  receive 
communications  in  relation  to  researches  of  sp>ecial  importance  in  this 
country.  Through  this  committee  it  took  part  in  drafting  the  bill  for  the 
national  preservation  of  the  prehistoric  sites  in  this  country  and  was 
represented  at  the  hearing  before  the  House  Committee  on  Public  Lands. 
At  this  anniversary  meeting  Prof  Charles  Eliot  Norton,  the  first 
president,  who  is  regarded  as  the  father  of  the  Institute,  was  present  and 
took  an  active  part. 

A  Fonn  of  Urn-burial  on  Mobile  Bay.  —  In  the  last  number  of  the 
Anufican  Anthropologist  (October- December,  1904)  I  contributed  a 
paper,  "  Aboriginal  Urn-Burial  in  the  United  States.*'  In  this  paper  I 
pointed  out  that  the  occurrence  of  what  might  be  called  a  form  of  um- 
borial,  namely,  the  placing  of  a  vessel  of  earthenware  inverted  over  a 
skull  with  which  the  rest  of  the  skeleton  was  present  had  not  been  re- 
ported, to  my  knowledge,  east  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.  The  fact 
was  emphasized  that  the  form  of  mn -burial  in  question  should  not  be  con- 
fused with  that  obtaining  along  the  northwestern  Florida  coast  where  in- 
verted bowls  are  found  lying  over  isolated  skulls  or  skulls  with  a  few  scat- 
tered, accompanying  bones. 

1 68  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  190S 

While  consulting  authorities  for  my  paper  I  came  upon  a  description^ 
of  the  finding  of  an  urn-burial,  exact  particulars  not  given,  on  Simpson's 
island,  one  of  a  number  of  islands  to  the  north  of  Mobile  bay. 

Having  decided  to  make  certain  investigations  around  Mobile  bay,  I 
visited  Simpson's  island  in  January,  1905.  On  the  western,  or  Mobile 
river,  side  of  the  island,  about  three  miles  from  the  northern  end,  is  a 
cultivated  tract  on  which  are  several  frame  houses.  About  250  yards  in 
a  southerly  direction  from  the  houses  was  a  mound,  3  feet  in  height  and 
87  feet  across  its  circular  base,  made  of  a  mixture  of  tenacious  muck  and 
small  clam-shells  (^Rangia  cuneata).  As  the  owner  valued  the  mound  as 
a  place  of  refuge  for  stock  in  flood-time,  the  outer  part  of  the  mound, 
subject  to  wash,  was  not  touched  by  us  ;  but  the  central  part,  fifty  feet  in 
diameter,  was  dug  through  and  a  considerable  number  of  burials  of  types 
common  to  southern  mounds,  not  in  connection  with  urns,  were  en- 

There  was  one  exception.  In  the  northeastern  part  of  the  mound 
was  a  skeleton  of  an  adult,  the  head  directed  to  the  east.  The  skeleton 
lay  at  full  length  on  its  back,  with  the  head  turned  slightly  to  one  side. 
Inverted  over  the  skull,  and  completely  covering  it,  was  a  decorated,  im- 
perforate vessel  of  earthenware,  maximum  diameter  11.75  ^^c^^es,  height 
3.75  inches,  with  its  upturned  base  but  8  inches  from  the  surface. 

Here  we  have  a  burial,  as  far  east  as  Alabama,  similar  to  the  burials 
reported  from  Arizona  and  New  Mexico. 

Considering  the  interesting  urn-burials  found  on  Alabama  river  and 
those  of  the  northwestern  Florida  coast,  beginning  at  Perdido  bay,  the 
coast  boundary  between  Alabama  and  Florida,  which  is  but  a  few  miles 
distant  from  Mobile  bay,  one  might  look  for  records  of  the  finding  of 
urn -burials  on  Mobile  bay,  but  such  records  are  not  forthcoming,  and 
even  the  testimony  of  inhabitants  as  to  the  discovery  of  such  burials  seems 
to  be  wanting.  My  investigation,  which  included  the  circuit  of  the  bay, 
resulted  in  the  finding  of  no  urn -burial  of  any  sort  other  than  the  one 

In  a  mound  on  Tombigbee  river,  however,  sixty-five  miles  by  water 
above  Mobile,  at  Three  Rivers  Landing,  Washington  county,  Alabama, 
I  since  have  found  a  skeleton  having  on  the  skull,  part  of  which  it  covered 
like  a  cap,  an  inverted  vessel  six  and  one-half  inches  in  diameter. 

Fuller  description  of  the  archeological  work  on  Mobile  bay  and  on 
Tombigbee  river  will  appear  in  the  Journal  of  the  Academy  of  Natural 
Sciences  of  Philadelphia.  Clarence  B.  Moore. 

>  Smithsonian  Report^  1878,  p.  290 . 


Fadal  Casts.  —  In  the  Directions  for  Collecting  Information  and 
Specimens  for  Physical  Anthropology^  by  Dr  Ale§  HrdliCka,  published  as 
Part  R  of  the  Bulletin  of  the  United  States  National  Museum,  No. 
39,  1905,  a  method  for  collecting  facial  casts  is  described  (page 
19).  I  think  it  is  but  just  to  say  that  anthropologists  are  indebted 
for  the  development  of  this  method  to  Mr  Caspar  Mayer,  sculptor  in  the 
ethnological  department  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History. 
This  Museum  has  been  engaged  for  eight  years  in  making  systematic  col- 
lections of  plaster  casts  of  various  types  of  man,  and  during  this  entire 
time  the  method  of  taking  casts  has  constantly  been  improved  by  Mr 
Mayer,  who  was  the  first  to  suggest  to  anthropologists  the  taking  of  plaster 
casts  without  the  use  of  tubing  inserted  in  the  nose,  and  in  such  a  manner 
that  distortions  of  the  face  are  almost  entirely  avoided.  The  undersigned, 
as  well  as  all  other  collaborators  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory, including  Dr  HrdliCka,  have  learned  this  method  from  Mr  Mayer, 
who,  by  its  development,  has  done  an  excellent  service  to  anthropological 
science.  Franz  Boas. 

In  answer  to  inquiries  concerning  the  method  of  making  facial 
casts  outlined  in  my  Directions  for  Collecting  Information  and  Speci- 
mens for  Physical  Anthropology ^  I  wish  to  say  that  I  am  not  aware  with 
whom  it  is  original.  As  plaster  masks  have  been  and  are  being  made  by 
many  artists  and  travelers,  the  method  is  presumably  an  outcome  of 
numerous  experiences.  The  description  follows  almost  wholly  the  pro- 
cedure as  I  have  seen  it  practised  by  Mr  Caspar  Mayer,  a  New  York 
sculptor,  employed  largely  by  the  anthropological  department  of  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History.  Mr  Mayer,  I  believe,  has  intro- 
duced the  innovation  of  doing  away  with  the  nasal  tubes.  The  method 
is  practicable  with  savage  tribes;  following  it  I  have  made  about  140 
facial  casts  in  the  field  among  the  Indians,  including  some  very  primitive 
tribes.  The  time  required  by  me  with  one  individual,  including  the 
preparation,  is  about  40  minutes.  The  process  is  a  little  too  slow  for 
children.  A.  Hrdli£ka. 

Marquis  de  Nadaillac.  —  In  the  death  of  Jean  Francois  Albert  du 
Pouget,  Marquis  de  Nadaillac,  at  the  Chateau  de  Rougemont,  Loir-et-Cher, 
France,  on  October  i,  1904,  at  the  ripe  age  of  86  years,  France  has  lost 
one  of  its  most  distinguished  citizens  and  Anthropology  one  of  its  best 
known  authorities. 

The  Marquis  of  Nadaillac  was  prefect  of  the  Basses-Pyrenees  in  187 1, 
and  of  Indre-et-Loire  in  1877.     Retiring  to  private  life  in  the  latter 

I/O  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

year,  he  thenceforth  devoted  his  time  to  the  study  of  archeology  and 
ethnology,  writing  many  works  on  these  subjects.  He  was  a  good  Eng- 
lish scholar,  and  had  many  American  correspondents,  for  all  of  whom  he 
ever  had  a  word  of  cheer.  The  Marquis  was  a  member  of  many  learned 
societies  at  home  and  abroad;  in  America  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Numismatic  and  Antiquarian  Society  of  Philadelphia,  and  an  honorary 
member  of  the  Davenport  Academy  of  Sciences  and  of  the  Anthropological 
Society  of  Washington.  He  was  a  Chevalier  of  the  Legion  of  Honor,  a 
correspondent  of  the  Institute  of  France,  and  held  decorations  from  Austria, 
Belgium,  Brazil,  Hanover,  Italy,  and  Spain.  In  the  United  States  his  best 
known  work  was  Prehistoric  America^  an  illustrated  octavo  published  in 
1884.  His  writings  included  valuable  papers  on  Prehistoric  South  Amer- 
ica, Precolumbian  Canada,  The  Calaveras  Skull,  Recent  Discoveries  in 
America,  The  Moundbuilders,  Pipes  and  Tobacco,  Progress  of  the  United 
States,  The  Seris,  The  Ancient  Population  of  Colombia,  The  Unity  of  the 
Human  Race,  Dawn  of  Life  on  the  Earth,  The  Glacial  Period,  Man  and 
the  Monkey,  Men  of  the  Cave  Period,  Primitive  Monuments,  The  Cus- 
toms of  Early  Races,  Pile  Dwellers,  Prehistoric  Fishing,  The  Copper  Age, 
The  Evolution  of  Marriage,  and  Causes  of  the  Decrease  of  the  Birth-rate 
in  France.  He  also  published  several  works  relating  to  the  archeology 
and  ethnology  of  Africa,  Ireland,  Great  Britain,  and  of  English  and 
French  colonies.  It  has  been  related  that  the  Marquis  said  all  the  good 
things  possible  of  authors  to  whom  he  referred  in  his  numerous  writings, 
leaving  the  defects,  if  any,  in  the  shadow.  News  of  his  death  comes  as 
a  distinct  shock  to  his  many  American  friends  and  his  loss  will  be  keenly 
felt  by  students  of  archeology  and  ethnology  in  the  New  World. 

J.  D.  McGuiRE. 

The  Wisconsin  Archeological  Society  has  caused  to  be  introduced  in 
the  State  Legislature  a  bill  (No.  195  A)  asking  for  the  appropriation  by 
the  State  of  the  sum  of  $500  annually  toward  the  publication  of  its  edu- 
cational and  scientific  bulletins,  and  with  the  provision  that  131  free 
copies  of  each  issue  be  presented  to  the  Wisconsin  Free  Library  Commis- 
sion for  distribution  among  its  traveling  libraries. 

It  is  sincerely  hoped  that  this  bill  may  soon  be  enacted  into  law,  as  it 
will  do  much  toward  increasing  the  interest  in  Wisconsin's  antiquities 
through  wider  distribution  of  the  publications  of  the  Wisconsin  Arche- 
ological Society  concerning  them.  It  is  also  hoped  that  something  will 
soon  be  done  to  preserve  the  aboriginal  monuments  throughout  the  State 
ere  the  progress  of  agricultural  pursuits  and  the  increase  in  the  value  of 


the  lands  on  which  they  are  situated  make  their  acquirement,  and  even 
their  protection,  impossible. 

For  a  number  of  years  there  has  been  a  growing  interest  in  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  antiquities  of  Michigan,  also,  but  thus  far  the  State  has 
done  practically  nothing  toward  furthering  it,  and  the  public  does  not  seem 
to  manifest  the  same  interest  in  the  subject  as  do  the  people  of  Wiscon- 
sin, who  are  conducting  archeological  investigations  within  their  territory 
with  great  enthusiasm.  Harlan  I.  Smith. 

The  Justin  Winsor  prize  of  |ioo,  offered  by  the  American  Histor- 
ical Association  for  the  encouragement  of  historical  research,  will  be 
awarded  for  the  year  1905  to  the  best  unpublished  monograph  in  the 
field  of  American  History  that  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Committee  of 
Award  on  or  before  October  i,  1905.  The  prize  is  intended  for  writers 
who  have  not  yet  published  any  considerable  work  or  obtained  an  estab- 
lished reputation.  The  monograph  must  be  based  on  independent  and 
original  investigation  in  American  history,  by  which  is  meant  the  history 
of  any  of  the  British  colonies  in  America  to  1776,  of  other  portions  of 
the  continent  which  have  since  been  included  in  the  territory  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  the  United  States.  It  may  deal  with  any  aspect  of  that 
history — ^social,  political,  constitutional,  religious,  economic,  ethnological, 
military,  or  biographical,  though  in  the  last  three  instances  a  treatment 
exclusively  ethnological,  military,  or  biographical  would  be  unfavorably 
received.  Professor  Charles  M.  Andrews,  of  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. ,  chairman 
of  the  committee,  will  furnish  full  information  to  prospective  competitors. 

Thomas  Varker  Keam  died  at  Truro,  Cornwall,  England,  of  angina 
pectoris,  November  30,  1904.  Mr  Keam  was  bom  in  1846  in  Truro,  and 
went  to  sea  as  a  boy,  sailing  as  a  midshipman  in  the  English  mercantile 
marine  to  Sidney  and  Newcastle,  Australia.  From  there  he  went  to  San 
Francisco,  thence  in  1865  overland  to  Santa  F6,  where  he  entered  the 
service  as  a  private  in  the  First  New  Mexico  Cavalry,  in  which  he  was 
later  commissioned  as  second  lieutenant.  In  1872  he  was  Spanish  inter- 
preter in  the  government  service  at  Fort  Defiance,  Arizona,  and  ten  years 
later  went  to  the  cafion  that  bears  his  name,  residing  there  as  Indian 
trader  until  a  few  years  ago,  when  he  disposed  of  his  interests  and  finally 
returned  to  his  boyhood  home  at  Truro.  Mr  Keam  was  widely  known 
to  Indians  of  the  southwest  as  **Tomas'*  and  was  respected  and  loved 
by  them.     He  spoke  both  Hopi  and  Navaho  fluently. 

Mr  Keam  was  a  man  of  the  highest  integrity,  a  keen  observer,  a 
wide    reader,  cultivated  and  accomplished.      He  maintained  an  open 

172  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  ^,  1905 

house  at  Keam's  Cafion  for  every  wayfarer,  and  his  hospitality  was 
shared  alike  by  the  scientific  explorer  and  the  wandering  Indian.  For 
many  years  he  practically  supported  that  remarkable  genius,  Alexander 
Macgregor  Stephen,  who  lived  more  or  less  with  him  from  the  time  of 
his  arrival  at  the  cafion  in  1882  until  his  death  in  1894.  Mr  Keam 
preserved  Stephen's  numerous  valuable  manuscripts  with  jealous  care,  and 
erected  a  monument  on  his  grave  in  the  cafion.  Taking  a  lively  inter- 
est in  the  Indian  antiquities  of  the  adjacent  region,  he  made  several  im- 
portant collections,  the  largest  of  which  is  now  in  the  Berlin  Museum  of 
Ethnology.  Other  collections  are  in  the  Peabody  Museum  at  Cambridge 
and  the  Museum  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  Mr  Keam's  death 
will  be  deplored  by  every  student  and  explorer  of  the  Southwest,  to  most 
of  whom  he  was  known  and  beloved.  Stewart  Culin. 

An  Interesting  Broadside.  —  Mr  D.  N.  Thomas,  of  Greenport, 
L.  I.,  has  found  an  interesting  broadside  containing  a  four-column  versi- 
fication of  **  The  Rebels*  Reward,  or  English  Courage  Displayed,  being  a 
Full  and  True  Account  of  the  Victory  obtained  over  the  Indians  at  Norri- 
giwock  on  the  Twelfth  of  August  last,  by  the  English  Forces  under  com- 
mand of  Capt.  Johnson  Harmon. ' '  On  the  upper  right-hand  is  a  very 
rude  picture  supposed  to  represent  the  English  forces  firing  on  the  Indian 
fortress,  and  over  the  verses  is  the  line  :  "To  the  Tune  oi  All  You  That 
Love  Good  Fellows^  etc.'*  This  broadside  is  printed  on  a  thick  and 
coarse  kind  of  rag  paper,  in  old-style  type,  in  ink  but  little  faded.  It  is 
in  a  good  state  of  preservation,  except  that  where  creased  the  paper  has 
given  way  and  in  the  vertical  middle  fold  it  has  torn  almost  across.  At 
the  right-hand  lower  comer  is  the  imprint :  BOSTON  :  Printed  and  sold 
by  J.  Franklin  in  Union  Street,  1724.  W.  W.  Tooker. 

Tlingit  Method  of  Collecting  Herring-eggs.  When  the  herring  run 
took  place,  hemlock  boughs  were  fastened  together  and  laid  down  in  rows 
for  the  fish  to  spawn  upon.  At  one  end  of  each  was  tied  a  float  marked 
in  some  special  way  by  its  owner.  When  covered  with  eggs,  these  boughs 
were  lifted  into  the  canoe,  carried  ashore,  and  placed  to  dry  on  the 
branches  of  a  tree  which  had  been  stripped  of  its  smaller  twigs.  To  raise 
them  into  place  there  was  employed  a  large  wooden  hook  taken  from  a 
tree  where  a  branch  comes  off,  and  it  was  then  a  comparatively  simple 
matter,  but  after  they  were  dried  the  eggs  became  very  brittle  and  had  to 
be  handled  with  care.  Hemlock  boughs  are  said  to  be  used  in  preference 
to  others  because  they  leave  no  peculiar  taste.  J.  R.  Swanton. 


Bontoc-Igorot  Clothing.  —  In  a  brief  communication  received  since 
the  publication  of  his  article  on  this  subject  in  the  last  issue  of  the  Ameri- 
can Anthropologist y  Dr  Albert  Ernest  Jenks  announces  that  he  has  ascer- 
tained beyond  question,  which  he  had  before  raised,  that  "  the  Ilokano 
women  on  the  west  coast  of  northern  Luzon  avowedly  wear  the  tapis  to 
hide  any  possible  evidence  of  menstruation. ' ' 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of  the  American  Anthropological 
Association  held  in  New  York,  April  15,  it  was  voted  to  hold  a  special 
meeting  of  the  Association  in  Portland,  Oregon,  during  the  Lewis  and 
Clark  Centennial  Exposition.  The  members  of  the  Council  present  were 
Messrs  Boas,  Chamberlain,  Culin,  Farrand,  Gordon,  Hodge,  Hyde,  Mac- 
Curdy,  Pepper,  Putnam,  Saville,  and  Smith. 

The  Fourteenth  International  Congress  of  Orientalists  was 
held  at  Algiers,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Algerian  Government,  April 
19-26,  1905.  Dr  Cyrus  Adler,  Librarian  of  the  Smithsonian  Institu- 
tion, Washington,  D.  C,  was  the  official  representative  in  the  United 
States  of  the  Committee  on  Organization  of  the  Congress. 

Dr  John  R.  Swanton  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  is  de- 
livering two  courses  of  lectures  in  the  Semitic  Seminary  of  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  one  on  American  Ethnology  with  special  reference  to  Soci- 
ology and  Mythology,  and  one  on  the  Dakota  language. 

The  wide  and  increasing  interest  in  folklore  researches  in  Germany 
and  Austria  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  Germans  have  now  perfected 
a  Folklore  Union  embracing  twenty-four  societies  and  6,000  members. 

Mr  William  H.  Holmes,  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology 
and  a  vice-president  of  the  American  Anthropological  Association,  has 
been  elected  a  member  of  the  National  Academy  of  Sciences. 

Dr  Livingston  Farrand,  Professor  of  Anthropology  in  Columbia 
University,  has  been  placed  in  charge  of  the  work  of  the  National  Associa- 
tion for  the  Study  and  Prevention  of  Tuberculosis. 

Dr  C.  a.  Peterson,  of  St.  Louis,  a  founder  of  the  American  Anthro- 
pological Association,  has  been  elected  president  of  the  Missouri  Histor- 
ical Society. 

The  title  of  Correspondant  de  TEcole  d' Anthropologic  de  Paris  has 
been  conferred  on  Dr  George  Grant  MacCurdy  of  the  Yale  University 


Proceedings  of  the  Philadelphia  Meeting,  December  28-30,  1904. 

The  program  of  the  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Anthropological 
Association  was  merged  with  that  of  the  American  Folk-Lore  Society  and 
Section  H  of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science. 
The  sessions  were  held  in  Widener  Hall,  Free  Museum  of  Science  and 
Art,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  December  28-3oth,  inclusive.  The 
joint  program  was  as  follows : ' 

1.  Anthropometric  Work  at  the  St.  Louis  Exposition  :  (a)  Sense  Tests 

of  Various  Races ;  (^)  Physical  Measurements  of  the  Philippine 
Groups.     R.  S.  Wood  worth  and  Frank  G.  Bruner. 

2.  The  Story  of  a  Shield.     James  Mooney. 

3.  Themistology.     Edward  Lindsey. 

4.  Recent  Investigations  in  the  Somatic  Anthropology  of  the  Brain  of 

Distinguished  Persons,  of  Individuals  of  Various  Races,  and  of 
Criminals.     Edward  Anthony  Spitzka. 

5.  Medical  Notes  on  the  Southwestern  Indians.     A.  Hrdli^ka. 

6.  The  Physical  Resemblance  of  Twins.     Edward  L.  Thomdike. 

7.  The  Color  Sensibility  of  the  Peripheral  Retina  (by  title).     J.  W. 


8.  A  Tale  in  the  Hudson  River  Mohican  Language  (by  title).    J. 

Dyneley  Prince. 

9.  The  Settlement  and  Transfer  of  Upper  Louisiana  (by  title) .     Paul 


10.  Superstitions  of  School  Children.     Will  S.  Monroe. 

11.  The  Use  and  Study  of  Anthropology  in  School  (by  title).     Amos 

W.  Famham. 

12.  Disenchantment  by  Decapitation,  address  of  the  retiring  President 

(read  by  Mr.  Newell).     George  Lyman  Kittredge. 

13.  Influence  of  European  Contact  on  Aboriginal  Institutions  (by  title). 

Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

14.  The  Kiowa  Supernatural.     James  Mooney. 

15.  The  Tale  of  the  Three  Wishes.     William  Wells  Newell. 

*  For  abstracts  of  the  papers,  see  report  of  George  H.  Pepper,  Secretary  of  Section 
H,  in  Science f  March  24,  1905. 



i6.  The  Influence  of  the  Sun  on  the  People  of  the  Hopi  Pueblos.     J. 
Walter  Fewkes. 

17.  The  Historic  and  Prehistoric  Ruins  of  the  Southwest.     Edgar  L. 


18.  The  Election  at  Jemez  Pueblo  (by  title).     Albert  B.  Reagan. 

19.  Prehistoric  Surgery.    A  Neolithic  Survival.    George  Grant  MacCurdy. 

20.  Mexican  and  Central  American  Archeology,  address  of  the  Vice- 

President.     Marshall  H.  Saville. 

In  the  absence  of  President  W  J  McGee,  Vice-President  William  H. 
Holmes  occupied  the  chair.  The  members  of  the  Council  present  were : 
Miss  Fletcher,  Messrs  Holmes,  Dorsey,  Farrand,  Fewkes,  Hough, 
Hrdlicka,  Hyde,  Kroeber,  MacCurdy,  McGuire,  Mooney,  Pepper, 
Saville,  E.  L.  Hewett,  and  Gordon. 

The  report  of  the  Treasurer,  Mr  B.  Talbot  B.  Hyde,  was  read  and 
referred  to  the  Auditing  Committee  consisting  of  Messrs  Boas  (chair- 
man), Farrand,  and  Harlan  I.  Smith. 

Report  of  the  Treasurer 


Balance  fix>m  1903 %  53.83 

Anthropological  Society  of  Washington. 608.25 

Annual  dues 685.98 

Annual  subscriptions  to  American  Anthropologist  from  libraries..  369. 16 

Other  annual  subscriptions 462.15 

Sale  of  back  numbers 406.85 

Publication  fund 235.00 

Authors'  reprints  (at  cost) 151-57 

American  Ethnological  Society 230.76 

New  York  Academy  of  Sciences 62.50 


New  Era  Printing  Company,  for  printing,  binding,  and  mailing 

American  Anthropologist  and  for  reprints $1,744.06 

Stationery  and  job  printing,  including  1,500  copies  of  illustrated 

prospectus IOO.34 

Editor's  expenses,  including  advertising  back  numbers  and  mail- 
ing prospectus 144.31 

Illustrations  for  American  Anthropologist 188.70 

Letter-heads,  circulars,  etc 73-24 

Postage  and  petty  expenses  of  Secretary  and  Treasurer 68. 32 

Rebates  on  overpayments  (including  $30  paid  Anthropological 

Society  of  Washington  for  sale  of  Old  Series) 44- 15 

Binding  of  back  numbers  for  St.  Louis  Exposition 24.00 

Insurance  of  back  numbers 25.00 

$2,412.  i2 

1 76  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [s.  s.,  7,  1905 

The  following  were  elected  to  membership  in  the  Association : 

Edward  H.  Angle,  D.D.S.  Miss  Elizabeth  J.  Letson, 

Miss  Adela  Breton,  Reamer  Ling, 

Thomas  S.  Dedrick,  M.  D.,  Henry  Link, 

E.  W.  Deming,  Rev.  James  William  Lowber, 

Christopher  Easton,  Rev.  J.  D.  Marmor, 

William  H.  Ellsworth,  Owen  W.  Mills, 

Dr  William  H.  Fumess,  William  W.  Newell, 

W.  R.  Gerard,  Grace  Nicholson, 

Pliny  E.  Goddard,  Adolph  C.  Reichard, 

George  Byron  Gordon,  Francisco  M.  Rodriguez, 

R.  H.  Harper,  M.  D.,  Marshall  H.  Saville, 

C.  V.  Hartman,  Ph.D.,  Elizabeth  J.  Van  Beuren, 

George  G.  Heye,  Miss  Georgie  Van  Brunt, 

H.  E.  Hoopes,  Atreus  Wanner, 

L.  W.  Jenkins,  George  A.  West, 

A.  Kirschmann,  Ph.D.,  Clark  Wissler, 

Francis  LaFlesche,  Christopher  Wren. 

Amendments  to  the  constitution  were  proposed  by  Miss  Fletcher  and 
Messrs  Holmes  and  MacCurdy,  and  were  favorably  received  by  the 
Council.     They  are : 

Article  V,  Section  i,  second  and  third  lines:  Change  a  number  of 
councilors  to  be  determined  annually  to  twenty-four  councilors. 

Section  2,  third  and  fourth  lines :  Change  a  number  of  councilors  to 
be  determined  by  the  council  to  six  councilors. 

Section  3  :  Add  at  the  end  of  the  section :  Five  shall  constitute  a 

Section  7  :  Strike  out  at  the  end  of  the  section  :  of  whom  not  more 
than  one  shall  be  a  member  of  the  council. 

Article  VII,  Section  i  :  Strike  out  entirely. 

Section  2  :  Omit  from  first  sentence :  whose  chairmen  shall  be  mem- 
bers of  the  executive  committee. 

Resolutions  were  proposed  and  adopted  by  the  Association  as  follows : 

Resolved f  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  represent  the  American 
Anthropological  Association  before  the  Committees  on  Public  Lands  of 
the  United  States  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  at  meetings  of 
those  Committees  held  for  the  consideration  of  measures  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  antiquities,  and  that  this  committee  be  instructed  to  advocate  the 
acceptance  and  passage  of  the  particular  bill  that  seems  in  their  judgment 
to  cover  the  requirements  of  the  case  most  fully,  and  that  at  the  same 


time  meets  with  the  full  approval  of  the  Interior  Department,  which  De- 
partment has  control  of  all  public  lands  and  whose  agents  in  the  field 
must  be  relied  on  exclusively  for  custodianship  and  care  of  the  antiquities 
in  question.^ 

The  Committee  provided  for  in  the  resolutions  was  appointed  by  the 
chair  as  follows :  William  H.  Holmes  (Chairman  ex  officio) y  Edgar  L. 
Hewett  (Secretary),  George  A.  Dorsey,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  George 
Grant  MacCurdy,  George  B.  Gordon,  A.  L.  Kroeber,  M.  H.  Saville, 
F.  W.  Putnam,  Stewart  Culin,  C.  V.  Hartman. 

The  election  of  officers  resulted  as  follows  :  President,  Frederic  W. 
Putnam;  Vice-President  to  serve  four  years,  William  H.  Holmes  ;  Vice- 
President  to  succeed  F.  W.  Putnam,  George  A.  Dorsey;  Secretary, 
George  Grant  MacCurdy  ;  Treasurer,  B.  Talbot  B.  Hyde  ;  Editor, 
F.  W.  Hodge. 

Members  of  the  Council  as  at  present  constituted  are  W  J  McGee, 
Frederic  W.  Putnam,  William  H.  Holmes,  Miss  Alice  C.  Fletcher,  George 
A.  Dorsey,  Franz  Boas,  George  Grant  MacCurdy,  B.  Talbot  B.  Hyde, 
F.  W.  Hodge,  Frank  Baker,  Charles  P.  Bowditch,  A.  F.  Chamberlain, 
Stewart  Culin,  Roland  B.  Dixon,  Livingston  Farrand,  J.  Walter  Fewkes, 
George  Byron  Gordon,  Edgar  L.  Hewett,  J.  N.  B.  Hewitt,  Walter 
Hough,  Ales  Hrdlicka,  A.  L.  Kjoeber,  Joseph  D.  McGuire,  Otis  T. 
Mason,  Washington  Matthews,  James  Mooney,  George  H.  Pepper,  Mar- 
shall H.  Saville,  Harlan  I.  Smith,  Frederick  Starr,  John  R.  Swan  ton. 
Of  these  the  first  nine  named  constitute  the  Executive  Committee. 

Special  meetings  of  the  Association  or  of  the  Council  may  be  called 
at  any  time.  A  special  meeting  will  be  held  at  Portland,  Oregon,  dur- 
ing the  summer,  the  date  to  be  determined  by  a  committee  appointed  for 
that  purpose. 

George  Grant  MacCurdy, 

YcUi  University  Museum^  Secretary, 

Nkw  Haven,  Conn. 

1  For  the  present  status  of  this  proposed  action  see  pages  164-166. 

AM.  ANTH.,  N.  S.,  7— 12 

American  Anthropological  Association 


April,  1905 


Pruxdbmt,  FREDERIC  W.  PUTNAM,  Cambridge. 

Vxcb-Prbsidbmt  X908,  WILLIAM  H.  HOLMES,  Waihington. 

Vxcs-PusiDENT  1907,  MISS  ALICE  C.  FLETCHER,  Washington. 

Vxcb-Prksidbnt  X906,  GEORGE  A.  DORSEY,  Chicago. 

Vics-Prbsxdbnt  X905,  FRANZ  BOAS,  New  York. 

Skckstaky,  GEORGE  GRANT  MACCURDY,  New  Haven. 

Treasubm,  B.  TALBOT  B.  HYDE,  New  York. 

Editok,   F.  W.  HODGE,  Washington. 



Railway    Exchange    Building,     Chicago,  Baychester,   New  York. 

Illinois.  M.  LE  DUC  DE  LOUBAT,^ 

MR  CHARLES  P.  BOWDITCH,*  53  Rue  Dumont  d'Urville,  Paris. 

38  State  St.,   Boston,   Mass.  MR  CLARENCE  B.  MOORE,* 

132 1   Locust  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 


MR  EDWARD  D.  ADAMS.*  MR  J.   W.    BENHAM,* 

35   Wall   St.,   New  Yoric   City.  ,38  West  42d  St.,  New  Yoric  Qty. 


Smithsonian      Institution,      Washington,  American  Museum  of  Natural   History. 

^-  C.  New  York  City. 


Museo   Nadonal.   Buenos  Aires,  Argen-           ^^p^     ^^    Education.    Toronto,    Canada. 

,>«  ^^,,*«T>  «     *xT^r^  DR  J.   C.    BRANNER.* 

DR  EDWARD  a  ANGLE.  Stanford  University.  CaUfomia. 

DR  F^k^^l^'  ^""'^'^    ^^^^   ^^^^  BRETON, 

National   Zoological    Park,  Washington,  St    Margaret's    House,    Rochester. 

D    C  land. 

DR  GEORGE  BARRIE.*  ^^  ^'  ^-   BRITTIN,* 

S13X    Mass.    ave.,    N.    W.,  Washington.  Englcwood.  New  Jersey. 

D,  c.  MR  H.  G.  BRYANT.* 

COL.  PAUL  BECKWITH,*  2013  Walnut  st.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

U.    S.    National    Museum,  Washington,    MR  G.  H.  BUEK, 
D.  C.  52    East    X9th  St..   New  York   City. 

i  Members  whose  names  are  marked  with  an  asterisk  (*)  are  Founders  of  the 





X431    Court  Place,   Denver,   Colormdo. 


xz  West  88th  it.  New  York  Qty. 

4254  Olive  ft,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

State  House,   Indianapolis,  Indiana. 
MR  H.  H.  CAMMANN,* 

43  West  38th  St.,  New  York  City. 

Clark  University,   Worcester,   Mass. 


Avenida    de    Madrid,    No.    37,    City    of 

Mexico,   Mexico. 

Drawer  i.  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Coldwater,  Michisran. 

Brooklyn    Institute    Museum,    Brooklyn, 

N.  Y. 
DR  R.  G.  CURTIN,* 

22    South    i8th    St,    Philadelphia,    Pa. 
PROF.   M.  M.   CURTIS,* 

Western   Reserve   University,   Qcvcland, 


Lehigh  University,  South  Bethlehem,  Pa. 

3147    N.    Broad   St.,   Philadelphia,    Pa. 

16  West  6 1  St  St.,   New  York  City. 
MR  E.  W.   DEMING, 

21  W.  24th  St.,  New  York  City. 
MR  G.    E.   DIMOCK,* 

Elizabeth,    New   Jersey. 

Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
PROF.   R.    E.   DODGE,* 

Teachers    Collej^c,    Columbia    University, 

New  York  City. 

582  La  Salle  ave.,  Chicago,  111. 

Field   Coltmibian    Museum,    Chicago,    III. 

Waterbury,   Connecticut. 

290  Thames  St.,  Newport,   R.  I. 

3302  Wells  St.,  Milwaukee.  Wis. 
DR  WM.   C.   FARABEE, 

Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

State  Normal  School,  Oswego,  New  York. 

Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 


Bureau  of  American   Ethnology,   Waab- 

ington,   D.   C. 

3212  Pine  St.,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

79  West  115th  St.,  New  York  City. 

460  Prospect  St.,   New  Haven,  Conn. 

2x4  First  St.,  S.  E.,  Washington,  D.  C 
DR  J.  M.  FLINT,* 

U.    S.    National    Museum,    Washington, 

D.  C. 

The  Cecil,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Bontoc,  Lcpanto-Bontoc  Province,  Philip- 
pine  Islands. 
DR   WILLIAM   H.   FURNESS,  3d. 

Museum  of  Science  and  Art,  University 

of    Pennsylvania,    Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Hospital    Militar,    Guadalajara,    Jalisco, 

DR  E,  GATES,* 

Chevy   Chase,   Maryland. 

65  West  io8th  St.,  New  York  City. 

Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

Affiliated  Colleges,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

Brooklyn    Institute    Museum,    Brooklyxi, 

New  York. 

Museum  of  Science  and  Art,  University 

of   Pennsylvania,    Philadelphia.    Pa. 

346    Broadway,    New   York    City. 

62  Wall  St.,   New  York  City. 

32  Riverside  Drive,  New  York  City. 
DR  R.  H.  HARPER, 

Afton,  Indian  Territory. 

Carnegie  Museum,  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Hastings      Hall,      Harvard      University, 

Cambridge,    Mass. 

239  Beacon  st..  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

Pleasanton.  California. 

Dubuque,    Iowa. 

59   West   56th   St.,   New   York   City. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 


Care  U  S.  National  Miuenin,  Wadiinf- 

ton,  D.  C 
MR  J.  N.  B.  HEWITT/ 

Bureau  of  American   Ethnology,   Wath- 

xngton,    D.    C. 

52  Broadway,  New  York  Gty. 

68  William  at..   New  York  City,  N.  Y. 
MR  F.  W.  HODGE,* 

Smithsonian      Institution,      Washington, 

D.  C. 

5  Boyleston  PI.,  Boston,  Mass. 

Carnegie   Museum,   Pittsburg,    Pa. 

Bureau   of   American   Ethnology,   Wash- 
ington,  D.   C. 
MR  H.  E.  HOOPES, 

Media,   Pennsylvania. 

U.    S.    National    Museum,    Washington, 

D.  C. 

U.    S.    National    Museum,    Washington, 

D.  C. 
MR  J.  F.  HUCKEL,* 

Union  Station  Annex,  Kansas  City,  Mo. 
DR  J.  W.  HUDSON, 

Ukiah,  California. 
DR  H.  M.  HURD,* 

Johns  Hopkins  Hospital,  Baltimore,   Md. 

Box  173,  Sanford,  Florida. 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  D.  C. 

20  West  53d  St.,  New  York  City. 

aio  East  i8th  st.,  New  York  City. 

Musco  Paulista,  Sao  Paulo,  Brazil. 
MR    G.    WHARTON    JAMES,* 

Care  The  Craftsman,   Syracuse,  N.  Y. 
DR   H.   JAYNE,* 

Wistar    Institute,     University    of    Penn- 
sylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Ethnological    Survey,    Manila,    P.    I. 

Peabody    Academy    of    Science,    Salem, 


Room  I,  Y.  M.  C.  A.   Bldg.,  San  Fran- 
cisco,  Cal. 

Stanford  University,  California. 

DR  C  H.  JUDD, 

Yale  UniTcraity,  New  Haven,  Comu 

Batavia,  Java. 

X103  Rutger  at,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Toronto  University,  Toronto,  Canada. 

1600  T  St.,  Washington,  D.  C. 
DR  A.  L.  KROEBER,* 

Affiliated  Colleges,  San  Francisco,  CaL 

ax4  First  at.,  S.  E.,  Washington,  D.  C 

Museo  de  la  Plata,  La  Plata,  Argentina. 
DR  J.  S.  LEMON,* 

Gardner,  Mass. 

Casilla  844,  Santiago  de  Chile,  Chile. 

I  a  del  Fresno,  No.  1510,  City  of  Mexico. 

Buffalo     Society    of    Natural     Science^ 

Buffalo,   N.   Y. 

Warren,   Pa. 

St.   Johns,   Arizona. 

R.   F.   D.  3,  Waterloo,  Indiana. 

27  William  St.,  New  York  Qty. 
MR  M.  C.  LONG,* 

Missouri  ave.  and  Main  St.,  Kansaa  City, 


Austin,   Texas. 

16  West  9th  St.,  New  York  City. 

Y.  M.  C.  A.,  IS  B,  Peking  Road,  Shang- 
hai,  China. 
DR  J.   II.   McCORMICK, 

The  Stanton,  Washington.  D.  C. 

7  Monroe  St.,  Chicago,  Ills. 

Yale    University   Museum,    New   Haven, 

DR  J.  B.  >tcGEE,* 

X405  Woodland  ave.,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 
DR   W   J   McGEE,* 

X90X    Baltimore   St.,    Washington,   D.    C 
MR  J.   D.   McGUIRE,* 

X834  1 6th  St.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

17  Lexington  ave.,  New  York  City. 

X330  Columbia  Road,  Washington,  D.  C 



DR  F.  W.  BiARLOW,* 

joo  Highland  sL,  STractiae,  New  York. 
REV.  J.  D.  MARMOR, 

X638  Madison  ave..  New  York  City. 

27  WiUiam  at.  New  York  Oty. 

U.    S.    National    Muaeum,    Waahington, 

D.  C. 

X4S  Beacon  sL,  Boston,  Maas. 

University    of     California,     San     Fran' 

dsco,  Cal. 

Ethnological  Survey,  Manila,  P.  L 

Millbury,  Mass. 
MR  W.  C.  MILLS,* 

State  University,  Columbus,  Ohio. 
MR  E.  J.  MOLERA,* 

606  Clay  St,  San  Francisco,  California. 

State  Normal  School,  Westfield,  Mass. 

Bureau  of  American   Ethnology,   Waah- 

ington,  D.  C. 

X825  Park  Row  Building,  New  York  City. 

Phillips  Academy,  Andover,   Mass. 
DR.  T.  F.  MOSES,* 

Worcester  Lane,  Waltham,  Mass. 
MR  L.  F.  MOTT,* 

17  Lexington   avc,   New  York  City. 


Public  Library,  Boston,  Mass. 

152  Market  st,  Paterson,  N.  J. 

X05  Niagara  St.,  Victoria,  B.  C. 
DR  W.  W.  NEWELL, 

Cambridge,  Mass. 

46  North  Los  Robles  ave.,  Pasadena,  CaL 
DR  R.  J.  NUNN,* 

119  York  St.,  Savannah,  Georgia. 

Casa  Alvarado,  Coyoac4n,  D.  F.,  Mexico. 
MR  C.  L.  OWEN,* 

Field   Columbian   Museum,   Chicago,   111. 

306  North  9th  st.,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 

Lenox  Library,  New  York  City. 

X027  Goodfellow  ave.,  St  Louis,  Mo. 
MR  H.  H.  PARSONS,* 

84  Griswold  st,  Detroit  Michigan. 


X97  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1430  Corona  st,  Denver,  Colorado. 
PROF.  J.  E.  PEARCE,* 

High  School,  Austin,  Texas. 

^^%   Drexel   Building,   Philadelphia,   Pa. 

American   Museum  of  Natural  ffistory. 

New  York  City. 

Burlington,  Vermont 

P.  O.  Box  980,  St  Louis,  Missouri. 

17 IX  Hinman  ave.,  Evanston,  111. 

San  Jos6,  Costa  Rica. 
MR  A.  PRATT  Ja,* 

26  Bunnell  st,  Bridgeport  Connecticut 

Columbia  University,  New  York  Gty. 

x6o  West  59th  st.  New  York  City. 
PROF.  F.  W.  PUTNAM,* 

Peabody    Museum,    Cambridge,    Mass. 
DR  S.  H.  QUINT, 

Ixtlan,    Del    Rio,    Territorio    del    Tepxc, 


Oberlindau    78,    Frankfurt,    a/M.,    Ger- 
MR   E.    W.    RICKER,* 

P.  O.  Box  5083,  Boston,  Massachusetts. 
MR   R.    H.    RILEY,* 

1 8th  ave.  and  84th  st,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Covesville,  Va. 

Museo  Nacional,  City  of  Mexico,  Mexico. 

Department  of  Agriculture,  Waahington, 

D.  C. 

American   Museum  of   Natural   History, 

New  York  City. 

705  Market  st.,  St  Louis,  Mo. 
COL.  H.  L.  SCOTT,  U.  S.  A.,* 

Manila,   Philippine  Islands. 
MISS  S.  A.  SCULL,* 

401  Water  st.,  Smethport  Pennsylvania. 

1424  Eleventh  st,   N.  W.,  Washington, 

D.  C. 

Lincoln,   Neb. 
MR  S.  C.  SIMMS,* 

Field  Columbian  Museum,   Chicago,   111. 



[M.  s.,  7,  1905 

DR  C   E.   SLOCUM/ 

Defiance   Ohio. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  Hiitory, 

New  York  City. 

Hackensack,    N.   J. 

ft^  East  73d  St,  New  York  City. 

Chicago   University,    Chicago,    Illinois. 


Peabody  Museum,   Cambridge,  Mass. 

Hardenbergstr.   24,   Charlottenburg,   Ber- 
lin, Germany. 

Grovetown,  Georgia. 

1 136  O  St.,  Lincoln,  Nebraska. 

240  Edwards  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Bureau  of  American   Ethnology,   Wash- 
ington,   D.    C. 

Moorewood  Place,  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

730  Kansas  ave.,  Topeka,  Kansas. 

Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

Sag  Harbor,  New  York. 
DR  A.  M.  TOZZER.* 

Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Afiiliated  Colleges,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 
MR  H.   H.   VAIL,* 

American  Book  Co.,  Washington  Square, 

New  York  City. 

21  West  14th  St,  New  York  City. 

20  East  46th  St.,  New  York  City. 


U.    S.    National    Museum,    Washingtoii, 

D.  C 
REV.  S.  P.  VERNER,* 

Tryon,  N.  C. 
MR  A.  C.  VROMAN,* 

Pasadena,  California. 

Legadon  de  Russia,  4a  Bucareli*   18339 

City  of   Mexico. 

Yoric,  Pennsylvania. 

Academy  of  Natural  Sciences,  Philadel- 
phia,   Pennsylvania. 
PROF.  H.  C.  WARREN,* 

Princeton,  New  Jersey. 

St.  Michaels,  Arizona. 
MR  F.  S.  WEBSTER,* 

Carnegie  Musetmi,   Pittsburg,   Pa. 

Hisrhland  Boulevard,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 
DR  M.   F.   WHEATLAND,* 

84  John  st,  Newport,  Rhode  Island. 

Tacoma,  Washington. 

Smith  College,  Northampton,  Mass. 

Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

University    of    Minnesota,    Minneapolis 


528  West  123d  st,  New  York  City. 

Manila,   Philippine  Islands. 

Centre  st.,   Plymouth,   Pennsylvania. 

Oberlin,  Ohio. 


M.   A.    CLANCY.* 

J.    W.    POWELL.* 






American  Anthropologist 


Vol.  7  April-June,  1905  No.  2 




In  northwestern  New  Mexico  there  is  a  group  of  ruined  pueblos 
that  stretch  for  miles  along  the  fertile  valleys  and  mesa  tops. 
The  Chaco  caiion  proper  contains  the  major  portion  of  these  ruins, 
one  of  the  greatest  of  which  in  point  of  interest  is  Pueblo  Bonito. 
The  writer  visited  and  explored  parts  of  this  ruin  in  the  summer  of 
1896,  and  the  investigations  were  continued  thereafter  for  several 
years.  This  work,  which  was  made  possible  by  Mr  B.  T.  B.  Hyde 
and  Mr  F.  E.  Hyde,  Jr,  of  New  York  city,  was  planned  by  Prof. 
F.  W.  Putnam,  and  the  material  collected  is  now  in  the  American 
Museum  of  Natural  History. 

Pueblo  Bonito  is  near  the  western  end  of  the  canon  and  may  be 
reached  by  driving  65  miles  northward  from  Thoreau,  a  station  on 
the  Santa  Fe  Pacific  railroad,  near  Gallup,  New  Mexico.  It  was 
one  of  the  homes  of  an  ancient  sedentary  people  who  grouped  their 
houses  into  great  many-celled  structures  and  surrounded  them  with 
a  strong  defensive  wall,  thereby  making  the  town  a  fortress  as  well 
as  a  place  of  habitation.  Pueblo  Bonito,  like  the  other  ancient 
settlements  in  the  canon,  is  now  in  ruins,  and  many  of  the  rooms 
are  completely  covered  with  debris  and  drifted  sand.  The  building 
as  a  unit  measures  more  than  500  feet  in  length  ;  the  lesser  axis  is 
somewhat  more  than  300  feet.  It  is  semicircular  in  form,  the 
rounded  portion  enclosing  the  structure  on  the  east,  north,  and 
west,  while  the  southern  side  was  protected  by  a  straight  wall  of 
heavy  masonry.     The  stones  used  in  the  building  were  taken  from 

AM.  ANTM.,  N.  S.,  7— 13  ^83 

1 84  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

the  adjacent  sandstone  cliffs,  the  work  of  quarrying  being  greatly 
facilitated  by  the  natural  cleavage. 

The  age  of  Pueblo  Bonito  is  still  in  doubt,  but  nothing  was 
found  during  its  excavation  to  show  that  its  former  occupants  ever 
had  intercourse  with  the  Spaniards.  The  first  mention  of  the 
pueblo  was  made  by  Josiah  Gregg,^  in  1844.  Since  that  time  it 
has  been  visited  by  soldiers  and  travelers,  and  several  descriptions 
of  it  have  been  written.  Gen.  James  H.  Simpson  *  and  Mr  William 
H.  Jackson  ^  made  careful  studies  of  the  ruin  and  published  accounts 
in  1850  and  1878,  respectively. 


During  the  season  of  1896  we  were  enabled  to  uncover  a  series 
of  rooms  extending  along  the  outer  wall  of  the  northern  part  of  the 
ruin.  The  major  portion  of  this  first  year's  operations  was  confined 
to  the  north  central  and  northwestern  parts  of  the  pueblo,  although 
a  sufficient  number  of  rooms  were  opened  in  other  portions  to  fur- 
nish data  concerning  the  style  of  masonry  of  the  upper  series  and 
also  of  that  of  the  underlying  ones.  The  results  of  these  excava- 
tions governed  to  a  large  extent  the  plans  for  the  work  of  the  suc- 
ceeding season.  Owing  to  the  great  size  of  the  ruin,  little  could  be 
accomplished  in  one  season  of  field  work ;  it  was  therefore  a  ques- 
tion of  obtaining  a  representative  collection  of  objects,  together  with 
sufficient  data  concerning  the  older  portions  of  the  pueblo  to  enable 
us  to  gain  an  idea  of  the  duration  of  the  period  of  occupancy. 

The  first  work  in  1897  was  the  continuation  of  excavations  in  a 
row  of  rooms  constituting  the  third  series  of  the  northern  or  curved 
part  of  the  building.  The  debris  was  removed  from  the  western 
extension  of  this  series,  and  some  very  interesting  specimens  were 
found  on  the  floors.  One  of  the  first  rooms  to  receive  attention 
during  this  season  was  that  designated  No.  38  in  the  field  notes. 
Its  position  may  be  seen  in  the  accompanying  illustration  (plate 

1  Josiah  Gregg,  Commerce  of  the  Prairies^  I,  284-85,  1844. 

*J.  H.  Simpson,  Journal  of  a  Military  Reconnaissance  from  Santa  />,  New 
Mexico f  to  the  Navajo  Country ^  Washington,    1 850. 

3Wm.  H.  Jackson,  Ruins  of  the  Chaco  Caflon,  Examined  in  iSjj;  Tenth  Rep. 
Hayden  Survey,  pt.  Ill,  Washington,  1878. 


Room  38  was  generally  rectangular ;  its  north  and  south  walls 
were  curved,  but  not  to  an  appreciable  extent.  The  room  was  filled 
with  debris  consisting  of  sandstone  slabs  from  the  fallen  walls,  de- 
caying ceiling  beams,  and  the  adobe  floors  of  upper  rooms  with 
whatever  objects  were  on  them  when  they  gradually  weakened  and 
finally  collapsed.  On  this  account  many  objects  of  scientific  inter- 
est were  broken  or  scattered  through  the  debris. 


The  work  in  room  38  brought  to  light  an  interesting  collection 
of  material,  the  greater  part  of  which  was  of  a  ceremonial  character, 
or  at  least  might  have  been  used  in  sacred  observances. 

The  eastern  end  of  the  room  was  excavated  to  a  depth  of  sev- 
eral feet  and  the  work  was  then  carried  westward.  Nothing  of  par- 
ticular interest  was  found  in  the  upper  layers,  but  the  removal  of 
the  stones  and  the  fallen  beams  was  still  in  progress  when  a  plat- 
form was  uncovered.  The  first  evidence  of  this  structure  was  a 
peculiar  projecting  wall,  six  inches  thick  and  extending  in  a  north- 
westerly direction.  It  was  attached  to  the  south  wall  and  had  been 
used  as  a  support  for  a  beam  that  entered  the  north  wall  at  a  point 
opposite.  The  western  support  of  the  platform  was  upheld  by 
posts,  but  these  and  the  poles  that  had  formed  its  upper  surface 
were  no  longer  in  position ;  they  had  been  crushed  by  the  weigh 
of  the  debris  and,  when  uncovered,  were  greatly  decayed. 


One  of  our  Navaho  laborers  was  excavating  in  the  western  part 
of  the  room  and  had  reached  the  point  where  the  fallen  masonry 
ended,  when  he  encountered  the  first  evidence  of  a  ceremonial  de- 
posit. At  the  end  of  a  horizontal  stroke  we  noticed  that  the  Indian 
had  broken  an  object  of  bone,  and  investigation  showed  that  it  was 
inlaid  with  turquoise  and  jet.  The  extremities  of  the  bone  had 
been  shattered,  but  fortunately  the  mosaic  itself  had  not  been  in- 

The  utmost  care  was  necessary  in  uncovering  this  specimen  and 
the  objects  that  surrounded  it.  When  the  brush  and  stylus  had 
removed  the  sand  from  about  the  bone,  it  proved  to  be  of  the  so- 


1 86  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

called  scraper  form.  It  had  been  completely  covered  with  drift- 
sand  and  was  lying  with  the  blade  pointing  toward  the  west. 
Directly  south  of  and  almost  touching  this  scraper  was  another  of 
similar  shape  and  size.  The  first  one  was  lying  with  the  rounded 
portion  upward,  whereas  this  rested  upon  its  convex  surface.  It 
was  observed  that  the  second  scraper  had  also  been  inlaid,  but 
owing  to  the  fact  that  the  inlaid  surface  was  downward,  there  was 
no  support  for  the  tesserae  and  most  of  them  had  fallen  out. 

For  convenience  the  field  numbers  will  here  be  used  in  referring 
to  the  scrapers  and  the  objects  found  with  them.  The  first  scraper 
will  be  known  as  No.  9  and  its  companion  as  No.  10.  In  plate  xix 
these  mosaic  pieces  are  shown  in  situ  with  the  smaller  specimens 
grouped  a  little  to  the  north  of  them.  The  first  object  uncovered 
near  the  scrapers  was  a  pendant  of  turquoise  (No.  11);  it  was  two 
inches  east  of  and  opposite  the  central  portion  of  No.  10.  The 
next  specimen,  also  a  turquoise  pendant  (No.  12),  was  found  an 
inch  west  of  No.  10,  in  the  angle  formed  by  the  two  scrapers. 
Both  of  these  pendants  were  at  the  level  of  the  lower  surface  of  the 
scrapers.  A  depth  of  several  inches  was  reached  before  the  next 
object  was  found ;  but  the  remaining  specimens  will  be  considered 
according  to  the  arbitrary  numbering  of  the  field  notes  instead  of 
allowing  their  depth  to  govern  the  sequence. 

No.  I  is  a  bird  form,  made  of  decomposed  turquoise ;  it  was 
found  below  the  level  of  the  scrapers  and  is  in  good  condition. 
No.  2  is  also  a  bird  form  ;  it  was  three  inches  below  the  level  of 
No.  9,  and  was  lying  on  its  left  side,  the  head  pointing  toward  the 
north.  No.  3,  a  turquoise  pendant,  was  found  near  No.  2.  No.  4 
is  the  third  bird  form  that  was  uncovered ;  it  was  resting  in  a 
natural  position,  with  the  head  pointing  southward,  at  a  depth  of  an 
inch  and  a  half  lower  than  the  scrapers.  No.  5  is  another  turquoise 
bird ;  it  was  found  six  inches  below  No.  9,  and  was  lying  with  its 
head  toward  the  northeast.  No.  6  is  the  tail  portion  only  of  a  bird 
of  turquoise  and  was  found  four  and  a  half  inches  below  the  level 
of  No.  9.  Several  fragments  of  the  same  bird  were  found  in  the 
surrounding  sand.  Nos.  7  and  8  are  beads  made  of  jet ;  they  were 
found  six  inches  below  the  scrapers.  As  the  four  succeeding  num- 
bers, the  scrapers  and  pendants,  have  been  noted,  and  as  they  will 


be  treated  more  in  detail  when  the  esthetic  aspect  of  the  specimens 
is  considered,  No.  13,  which  is  a  large  slab  of  jet  perforated  for 
suspension,  will  now  be  referred  to.  This  specimen  was  found  only 
half  an  inch  northwest  of  No.  4,  and  the  largest  fragment  was  on 
the  same  level.  Specimens  11,  12,  and  13  are  not  shown  in  the 
photograph.  Of  the  remaining  objects,  Nos.  2,  3,  4,  5,  and  6  are 
in  situ  ;  Nos.  i,  7,  and  8  were  removed  in  the  work  of  uncovering 
the  other  specimens,  but  were  replaced  within  an  inch  of  their 
original  positions. 


Bone  implements  of  the  type  represented  in  the  accompanying 
photograph  (plate  xix)  are  found  throughout  the  ancient  Pueblo 
region  of  the  Southwest.  They  are  known  by  several  names,  the 
most  usual  of  which  is  "  bone  scraper,"  and  this  term  will  here  be 
employed.  They  are  generally  made  from  the  humeri  of  deer,  elk, 
or  antelope,  and  are  found  of  all  sizes.  The  average  is  about  six 
inches,  but  they  range  from  two  to  eight  inches  in  length,  and  of 
relative  width. 

Pueblo  Bonito  has  furnished  a  large  number  of  specimens  of 
this  particular  type  of  implement,  and  from  its  occurrence  throughout 
the  pueblo  it  would  seem  to  have  been  an  object  of  general  use. 
The  refuse  heaps,  and  the  rooms  that  had  been  abandoned  to  be- 
come receptacles  for  the  sweepings  from  the  houses,  contributed 
a  good  share  of  these  implements  in  the  collection.  Almost  all  of 
them  showed  use  and  many  were  broken. 

The  bone  scrapers  from  Pueblo  Bonito  were  rarely  decorated ; 
but  when  ornamentation  occurred,  it  was  generally  in  the  form  of 
incised  designs,  such  as  cross-hatching,  meanders,  and  animal 
forms.  There  is  but  one  specimen  similar  to  the  incrusted  ones 
which  we  are  about  to  consider.  It  was  found  in  a  fragmentary 
condition  in  Room  170,  but  there  are  evidences  that  it  had  been 
prepared  for  the  reception  of  an  inlay  similar  to  that  shown  in  the 
colored  frontispiece.     This  specimen  is  shown  in  figure  3. 

The  inlaid  scraper  as  represented  by  the  colored  plate  is  slightly 
reduced  in  size.  It  is  the  distal  or  elbow  end  of  the  humerus  of 
one  of  the  large  ungulates,  the  animal  being  either  a  large  black- 
tail  deer  or  a  small  elk.     In  preparing  the  bone  for  the  reception 

l88  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  (N.  S.,  7,  1905 

of  the  inlay,  the  usual  method  was  no  doubt  employed.  A  groove 
was  cut  with  a  stone  knife  in  one  side  of  the  humerus,  and  the  cut 
extended  until  it  encircled  the  bone.  This  process  was  continued 
lintil  the  bone  could  be  broken  apart.  The  cutting  away  of  the 
under  side  was  the  next  step.  This  was  accomplished  by  grinding, 
and  the  final  touches  to  the  edges  were  given  with  a  polishing  stone. 
In  scrapers  designed  for  every-day  use,  no  further  work  was  done  ; 
but  as  this  particular  specimen  was  intended  for  an  especial  use,  the 
maker  next  turned  attention  to  the  handle  end.  The  condyles  in 
their  natural  state  protrude  to  such  an  extent  that  the  symmetry  of 

Fig.  3. —  Scraper  prepued  foi  inlaying.     (Natural  size.) 

the  object  is  affected,  hence  these  were  ground  until  perfectly 
rounded,  and  presented,  as  viewed  transversely,  a  cylindrical  aspect, 
due  to  the  careful  rounding  of  the  under  parts  of  the  side  condyles. 
The  entire  surface  of  the  epiphysis  was  ground,  reducing  its  size 

In  preparing  for  the  work  of  incrustation,  a  broad  band  was  cut 
in  the  convex  surface  of  the  bone,  extending  from  edge  to  edge  of  the 
flattened  part.  This  groove  was  2  cm.  4.5  mm.  in  width,  and  was 
worked  to  such  depth  as  would  cause  the  tesserje  to  correspond 
with  the  general  surface  of  the  bone.  The  sides  of  the  cut  were 
trued  and  the  groove  was  then  ready  for  the  inlay. 

Piiion  gum  seems  to  have  been  the  medium  for  seating  the 
small  pieces  of  stone  and  shell.  A  layer  of  this  material  was  spread 
upon  the  bottom  of  the  cut,  and  upon  this  foundation  the  mosaic 
pattern  was  developed.  In  the  scraper  under  consideration  fifty-six 
pieces  were  used  in  the  work ;  of  these,  twenty  were  elongate  pieces 
of  jet ;  there  were  sixteen  pieces  of  turquoise  of  the  same  shape, 
ten  pyramidal   pieces  of  turquoise,  and   ten  pieces  of  red  gum. 


pointed,  as  were  the  turquoise  pieces  last  named,  and  made  to 
match  these  inlays,  thereby  forming  a  flat  finish  at  the  end  of  the 
band.  When  the  inlaying  was  completed,  the  surface  of  the  mosaic, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  bone,  was  polished. 

In  examining  the  design  and  execution  of  this  implement  one 
cannot  fail  to  observe  that  its  maker  had  an  excellent  appreciation 
of  decorative  art.  The  jet  and  turquoise  bands  are  placed  system- 
atically, while  the  colors  are  alternated  either  for  ceremonial  sym- 
bolism or  for  artistic  effect.  These  inlaid  bands  are  composed  of 
carefully  shaped  pieces,  being  not  only  rectangulated  but  concavo- 
convexed  in  order  that  they  may  conform  to  the  rounded  surface  of 
the  bone.  There  are  live  such  bands,  three  of  jet  and  two  of  tur- 
quoise, and  these  are  bordered  by  a  serrated  line  of  turquoise  com- 
posed of  a  series  of  pyramidal  pieces,  each  so  accurately  pointed 
by  grinding  that  they  gpve  a  beautiful  finish  to  the  highly  decorative 
band.     The  corresponding  inlays  of  red  gum  are  in  strong  contrast 

Fig.  4.  —  BoDc  sciaper  ( No.  10)  shoiring 

to  the  pointed  pieces  of  turquoise,  and  impart  a  richness  in  finish 
that  is  almost  unique  in  aboriginal  American  handiwork.  The  care 
with  which  the  inlays  were  adjusted  is  worthy  of  note.  The  bone 
is  but  2  cm.  7  mm.  in  width,  and  many  of  the  sets  are  quite 
elongate,  but  they  were  embedded  in  the  gum  in  such  a  way  that 
their  edges  match  perfectly,  while  the  contour  of  the  bone  is  care- 
fully preserved. 

The  second  scraper.  No.  10  (figure  4),  is  practically  a  duplicate 
of  the  one  just  described.  When  found,  five  of  the  tessera,  three 
of  turquoise  and  two  of  jet,  were  in  place.  From  their  position  and 
general  arrangement  it  would  seem  that  the  design  had  been  in  the 
form  of  a  half-meander  or  an  interlocking  fret.     Beneath  the  scraper 

192  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  \JA,  s.,  7,  1905 

The  frog  figure  accompanying  the  buckle  in  the  illustration  is 
carved  from  a  piece  of  jet  The  body  of  the  animal  is  beautifully 
rounded,  and  the  legs,  which  stand  out  in  relief,  their  bend  faith- 
fully portrayed,  and  the  toes  represented  by  means  of  deep  grooves, 
are  very  well  formed.  The  mouth  has  the  full  rounded  shape  seen 
also  in  frog-shaped  pottery  vessels  from  the  Chaco ;  and  the  eyes, 
consisting  of  two  large  pieces  of  turquoise,  firmly  set  and  highly 
polished,  stand  boldly  out  in  a  manner  characteristic  of  the  frog 
even  in  conventionalized  Indian  art.  Across  the  neck  there  is  a 
broad  inlaid  band  of  turquoise,  consisting  of  seven  tesserae  that  con- 
form to  the  general  level  of  the  jet.  One  of  the  triangular  sets  that 
formed  the  ends  of  the  band  is  missing. 

The  body  of  the  frog  has  been  polished,  but  it  is  now  crackled 
to  some  extent,  and  on  the  under  surface  there  is  evidence  of  the 
action  of  fire ;  enough  of  the  original  polish  remains,  however,  to 
convey  a  good  idea  of  what  the  appearance  of  the  object  must  have 
been  when  it  was  new. 

The  body  of  the  frog  is  i  cm.  7.5  mm.  thick,  8  cm.  1.5  mm. 
long,  and  6  cm.  5  mm.  wide.  The  width,  including  the  legs,  is  7 
cm.  1.5  mm.  The  balls  of  turquoise  that  form  the  eyes  are  8.5 
mm.  in  diameter  and  3  mm.  in  height.  The  object  was  drilled  for 
suspension,  the  holes  being  on  the  under  part  directly  beneath  the 
inlaid  band.  The  incision  made  to  receive  the  turquoise  pieces 
forming  the  band  was  cut  just  deep  enough  to  allow  them  to  sink 
to  the  level  of  the  surface,  save  at  the  ends  where  it  was  cut  through 
to  the  opposite  side.  At  these  points  the  openings  were  triangular, 
and  in  cutting  them  through  a  separation  was  formed  between  the 
feet  and  the  body,  the  parts  being  joined  again  at  the  point  where 
the  head  and  the  toes  meet. 

The  frog  or  the  toad  is  a  symbol  of  water  among  the  Pueblo 
people  of  to-day,  and  there  are  numerous  evidences  tending  to  show 
that  the  same  water  symbol  was  employed  by  the  ancient  inhabi- 
tants to  as  great  an  extent  as  by  their  descendants.  In  Pueblo 
Bonito  and  in  nearby  villages  it  has  been  found  in  the  form  of  pot- 
tery vessels,  as  well  as  carved  from  pure  turquoise  and  scratched 
on  stone  slabs.  Tadpole  figures,  which  are  also  water  symbols, 
are  likewise  represented  in  turquoise  and  pottery. 




The  latest  jet  pendant  known  to  have  been  found  in  the  South- 
west was  recovered  from  the  same  deposit.  It  is  in  a  fragmentary 
condition,  but  enough  pieces  were  recovered  to  give  a  general  idea 
of  its  size  and  appearance  when  complete  (figure  5).  It  is  9  cm. 
2  mm.  long,  6  cm.  6  mm.  wide,  and  1  cm.  i  mm.  thick.  The 
comers  are  rounded  and  it  is  of  uniform  thickness.  The  fragments 
were  scattered  through  the  debris,  but  the  largest  piece  was  lying 
half  an  inch  northwest  of  and  at  the 
same  level  as  specimen  No.  4.  This 
pendant  was  also  drilled  for  suspen- 
sion, the  perforation  being  made 
through  the  edge  as  shown  in  the 
illustration,  thus  leaving  the  front  sur- 
face unbroken.  In  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  jet  frog  and  the  buckle  are 
in  a  perfect  state  of  preservation,  so 
far  as  their  completeness  is  concerned, 
it  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  crack- 
ing and  splitting  of  this  pendant. 
From  its  present  appearance  and  from 
the  scattered  fragments  it  would  seem 
that  it  was  broken  or  was  in  a  very 
fragile  condition  when  left  on  the 

Pendants  of  this  shape  are  not  uncommon  in  the  Pueblo  area, 
but  the  specimen  under  consideration  is  exceptionally  large.  The 
material  from  which  the  latter  was  cut  was  used  by  the  ancient 
Pueblos  in  making  small  objects  of  jewelry,  but  it  was  not  the 
practice  to  employ  large  pieces  even  in  fashioning  ceremonial 
objects.  This  pendant  was  probably  used  as  a  breast  ornament, 
either  alone  or  in  connection  with  the  necklace  of  jet  and  shell 
beads  found  near  it. 

Beads  of  different  sizes  were  scattered  through  the  sand  in 
which  the  lai^er  objects  were  lying.  In  removing  scraper  No.  10, 
the  depression  in  the  handle  end  was  found  to  be  filled  with  sand, 
imbedded  in  which  were  eighty  small  jet  beads,  2  mm.  in  diameter 

F[G.    J. — Jet  pendant  repaired. 
(Tiro-lhirds  natural  «ze. ) 

194  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

and  averaging  1.5  mm.  in  thickness.  In  the  debris  surrounding 
the  scrapers  3 1 3  beads  of  the  same  material  and  of  the  same  size 
and  shape  were  found.  Associated  with  these  beads  were  46  that 
measured  3  mm.  in  diameter,  but  in  other  respects  they  were  iden- 
tical to  the  smaller  ones.  With  these  jet  beads  there  were  19  white 
ones,  made  of  stone  and  shell,  and  of  the  same  size  and  shape  as 
the  others. 

In  plate  xix  two  black  objects  (No.  7,  8)  are  shown  in  the  fore- 
ground ;  these  are  the  jet  buttons  mentioned  in  the  general  descrip- 
tion of  the  contents  of  the  deposit.  In  form  they  are  oblate  sphe- 
roidal. No.  7  averages  i  cm.  5  mm.  in  diameter,  and  No.  8  is  only 
I  mm.  larger.  The  former  is  almost  free  from  flaw,  whereas  its 
companion  has  a  broad  check  line  spanning  the  upper  part.  Both 
are  perforated  on  the  flat  side,  and  they  may  have  been  used  as 
garment  ornaments  or  as  pendants.  A  third  button,  or  perforated 
ball  of  jet,  was  obtained  from  an  Indian  who  had  worked  in  this 
room,  and  had  probably  been  stolen  with  the  other  objects  above 


Of  the  five  bird  forms  found  in  Room  38,  four  were  perfect  and 
the  fifth  was  represented  by  several  fragments,  the  largest  being  the 
tail  end  (plate  xx,  b\  These  birds  are  cut  from  decomposed  tur- 
quoise, and  in  color  are  pale  bluish  green.  There  is  practically  no 
variation  in  the  eight  specimens  of  the  type  found  in  Pueblo  Bonito. 
The  material  from  which  the  birds  are  carved  is  so  soft  that  it  can  be 
cut  with  a  knife.  The  figures  were  probably  roughed  out  with  one 
of  the  many  forms  of  stone  implements,  and  then  ground  to  the 
desired  shape  with  sandstone  grinders.  On  the  surface  of  some  of 
the  birds  may  be  seen  fine  lines  which,  under  a  glass  of  low  power, 
have  the  appearance  of  file  scratches ;  they  are  nevertheless  the 
marking  made  by  the  sandstone  polishers.  Lines  of  this  character 
are  in  evidence  on  many  of  the  stone  implements  found  in  this  re- 
gion, and  are  especially  noticeable  on  objects  of  wood. 

Over  the  surface  of  each  of  these  five  turquoise  specimens  there 
is  a  dull  red  patina.  There  are  evidences  of  the  matrix  in  some 
pieces,  but  the  surface  color  seems  to  be  due  to  soil  discoloration. 
In  the  other  three  bird  forms  found  in  this  ruin  by  the  Navaho 




workmen,  there  are  indications  of  this  discoloration,  but  the  greater 
part  of  it  had  been  removed  by  carding  the  objects  about  in  their 
medicine  bags  or  in  using  them  as  pendants  on  their  necklaces. 
The  head,  tail,  and  wings  of  the  birds  are  indicated  in  each  instance. 
The  variety  represented  is  doubtless  a  water  fowl,  probably  the 
duck,  the  poise  of  the  head  and  the  general  angle  of  the  body  sug- 
gesting the  appearance  of  a  duck  when  resting  on  water.  This 
form  of  bird  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite  one  with  the  sedentary 
people  of  the  Southwest.  From  Pueblo  Bonito  alone  it  is  carved 
from  red  hematite  and  stone,  and  in  some  Chaco  ruins  it  has  been 
found  carved  from  pure  turquoise,  shell,  and  jet.  In  southeastern 
Utah,  in  the  Grand  Gulch  region,  some  of  the  large  basketry 
meal  trays  have  a  line  of  these  bird  figures  as  a  decorative  element ; 
and  in  one  of  them  the  design  is  associated  with  the  butterfly.^ 
The  largest  bird  (No.  2)  is  2  cm.  7  mm.  long,  and  2  cm.  i  mm. 
wide.  The  smallest  (No.  i)  is  i  cm.  7  mm.  long,  and  i  cm.  3 
mm.  wide.  These  measurements  do  not  include  the  projecting 
beaks,  which  vary  in  size  in  the  different  pieces,  all  of  them  being 
proportionate  to  the  size  of  the  body.  The  tails  and  wings  are 
carved  in  relief,  and  all  the  specimens  have  lateral  perforations 
below  the  front  or  shoulder  portion  of  the  wings.  The  position  of 
the  holes  causes  a  top-heaviness  when  the  birds  hang  free,  but 
against  the  body  they  maintain  the  proper  angle,  hanging  with  the 
head  upward. 


There  were  fifteen  turquoise  pendants  associated  with  the  larger 
objects  herein  described  (plate  xx,  a).  Two  of  these  are  quite 
large,  but  the  others  are  of  medium  size.  The  largest,  No.  3,  may 
be  seen  near  the  turquoise  bird  No.  2  (plate  xix),  on  a  slight  eleva- 
tion northeast  of  the  scrapers.  It  is  3  cm.  4  mm.  long,  with  a  width 
of  2  cm.  at  the  top  and  2  cm.  5  mm.  at  the  bottom,  tapering  gradu- 
ally to  the  rounded  base.  In  color  it  is  delicate  blue.  The  polished 
surface  shows  an  interlacing  of  matrix  lines,  and  the  back,  with  the 
exception  of  a  very  small  space  in  the  upper  right-hand  corner,  is 
a  layer  of  brown  trachyte  —  the  rock  in  which  the  turquoise  is 
found.     The  pendant  has  a  thickness  of  5  mm.;  the  edges  have  been 

'  Geo.  H.  Pepper,  The  Ancient  Basket  Makers  of  Southeastern  Utahy  pp.  13,  15. 

196  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

smoothed  and  polished,  and  there  is  a  perforation  in  the  upper  part. 
The  drilling  in  this  specimen,  which  is  at  an  angle,  with  the  larger 
opening  on  the  turquoise  side,  is  the  most  irregular  that  has  been 
found  in  the  turquoise  work  from  Pueblo  Bonito.  The  most  re- 
markable feature  of  the  specimen  is  its  color,  which  is  very  light  as 
compared  with  the  other  specimens  from  this  room,  whose  prevail- 
ing shades  range  from  dark  blue  to  dull  olive  green.  The  light 
blue  seen  in  the  turquoise  of  commerce  is  seldom  found. 

Of  the  remaining  fourteen  pendants  the  largest  is  3  cm.  i  mm. 
long,  and  the  smallest  9  mm.  They  vary  in  shape  and  thickness, 
but  are  typical  of  the  forms  found  in  the  various  rooms  of  Pueblo 
Bonito,  as  indeed  throughout  this  entire  culture  area.  Other  objects 
of  turquoise  were  106  flat  circular  beads  and  one  small  tessera. 
The  beads  ranged  from  3  mm.  to  6  mm.  in  diameter,  and  averaged 
1.5  mm.  in  thickness. 

In  removing  the  small  material,  a  peculiar  ball-shaped  object 
was  brought  to  light.  It  seemed  to  be  composed  of  fine  brown 
meal,  but  mixed  with  it  were  minute  particles  of  turquoise,  shell, 
and  jet.  It  had  been  retained  in  some  perishable  material  that  had 
entirely  disappeared,  but  the  rounded  form  was  well  defined.  The 
ball,  which  was  a  little  more  than  an  inch  in  diameter,  fell  apart 
when  it  was  taken  up,  but  the  material  which  composed  it  was  pre- 
served. In  examining  the  contents,  five  small  jet  beads  were  found, 
also  three  fragments  of  jet  beads  of  the  larger  size.  The  grindings 
preserved  in  this  specimen  were  undoubtedly  from  the  ceremonial 
objects  that  have  been  described.  The  practice  of  caring  for  waste 
material  in  the  manufacture  of  ceremonial  paraphernalia  is  well 
known  among  the  modem  tribes  of  the  Southwest.  Such  refuse, 
as  a  rule,  is  deposited  in  accordance  with  ritualistic  laws,  but  in  this 
case,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  material  was  precious,  it  was  no 
doubt  kept  for  use  in  connection  with  other  secret  **  medicines  **  in 
pieces  of  folded  skin  or  in  buckskin  bags. 


The  ceremonial  implements  and  ornaments  that  have  been  con- 
sidered are  extraordinary  only  as  evidence  of  the  development  of  an 
art  known  to  most  of  the  ancient  Pueblo  dwellers.     Incrustation  of 


sacred  ornaments  or  other  objects  by  the  ancient  sedentary  people 
of  the  Southwest  has  been  known  for  a  number  of  years.  From 
the  Gila  region  in  southern  Arizona  there  are  several  such  speci- 
mens in  the  Hemenway  collection  of  the  Peabody  Museum  at  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.  Private  collections  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  also 
contain  objects  of  jet  and  shell  ornamented  with  turquoise,  and  Dr 
Fewkes  obtained  one,  in  the  form  of  a  frog,  during  his  excavation 
of  the  Chaves  Pass  ruins  in  Arizona.  Of  this  specimen  Dr  Fewkes 
says  :  "  The  most  beautiful  ornament  or  fetish  of  shell  incrusted 
with  turquoise  was  found  at  the  smaller  of  the  two  ruins  at  Chaves 
Pass.  It  was  a  specimen  of  Pectuncubis  giganteus  covered  with 
gum,  in  which  were  inlaid  rows  of  turquoise  nicely  fitted  together 
in  the  form  of  a  frog  or  toad.  As  an  example  of  mosaic  work,  this 
object  is  the  only  veritable  mosaic  known  to  me  from  ruins  in  the 

The  researches  of  Fewkes,  Cushing,  Hough,  and  other  students 
have  demonstrated  that  large  incrusted  objects  are  seldom  found. 
Pueblo  Bonito  has  furnished  the  major  portion  of  known  examples 
from  the  Southwest.  Future  investigations  in  this  ruin  and  others 
of  the  Chaco  group  should  add  materially  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
esthetic  side  of  primitive  Pueblo  life. 

American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
New  York  City. 



By  W.  H.  HOLMES 

During  the  summer  of  1889  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  accom- 
pany a  field  party  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey,  under 
the  immediate  direction  of  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  to  northern  central 
New  Mexico,  and  was  able  to  make  somewhat  extended  studies 
among  the  antiquities  of  the  Jemez  valley.  The  Jcmez  river  is 
tributary  to  the  Rio  Grande  on  the  west,  and  its  two  branches,  the 
San  Diego  and  the  Guadalupe,  descend  from  the  Jemez  mountains 
through  canons  of  considerable  depth,  coming  together  as  they 
emerge  from  the  canons  25  miles  above  the  junction  with  the  Rio 
Grande  at  Bernalillo.  In  1875  I  had  studied  the  andent  ruins  of 
southern  Colorado  and  northwestern  New  Mexico,  and  had  carried 
my  investigations  as  far  to  the  southeast  as  the  valley  of  the  Rio 
Chama,  which  drains  the  northern  slope  of  the  Jemez  mountains. 
The  work  of  1889  therefore  enabled  me  in  a  measure  to  com- 
plete a  chain  of  observations  connecting  the  ancient  remains  of 
San  Juan  valley  with  those  of  the  region  now  occupied  by  the 
Pueblo  tribes,  and  to  reach  at  least  tentative  conclusions  concerning 
the  relations  of  the  people  and  culture  of  the  extreme  northern  por- 
tions of  the  Pueblo  province  with  those  of  the  middle  and  south. 

The  publication  of  these  notes  was  delayed  in  the  hope  that  I 
might  be  able  to  visit  the  region  again  and  complete  my  studies, 
and  they  are  now  prepared  for  publication  because  of  the  desirability 
of  placing  them  on  record  for  convenience  of  reference  in  connection 
with  the  preparation  of  measures  for  the  preservation  of  antiquities 
by  the  departments  of  the  Government  having  control  of  the 
public  lands. 

In  the  lower  Jemez  valley  there  are  three  inhabited  pueblos, 

Jemez,  Sia,  and  Santa  Ana,  and  there   are  perhaps  as  many  as 

twenty  or  thirty  deserted  sites,  situated  mostly  in  the  upper  valleys, 

some  of  which  must  have  been  villages  of  considerable  importance. 



All  are  of  the  usual  pueblo  type,  differing  somewhat  from  the  more 
northern  villages  of  like  situation,  but  typical  of  the  middle  region, 
to  which  they  belong. 

The  early  days  of  Spanish  occupancy  of  the  Jemez  country, 
1 540  to  1700,  witnessed  many  stirring  events  of  conquest,  revolt  and 

200  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

reconquest,  and  numerous  interesting  details  culled  from  the  Spanish 
chronicles  are  given  by  Bandelier  in  his  Final  Report,  The  Jemez 
pueblos  were  first  visited  by  the  Spaniards  under  Francisco  de  Barrio- 
nuevo  in  1541.  Oiiate,  in  1598,  saw  eight  villages,  and  others 
were  mentioned  to  him.  Bandelier  says  that  at  the  time  of  his  visits 
in  1880-85  ^he  Jemez  gave  him  the  names  of  seventeen  of  the  old 
pueblos.  He  believes  that  the  numerous  small  villages  were 
gradually  consolidated  into  two,  and  finally  into  one,  the  present 

Ancient  dwelling  sites,  —  About  half  a  mile  below  the  village  of 
Jemez  (see  map,  figure  6)  are  two  anciently  inhabited  sites  that  show 
no  distinctly  marked  architectural  remains,  but  the  ground  is  strewn 
with  various  minor  relics.  No  specimen  was  found  that  suggested 
Spanish  influence,  and  all  varieties  could  be  duplicated  from  the 
more  northern  sites  where  Spanish  influence  was  never  felt  All 
other  sites  visited  in  the  valley  exhibit  in  different  degrees  traces  of 
modem  Pueblo  influence  if  not  of  the  presence  of  the  Spaniard. 
Fragments  of  coiled  ware  and  of  the  delicate  white  pottery  with 
decorations  in  black  were  plentiful,  and  bits  of  obsidian  and  agate 
and  small  implements  of  these  materials  were  found.  One  of  the  sites 
is  on  the  low  east  bank  of  the  creek  near  the  water's  edge,  and  the 
other  on  the  western  side  nearly  opposite.  Similar  traces  marking 
other  ancient  sites  arc  found  in  various  parts  of  the  valley,  and 
probably  represent  the  exclusively  prehistoric  occupancy. 

Ruined  pueblo  three  miles  west  of  Jemez,  —  On  a  partially  iso- 
lated bit  of  mesa  about  three  miles  west  of  Jemez  is  a  considerable 
ruin,  which  does  not  bear  evidence,  however,  of  long  continued 
occupancy.  The  summit  of  the  mesa  is  without  trees  and  almost 
without  soil,  and  water  must  have  been  obtained  from  far  below. 
The  walls  of  the  ruin  are  well  defined,  and  stand  in  places  five  or 
six  feet  in  height;  but  they  are  formed  of  rough,  loosely  laid 
stones,  and  are  extremely  thin  and  unstable.  They  could  not  have 
been  high  at  any  time,  as  there  is  a  marked  absence  of  debris,  and 
the  dearth  of  pottery  and  kitchen  refuse  would  seem  to  stamp  the 
place  as  a  temporary  or  emergency  abode.     The  site  is  favorable 

1  A.  F.  Bandelier,  in  Papers  of  the  Archaological  Institute  of  America^  Amer.  ser., 
IV,  Final  Report y  part  II,  1 892,  p.  208. 



for  defense,  and  there  are  traces  of  defensive  walls  along  the  margin 
of  the  summit  The  buildings  are  irregular  In  plan  and  comprise 
three  groups,  the  full  length  of  the  groups  being  about  450  feet 
and  the  width  350  feet.'  A  sketch  plan  is  given  in  figure  7.  The 
pottery  of  this  site  Is  partly  archaic,  while  traces  of  later  Pueblo 

r'-i        C- J  ""*^ 

Fig.  7.  —  Sketch  plan  of  ruined  pueblo  three  miles  west  of  Jemez. 

work  are  common,  and  the  presence  of  bits  of  porcelain  would 
seem  to  indicate  post -Spanish  occupancy.  Fragments  of  metates 
and  mullers  of  usual  type  occur,  as  well  as  numerous  minor  relics 
of  obsidian,  agate,  and  other  varieties  of  stone.  There  appears  to 
be  no  definite  historic  reference  to  this  site. 

Vallecito  Viejo  pueblo.  —  Two  unimportant  ruined  structures 
occur  three  and  a  half  miles  northeast  of  Jemez  pueblo,  on  a  bluff 
overlooking  Vallecito  creek  (figure  8).  They  are  rather  unpreten- 
tious piles,  and  by  their  advanced  state  of  decay  would  seem  to  have 
been  long  deserted.  There  are  no  positive  indications  of  occu- 
pancy by  post- Spanish  inhabitants,  although  a  few  pieces  of  pottery 
are  apparently  allied  to  the  later  Pueblo  forms.  Few  relics  of  any 
kind  were  observed.  Fragments  of  the  archaic  varieties  of  pottery 
occur,  and  the  usual  forms  of  stone  implements.  The  lower  ruin, 
A,  about  1 50  feet  above  the  creek  level,  is  squarish  in  outline,  and 

given  in  this  paper  are  all  mere  estimates,  and  the  otietitstiotit 

202  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

is  about  175  by  180  feet  in  extent.  It  encloses  a  court  in  which 
a  shallow  circular  depression  occurs.  The  ridges  of  debris  are 
four  or  five  feet  in  heigli^  and  two  or  three  rooms  in  width.  The 
upper  structure,  B,  is  about  1 50  by  200  feet  in  extent,  and  embod- 
ies two  courts.     The  walls  are  very  much  reduced. 

Ruins  of  Patokwa  {San  Juan  de  Jemez).  — Two  ruined  pueblos, 
extremely  interesting  on  account  of  their  connection  with  the  events 
of  the  Spanish  conquest,  are  found  at  the  confluence  of  the  two 
main  branches  of  Jemez  creek,  six  miles  above  the  present  Jemez 

2       T:    a  5,  ;j 

J.     -f  -s,  j#      « 

'^•*«-«-^  %  \\  (11 

Fig.  8.  —  Sketch  plan  of  ruined  pueblo  on  Vallecito  creek. 

pueblo.  One  is  on  a  low  mesa  point  between  the  two  streams,  and 
the  other  occupies  the  end  of  the  great  mesa  several  hundred 
feet  above.  The  lower  site  (figure  8,  a)  is  one  that  would  naturally 
be  selected  for  residence  by  primitive  peoples,  and  may  well  have 
been  a  principal  pueblo  of  the  valley  in  pre-Spanish  times.  One 
portion  of  the  ruin  is  a  large  mound  of  debris  from  which  the  larger 
stones  have  been  removed.  This  represents  the  prehistoric  town. 
The  other  portion  is  in  a  much  better  state  of  preservation,  and 
consists  of  lines  of  fallen  house  rows  surrounding  two  great  courts. 
That  this  structure  is  of  late  date  is  clearly  indicated,  not  only  by 
its  state  of  preservation  but  by  the  presence  at  one  corner  of  the 
ruins  of  a  Catholic  church.  I  had  time  for  only  a  hasty  review  of 
these  ruins,  but  found  nearly  all  the  usual  varieties  of  artifacts  of 
the  valley  —  shallow  metates,  flattish  mullers  of  cellular  basalt, 
arrowpoints  of  obsidian  and  agate,  and  pottery  of  archaic  as  well  as 
of  later  Pueblo  times,  the  latter  including  a  black  polished  ware, 
mica-finished  ware,  coarse  reddish  ollas  with  figures  in  black  and 
red  paint,  and  bowls  with  thickened  upright  rims  and  rude  glazed 




Ruins  of  Astialakwa, — An  interesting  group  of  ruined  buil- 
dings is  situated  on  the  high  and  almost  inaccessible  promontory,  a 
mesa  remnant,  overlooking  the  ruin  at  the  confluence  of  the  east 
and  west  branches  of  Jemez  creek,  just  described.  The  ruins  stand 
a  short  distance  back  from  the  front  of  the  promontory  and  near 
the  brink  of  the  cliffs  on  the  \yest  side  (figure  8,  b).  The  walls  are 
of  unhewn  stone,  and  bear  evidence  of  hurried  and  apparently 
incomplete  construction,  there  being  a  notable  absence  of  debris  of 
any  kind.  Traces  of  mortar  occur  in  the  walls,  and  a  little  plaster 
still  remains  on  the  interior  surfaces.  The  walls  are  in  no  place 
more  than  five  or  six  feet  in  height.     The  buildings  are  in  a  num- 

FiG.  9.  — Sketch  plan  of  ruined  pueblos  of  Patokwa  (San  Juan  de  Jemez),  A,  and 

Astialakwa,  B. 

ber  of  groups,  as  indicated  roughly  in  the  sketch.  There  are  few 
traces  of  household  refuse  on  the  almost  naked  rock  surface  of  the 
site,  but  remnants  of  mortars  and  muUers  of  the  usual  type,  as  well 
as  of  pottery  of  several  varieties,  were  found  —  the  white  ware  with 
decorations  in  black,  of  the  ancient  type  ;  numerous  pieces  of  bowls 
and  pots  which  show  designs  in  greenish  glaze ;  plain  dark  and 
gray  cooking  pots ;  and  red  and  black  decorated  ware  of  modem 
type.  There  were  also  fragments  of  some  large  metates.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  this  village  was  built  at  the  period  of 
Spanish  encroachment  by  the  people  of  the  villages  below  as  a 
place  of  refuge  and  defense,  and  it  was  here,  according  to  historical 

204  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

accounts,  that  they  were  defeated  by  the  Spaniards  and  compelled 
to  descend  to  the  lowlands. 

When  Otermin  made  his  unsuccessful  campaign  into  New  Mexico  in 
the  fall  and  winter  of  1681,  the  Jemez  retreated  to  the  mesas.  They 
soon  returned,  however,  to  retire  again  to  the  heights,  —  possibly  upon 
the  approach  of  Don  Domingo  Gironza  Petriz  de  Cruzate  in  1688.  In 
1692  Vargas  found  them  in  a  large  pueblo  on  the  top  of  one  of  the  mesas, 
and  he  succeeded  after  long  parleyings  in  entering  their  village.  The 
people  displayed  marked  hostility,  however,  and  it  required  all  the  tact 
and  courage  of  the  Spanish  commander  to  prevent  an  outbreak  while  he 
was  there.  He  succeeded  in  conciliating  them  at  last,  as  well  as  the 
Queres  of  Santo  Domingo,  who  were  in  their  company,  and  one  hundred 
and  seventeen  children  were  baptized  on  the  spot.  The  Jemez  gave  the 
usual  promises  to  behave  well  in  the  future,  while  firmly  determined,  as 
the  sequel  proved,  to  resist  the  Spaniards  to  the  utmost.  (Bandelier, 
Final  Report,  p.  212.) 

Diego  de  Vargas  visited  the  Jemez  on  their  mesa  a  second  time,  on 
November  26,  1693. 

Vargas,  as  soon  as  he  reached  the  friendly  Pueblos  of  Santa  Ana  and 
Cia,  held  a  council  with  the  leading  men  of  both  villages,  and  then 
marched  with  his  force,  said  to  have  numbered  one  hundred  and  twenty 
Spaniards  and  some  auxiliary  natives,  for  the  mesas  above  the  San  Diego 
Cafion.  He  left  Cia  at  eight  o'clock  at  night,  on  the  23d  of  July,  and 
at  a  distance  of  four  leagues,  near  the  junction  of  the  two  streams,  divided 
his  men  into  two  bodies.  One  of  these,  consisting  of  twenty-five  Spanish 
soldiers  under  command  of  Eusebio  de  Vargas  and  the  Indian  allies,  was 
to  enter  the  gorge  of  San  Diego  and  climb  the  mesa  on  a  dizzy  trail,  so 
as  to  reach  the  rear  of  the  highest  plateau,  while  the  main  body,  led  by 
Vargas  himself,  ascended  from  the  southwest.  The  Spanish  commander 
had  ascertained  that  the  Jemez  had  evacuated  their  village  on  the  mesa, 
and  retired  to  a  still  higher  location  north  of  it.  The  operations  were 
completely  successful,  and  the  Indians  were  taken  between  two  fires ;  but 
they  offered  a  desperate  resistance.  The  total  number  killed  on  this 
occasion  amounted  to  eighty-four,  five  of  whom  perished  in  the  flames, 
and  seven  threw  themselves  down  the  cliff's  rather  than  surrender.  Vargas 
remained  on  the  mesas  until  the  8th  of  August,  removing  gradually  the 
considerable  stores  found  in  the  villages,  and  the  prisoners,  who  numbered 
three  hundred  and  sixty-one.  Then  setting  fire  to  both  villages,  he  with- 
drew to  San  Diego,  and  thence  to  Santa  F6.     During  his  stay  on  the 


mesas  he  discovered  a  third  pueblo,  recently  built  there  by  the  people  of 
Santo  Domingo,  who  had  joined  the  Jemez  tribe  upon  the  approach  of 
the  Spaniards.  That  village  is  said  to  have  been  situated  three  leagues 
farther  north,  so  that,  within  a  distance  of  about  twelve  miles  from  the 
southern  extremity,  three  pueblos  had  been  constructed  between  1688 
and  1694,  all  of  which  were  abandoned  after  the  latter  year.  (^Ibid,^ 
pp.  213-214.) 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  along  the  margins  of  the  precipice 
are  traces  of  defensive  works  built  of  stone. 

Ruins  of  Giusewa  {San  Diego  de  Jemez). — A  ruined  pueblo  of 
considerable  importance  is  situated  at  Jemez  Hot  Springs,  twelve 
miles  above  Jemez  pueblo.  At  present  the  chief  feature  of  interest 
on  this  site  is  the  ruin  of  a  Spanish  church,  with  its  heavy  walls 
and  fortress-like  tower.  It  has  been  constructed  of  materials  derived 
from  the  immediate  vicinity.  The  tower  and  upper  parts  are  of  the 
impure  friable  limestones  of  the  promontory  against  which  the 
foundations  are  built.  The  lower  end  of  the  church  and  the  walled 
enclosure  extend  down  to  the  border  of  the  arroyo,  and  the  latter 
has  been  built  of  heterogeneous  materials.  The  adobe  mortar  has 
been  made  from  the  debris  of  ancient  house  sites  and  is  full  of  frag- 
ments of  pottery,  obsidian  chips,  and  charcoal.  A  careful  examina- 
tion developed  the  fact  that  the  pottery  contained  in  the  mortar  is 
chiefly  of  the  white  ware  with  black  decorations  ;  but  there  are  also 
some  black,  slightly  polished  pieces,  and  much  plain  gray  ware. 
A  few  fragments  of  coiled  vases  were  also  found.  Sherds  of  glazed 
pottery  were  observed  in  the  vicinity,  but  none  were  included  in 
the  walls  of  the  buildings  —  and  this  is  negative  evidence,  at  least, 
that  this  ware  was  not  made  here  in  pre-Spanish  times.  Its  presence 
about  the  ruin  indicates  that  it  was  in  use,  however,  during  Spanish 

At  the  lower  end  of  the  ruin  a  road  has  been  cut  through  the 
razed  walls  of  the  ancient  village,  and  excavations  have  been  made 
by  householders  here  and  there.  In  the  course  of  this  work  many 
interesting  things  had  been  discovered,  and  some  had  been  pre- 
served by  a  local  physician,  Dr  J.  M.  Shields.  When  the  old 
houses  were  excavated  many  skeletons  were  found  scattered  about 
the  floors,  and  numerous  pieces  of  pottery,  flutes  of  bone,  and 

206  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

domestic  utensils  were  recovered.  The  pottery  in  these  houses  is 
mostly  of  the  white  variety  with  black  decorations,  the  forms  being 
of  usual  types.  An  iron  knife  occurred  in  the  same  connection. 
In  one  section  examined  I  found  all  kinds  of  pottery  to  a  depth  of 
five  feet.  This  site  has  been  so  much  disturbed  by  cultivation  and 
by  building,  in  recent  times,  that  the  outlines  of  the  old  structures 
cannot  be  traced.  Bandelier  says  that  this  pueblo  "formed  several 
hollow  quadrangles  at  least  two  stories  high.  It  contained  about 
eight  hundred  inhabitants.  The  church  is  a  solid  edifice,  the  walls 
of  which  are  erect  to  the  height  of  ten  or  fifteen  feet,  and  in  places 
nearly  eight  feet  thick.  It  is  not  as  large  as  the  one  at  Pecos,  and 
behind  it,  connected  with  the  choir  by  a  passage,  rises  an  octagonal 
tower,  manifestly  erected  for  safety  and  defense.  Nothing  is  left  of 
the  so-called  *  convent '  but  foundations.  The  eastern  houses  of  the 
pueblo  nearly  touch  the  western  walls  of  the  church,  and  from  this 
structure  the  village  and  a  portion  of  the  valley  could  be  overlooked, 
and  the  sides  of  the  mesas  easily  scanned.  Ginsewa  [Giusewa]  is 
an  historical  pueblo.  It  first  appears  under  the  name  of  Guimzique 
in  1626.  It  seems  that  it  was  abandoned  in  1622,  on  account  of 
the  persistent  hostility  of  the  Navajos,  who  had  succeeded  in  scat- 
tering the  Jemez  tribes.  In  1627  Fray  Martin  de  Arvide  obtained 
permission  from  his  superior,  the  custodian  Fray  Alonzo  de  Bena- 
vides,  to  attempt  to  gather  the  tribe  again  in  its  old  home.  The 
efforts  of  the  monk  were  successful,  and  the  Jemez  Indians  settled 
in  two  of  their  former  pueblos  — at  Ginsewa  and  at  Amoxiumqua.**^ 
Ruins  of  Afftoxiufuqua,  —  On  the  high  mesa  overlooking  Jemez 
Hot  Springs  on  the  west  are  the  remains  of  another  large  and  ancient 
pueblo,  which  is  reached  by  a  tedious  and  very  precipitous  trail. 
The  ruin,  a  sketch  plan  of  which  is  given  in  figure  10,  stands  in  an  open 
space  in  the  forest,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  brink  of  the 
canon,  and  from  its  walls  a  glimpse  can  be  had  of  the  lower  valley 
of  Jemez  creek.  It  is  larger  than  any  of  the  ruins  in  the  valley 
below,  and  appears  to  represent  two  periods  of  occupancy,  an  ancient 
or  pre-Spanish  one,  and  a  more  modem  one,  probably  of  the  Span- 
ish period,  the  later  village  having  been  built  upon  the  ruins  of  the 
earlier.      Bandelier   states^    that   Amoxiumqua   was    abandoned 

"^ Final  Report y  pp.  204-205. 
«Ibid.,  p.  208. 




previous  to  1680.  In  the  accompanying  sketch  plan  (figure  !0)the 
old  town,  which  is  a  mere  heap  of  debris  and  quite  limited  in  extent, 
isiatUcated  by  a  stippled  or  dotted  surface.  The  newer  construction 
coimsts  of  a  series  of  connected  ridges,  two  or  three  rooms  in  width 
and  from  a  few  feet  to  eight  or  ten  feet  in  height.  Some  of  the 
room  interiors  are  exposed  and  still  retain  the  coatings  of  plaster, 
and  the  ceilings  are  of  logs  with  trans- 
verse layers  of  brush  or  splinters  to  ^  -■;^ 
support  the  earthen  covering.  The 
stones  of  the  walls,  which  have  been 
derived  from  the  cliffs  in  the  vicinity, 
are  rather  even  in  size,  and  have  been 
in  cases  slightly  dressed  on  the  outer 
sur&ce.  The  length  of  the  ruin  from 
northeast  to  southwest  is  about  350 
yards,  and  the  greatest  width  is  some 
200  yards.  The  rows  of  ruined  buil- 
dings have  a  width  of  from  20  to  30 
feet.  Seven  circular  kiva-Iike  dcpres- 
soiks  are  associated  with  the  ruin. 
Six  of  these  are  approximately  20 
feet  in  diameter,  and  the  sixth,  a  part 
of  the  encircling  wall  of  which  is  in- 
tact, is  32  feet  in  diameter.  On  the  side  opposite  the  caiion  is  a 
large  depression,  1 50  feet  in  diameter  and  five  or  six  feet  deep, 
which  contains  a  pool  of  water,  and  was  undoubtedly  used  as  a 
reser\'oir.  The  potsherds  are  very  -numerous  on  this  site,  and 
cover  the  ground  for  many  hundreds  of  feet  around  the  ruin, 
extending  far  down  the  slope  into  the  timber  on  the  south  and 
west.  In  the  older  ruin  none  but  the  archaic  varieties  were  ob- 
served, and  these  predominate  over  the  entire  site.  They  include 
the  coiled  ware,  the  white  ware  with  decorations  in  black,  thin  black 
ware,  and  red  ware.  The  white  archaic  ware  comprises  nine-tenths 
of  the  fragments,  and  is  uniform  in  nearly  every  respect  w-ith  the 
prevailing  variety  of  the  San  Juan  valley.  The  more  recent  vari- 
eties include,  especially,  the  glazed  ware,  which  is  uniform  in  char- 
acter with  that  from  many  other  sites  of  the  general  region,     Metates 

10. — Sketch  plan  of  the  Tuiaed 
pueblo  of  Amoxiumqui. 

208  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

and  mullers  of  usual  form  were  observed,  and  arrowpoints  and  other 
flaked  objects  of  obsidian  and  agate  are  common.  A  few  scraper- 
like forms  were  collected. 

Ruined  pueblo  on  the  plateau  three  miles  west  of  Jemez  springs, — 
Another  ruined  pueblo  of  large  size  and  comparatively  well  preserved 
is  situated  in  an  open  space  in  the  forest  on  the  summit  of  a  spur  of 
the  plateau  overlooking  the  canon  of  the  first  northern  tributary 
of  the  west  fork  of  Jemez  creek  and  some  two  miles  west  of  the 
great  ruin  (Amoxiumqua)  overlooking  Jemez  Hot  Springs.  This 
ruin  was  seen  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  canon,  but  lack  of  time 
forbade  an  attempt  to  visit  it. 

Ruined  pueblo  /j  miles  above  Jemes  pueblo, — A  ruin  of  more 
than  usual  interest  is  situated  on  the  west  bank  of  San  Diego  creek, 
about  1 5  miles  above  Jemez  pueblo.  At  the  base  of  the  low  ter- 
race on  which  this  ruin  stands,  and  between  its  base  and  the  creek, 
the  Survey  camp  was  established.  Two  ravines  rising  close  together 
in  the  plateau,  face  to  the  west,  separate  as  they  approach  the  creek 
bed,  leaving  a  somewhat  triangular  terrace  remnant  with  gently 
sloping  surface,  on  which  the  ruin  is  situated.  This  terrace  at  the 
lower  margin  is  about  50  feet  in  height  and  1 50  yards  long,  and  is 
perhaps  100  yards  deep  to  the  base  of  the  steep  slope  on  the  west. 
The  ruin  includes  one  principal  centrally-placed  group  of  structures 
and  four  or  five  inferior  structures,  as  indicated  on  the  ground  plan 
(figure  11).  The  central  group.  A,  consists  of  two  wings  of  unequal 
length  and  from  30  to  60  feet  in  width,  connected  at  the  upper  end 
by  a  transverse  group  of  razed  chambers.  The  length  of  the  longer 
wing  is  about  320  feet,  and  of  the  other  about  1 50  feet.  The  mass 
of  debris  indicates  the  outline  of  the  buildings  with  perfect  clearness 
and  is  in  places  10  feet  in  height.  The  chambers  were  numerous 
and  irregular  in  arrangement,  but  the  state  of  the  ruin  is  such  as  to 
make  the  details  of  the  plan  difficult  to  trace.  At  the  upper  end  of 
the  intramural  space  is  a  kiva  depression  20  feet  in  diameter  and 
two  or  three  feet  deep ;  and  at  the  lower  end,  near  the  edge  of  the 
terrace  and  next  the  wall  of  the  longer  wing,  is  another  of  like 
diameter  and  about  four  feet  in  depth.  On  the  opposite  side, 
against  the  wall  of  the  shorter  wing,  is  a  stone  heap  some  10  feet 
in  diameter  and  a  few  feet  in  height.     North  of  the  longer  wing  of 




the  central  structure,  40  feet  distant,  and  extending  along  the  north- 
em  margin  of  the  terrace,  is  a  ruin,  B,  some  30  feet  wide  and  150 
feet  in  length,  and  in  places  six  feet  in  height,  presenting  characters 
in  the  main  identical  with  those  of  the  central  structure.  In  the 
space  between  the  two  clusters  is  a  third  circular  depression,  cor- 
responding in  size  with  those  previously  mentioned. 

Higher  up  the  sloping  terrace  on  the  northern  margin  is  a  small 
ruin  mass,  C,  very  much  reduced.     On  the  south,  separated  from 

the  comer  of  the  shorter  wing  of  the  main  building  by  a  space 
about  10  feet  in  width,  is  a  fourth  ruin  mass,  D,  about  40  feet  in 
width  by  120  feet  in  length,  the  lower  end  of  which  extends  well 
down  to  the  margin  of  the  terrace.  Its  features  correspond  closely 
with  those  of  the  other  structures.  South  of  this  again,  and  20 
feet  away  on  the  narrow  point  of  the  terrace,  are  the  remains  of  a 
minor  structure,  enclosing  a  kiva  depression  30  feet  in  diameter 
and  about  4  feet  in  depth  ;  and  below  this,  again,  is  another  circular 

2IO  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

depression  36  feet  in  diameter  and  five  feet  in  depth,  with  which  no 
ruins  are  connected.  Still  lower  down  and  at  the  extreme  point  of 
the  terrace,  80  feet  from  the  depression  just  described,  is  a  small 
ruin  mass  about  1 2  feet  square  and  of  no  considerable  height. 

An  interesting  feature  of  this  pueblo  is  the  occurrence  of  three 
or  four  refuse  middens,  lying  on  the  slope  of  the  terrace  near  the 
walls  of  the  buildings.  These  consist  of  blackish  earth  with  many 
impurities,  including  bones  of  animals,  fragments  of  pottery,  and 
various  implements  of  stone.  On  these  heaps  were  growing  dwar- 
fish wild  potato  plants,  the  tubers,  although  ripe,  not  being  more  than 
half  an  inch  in  diameter.  This  ruin  presents  every  appearance  of 
antiquity,  and,  so  far  as  observed,  contains  no  definite  trace  of  the 
presence  of  the  white  man.  The  fallen  roof  timbers,  which  still 
remain  among  the  debris  in  some  of  the  chambers,  had  been  cut 
with  primitive  tools.  The  pottery,  of  which  many  fragments  were 
collected,  is  varied  and  interesting,  the  several  types  apparently 
grading  one  into  the  other.  There  are  bits  of  plain  black  polished 
ware,  much  like  the  modem  domestic  black  ware  of  the  Rio  Grande 
pueblos  ;  many  fragments  of  small  bowls,  with  enlarged,  thickened, 
or  flaring  rims,  and  rude  designs  in  brown,  greenish,  and  blackish 
glaze.^  Other  specimens  have  incurved  rims  and  somewhat  red- 
dish designs ;  pieces  also  of  orange  and  red  ware  were  found,  and 
of  the  typical  white  ware  with  black  decoration,  the  bowls  being 
ornamented  both  inside  and  out.  There  are  also  handled  vessels, 
mugs  and  bowls,  the  handles  being  simple  loops  vertically  placed ; 
also  bowls  with  wide  mouths,  and  a  large  percentage  of  pots  that 
appear  to  have  been  used  over  the  fire. 

The  stone  implements  collected  include  a  black  polished  dis- 
coidal  stone,  apparently  of  hematite,  about  an  inch  in  diameter  and 
an  eighth  of  an  inch  in  thickness,  and  handsome  polished  axes  of 
mottled  actinolite  rock.  Thousands  of  flakes  of  black  obsidian 
occur  a  few  miles  farther  up  the  canon  and  on  the  slopes  of  Pelado 
mountain.  Numerous  arrowpoints  of  white  quartz  and  of  white 
and  red  agate  were  collected. 

Upper  pueblo  ruin. — About  a  mile  above  the  Survey  camp  and 
16  miles  above  Jemez  pueblo,  occupying  a  low  sloping  terrace  on 

I  This  ware  is  especially  referred  to  by  Bandelier,  Final  Report ^  p.  185. 



—Sketch  plan 

L  ncd  pueblo 

the  west  side  of  the  valley  and  30  or  40  yards  from  the  creek,  is  a 
small  pueblo  group,  of  usual  type  (figure  1 2).  It  is  about  40  feet 
above  the  creek  bed,  and  covers  a  space  some  50  yards  long  facing 
the  stream,  and  50  yards  deep  reaching  back  to  the  steeper  ground. 
The  low  crumbling  walls  of  small  irregular  stones  mdicate  a 
squarish  structure  of  numerous  rooms  including  an  open  space  or 
court,  in  which  are  two  circu- 
lar depressions,  probably  the 
remains  of  kivas.  A  third 
depression  occurs  in  the  midst 
of  the  ruined  walls  on  the 
north  side. 

The  pottery  on  this  site 
is  wholly,  or  mainly  at  least, 
of  the  archaic  varieties,  in- 
cluding the  coiled  ware  and 
the  white  ware  with  decora- 
tions in  black.  The  stone  m  C5  a 
implements  collected  include  a  grooved  ax  of  usual  Pueblo  type. 

Scattered  stone  lodges.  —  A  unique  feature  of  the  antiquities  of 
Jemez  valley  are  the  ruins  of  small  stone  houses  that  are  encoun- 
tered by  the  explorer  at  every  turn  in  the  tributary  valleys,  on  the 
steep  slopes  of  the  plateaus,  and  scattered  over  the  upper  surfaces 
of  the  wooded  tablelands.  In  the  foothills  they  are  seen  sometimes 
occupying  very  precipitous  sites,  and  in  riding  through  the  deep 
forests  of  the  uplands  they  may  be  counted  by  the  score.  They 
consist  generally  of  a  single  room,  rarely  of  two  or  more  rooms, 
and  the  dimensions  of  the  apartments  seldom  exceed  ten  or  twelve 
feet.  The  walls  are  thin  and  loosely  laid  up,  and  to-day  are  rarely 
more  than  three  or  four  feet  in  height,  the  dearth  of  debris  indicat- 
ing that  they  could  not  have  been  more  than  one  story  in  height 
at  any  time.  A  few  potsherds  of  the  white  ware  with  black  decor- 
ation are  about  all  that  could  be  found  in  the  way  of  artifacts  around 
these  structures.  The  presence  of  this  ware,  however,  is  good  evidence 
of  the  considerable  antiquity  of  the  work.  These  houses  occur  in 
considerable  numbers  in  the  valley  of  the  San  Diego  near  the  great 
bend,  twenty  miles  above  Jemez  pueblo ;   in  the  vicinity  of  the 

212  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

warm  springs  a  few  miles  above  the  bend  ;  on  the  plateau  east  of 
Jemez  springs ;  and  along  the  terrace-like  projections  of  the  west- 
em  slope  of  the  canon  wall.  The  use  of  these  small  structures 
can  only  be  surmised.  They  were  hardly  permanent  abodes  for 
families,  but  seem  rather  to  have  been  designed  for  some  temporary 
purpose,  as  lodges  for  watchers,  hunters,  herders  (if  within  the 
Spanish  period),  shrines,  or  places  of  resort  on  special  occasions 
connected  with  religious  observances.  Some  of  these  structures, 
as  well  as  the  more  important  ruins,  are  located  on  the  accompany- 
ing map  (figure  6). 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology, 
Washington,  D.  C. 



Until  quite  recently,  the  extent  of  the  area  in  northern  California 
and  southern  Oregon  formerly  occupied  by  Indians  of  the  Shasta, 
or  Sastean,  stock  has  been  regarded  as  definitely  determined.  The 
area  was  supposed  to  be  limited  to  the  region  along  Klamath  river 
from  the  mouth  of  Scott  river  up  as  far  as  Bogus  creek,  including 
the  watershed  of  the  two  largest  southern  tributaries  of  the  Klamath 
in  this  portion  of  its  course  —  the  Scott  and  Shasta  rivers.  The 
stock  was  also  supposed  to  have  extended  northward  across  the 
Siskiyou  mountains  into  Oregon,  but  how  far  this  extension  pene- 
trated beyond  the  mountains  was  rather  uncertain.  There  were  in 
addition  vague  statements  as  to  the  early  occupancy  by  the  Shasta 
of  the  extreme  upper  course  of  Salmon  river. 

In  working  with  this  stock  in  19CX),  and  again  in  1902,^  more 
definite  information  was  procured  by  the  writer  in  regard  to  the 
Oregonian  extension  of  the  stock.  It  appears  that  the  Shasta 
formerly  extended  northward  up  the  valleys  of  Cottonwood  and 
Jenny  creeks,  and  occupied  the  entire  valley  of  Stewart  river  to  its 
mouth.  From  here  they  controlled  the  area  along  Rogue  river, 
above  the  mouth  of  the  Stewart,  to  Little  Butte  creek,  as  well  as 
the  basin  of  the  latter  stream  which  heads  near  the  base  of  Mt 
Pitt.  In  addition  to  obtaining  the  above  particulars,  vague  rumors 
were  heard  of  an  earlier  extension  of  the  stock  both  to  the  south 
into  the  Sacramento-McCloud  drainage  area,  and  to  the  west 
toward  the  Salmon.  It  was  not,  however,  till  the  season  of  1903 
that,  acting  on  the  suggestions  made  by  Dr  A.  L.  Kroeber  and 
Dr  P.  E.  Goddard,  of  the  University  of  California,  who  had  been 
carrying  on  work  among  the  Hupa  and  neighboring  tribes,  I  went 
to  the  Forks  of  Salmon  in  search  of  what  Dr  Goddard  had  thought 

^  In  connection  with  the  Huntington  Expedition  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural 
History,  New  York. 


2 1 4  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

might  be  a  slightly  variant  Shasta  dialect.  This  supposed  new 
dialect  proved  on  more  careful  investigation  to  be  not  essentially  dif- 
ferent from  the  Shasta  as  spoken  on  Klamath  river,  but  a  casual 
remark  by  one  of  my  informants,  as  to  "  the  old  people's  talk," 
leading  to  further  questioning,  resulted  in  finding  that  there  had 
formerly  been  a  small  tribe  at  the  Forks  of  Salmon  whose  language 
was  distinct  from  any  in  the  vicinity.  Unfortunately  the  last  person 
known  to  have  spoken  the  language  had  died  two  years  previous 
to  my  visit,  and  for  a  time  it  appeared  hopeless  to  attempt  to 
obtain  any  material  to  determine  it  affinities.  By  good  fortune, 
however,  the  two  women  who  were  my  informants  were  able,  with 
much  difficulty,  in  the  course  of  several  days,  to  recollect  some 
seventy- five  words  and  short  phrases,  which  they  remembered  to 
have  heard  their  father  (a  mixed  blood  of  the  Shasta  and  the  local 
tribe)  use  many  years  before. 

The  tribe,  according  to  my  informants,  was  known  by  the  name 
of  Konoml'hu,  and  occupied  the  region  immediately  about  the 
Forks  of  Salmon,  extending  for  seven  miles  up  the  South  fork,  and 
five  miles  up  the  North  fork.  The  language,  as  shown  by  the 
scanty  material  obtainable,  is  in  the  main  entirely  distinct  from  that 
of  any  stock  in  the  region,  comparisons  with  Shasta,  Karok,  Chi- 
mariko,  and  Hupa  failing  to  show  any  agreement  except  in  the 
case  of  one  or  two  words,  which  are  practically  identical  with  Shasta. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  general  phonetic  character  of  the  language 
is  entirely  in  accord  with  the  Shasta,  as  well  as  is  also  what  might 
be  called  its  "  feeling."  The  two  tribes  had  apparently  very  close 
cultural  connections,  and  claimed  to  be  distantly  related.  A  possi- 
ble agreement  also  of  one  or  more  verbal  stems  seems  not  unlikely, 
so  that  for  the  present,  at  least,  it  seems  justifiable  to  regard  the  new 
language  as  probably  a  very  divergent  member  of  the  Shasta  stock. 

Further  investigations  suggested  by  this  discovery  led  to  the 
finding  of  what  seems  to  be  a  second  new  dialect  in  this  region, 
spoken  by  the  rumored  Shasta  occupants  of  the  upper  Salmon.  It 
seems  certain  that  the  upper  courses  of  the  two  forks  of  Salmon 
river  above  the  Konoml'hu  were  controlled  by  a  small  branch  of  the 
stock,  speaking  a  language  markedly  divergent  from  the  Shasta 
proper,  and  that  this  portion  of  the  stock  extended  even  over  the 


divide,  onto  the  head  of  New  river.  On  the  whole,  this  dialect  or 
language  is  much  closer  to  Shasta  proper  than  is  the  Konomi'hu, 
and  in  some  particulars  both  new  dialects  or  languages  agree  among 
themselves.  They  seem  to  be  sufficiently  unlike,  however,  to  war- 
rant their  being  considered  separate  dialects. 

Although  the  earlier  hints  of  a  greater  westward  extension  of 
the  stock  were  thus  substantiated,  no  evidence  had  yet  been  found 
of  the  rumored  Sacramento-McCloud  tribe  and  dialect.  In  1902 
and  again  in  1903  a  number  of  clues  were  followed  up,  only  to 
result  in  disappointment.  Finally,  near  the  close  of  last  season's 
work  (1904)  further  continued  search  led  to  the  finding  of  the  long 
anticipated  dialect.  From  an  old  woman,  living  on  the  upper  Sac- 
ramento, information  was  obtained  sufficient  to  show  that  a  small 
tribe  or  body  of  Indians  known  as  the  Okwa'nuchu  had  formerly 
occupied  the  head  of  Sacramento  river  down  as  far  as  Salt  creek, 
and  the  upper  portion  of  the  McCloud  as  far  down  as  Squaw  creek, 
together  with  the  valley  of  the  latter  stream.  The  language  spoken 
by  the  Okwa'nuchu,  from  the  rather  scanty  material  obtained,  shows 
clearly  that  it  is  a  dialect  of  the  Shasta,  but  like  the  New  River 
dialect,  while  a  considerable  number  of  words  are  nearly  or  quite 
identical  with  Shasta  equivalents,  there  are  a  large  number  of  forms 
which  show  no  resemblance  at  all,  either  to  Shasta  or  to  any  other 
stock  language  in  the  region.  Contrary,  however,  to  the  other  new 
dialects,  the  general  phonetic  character  of  the  Okwa'nuchu  differs 
quite  a  little  in  some  points  from  the  Shasta,  particularly  in  its  fond- 
ness for  nasals. 

The  finding  of  these  markedly  variant  Shasta  dialects  brings 
into  prominence  once  more  the  question  of  the  possible  relationship 
between  the  languages  of  the  Shasta  and  the  Achoma'wi,  or  so-called 
Pit  River  Indians.  Several  years  ago  Gatschet  suggested  such  a 
relationship  as  possible,  but  did  not  attempt,  from  lack  of  material, 
to  demonstrate  it.  From  the  Achoma'wi  linguistic  material  collected 
by  the  writer  in  1900  and  1903,  it  seems  clear  that  this  relationship 
is  to  be  regarded  as  certain,  although  the  detailed  analysis  of  the 
Achoma'wi  is  not  yet  complete.  The  first  result  of  the  investiga- 
tion, however,  is  the  discovery  that  the  Achoma'wi  is  not  the  single 
language  it  hitherto  has  been  supposed  to  be,  but  in  reality  consists 

AM.  ANTH.,  N.  S..  7-Z5 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

of  two  markedly  divergent  languages.  The  one  of  these  is  spoken 
by  the  Achoma'wi  proper,  the  other  by  the  Atsugg'wi,  or  Hat  Creek 
Indians,  who  occupy  the  valley  of  Hat  creek,  together  with  Bumey 
and  Dixie  valleys.  Of  the  words  of  the  two  vocabularies  only 
about  one-third  are  common  to  both,  if  indeed  the  proportion  is  not 
smaller,  and  many  of  these  show  considerable,  although  regular, 
phonetic  changes.  Structurally  the  two  languages  are  similar  in 
the  main,  but  differ  radically  so  far  as  regards  the  actual  prefixes  or 
suffixes  employed.  The  two  languages,  while  unquestionably  re- 
lated are  yet  strikingly  unlike. 

A  comparison  of  these  two  languages,  the  Achoma'wi  and  the 
Atsuge'wi,  with  the  Shasta  and  its  dialects,  shows  clearly  that  the 
three  are  related,  although  divergent  members  of  a  single  stock.  A 
considerable  number  of  close  lexical  correspondences  exist,  not  only 
between  the  Achoma'wi,  Atsuga'wi,  and  Shasta  proper,  but  between 
the  former  two  and  Konomi'hu,  the  New  River  dialect,  and  Okwa'- 
nuchu.  The  following  brief  table  will  illustrate  some  of  the 
more  important  of  these  agreements. 



Nkw  Rivkr. 








■        •        • 

•           •           • 



in'nux  (hair)    Wna 







•           •           • 







•           •           « 

•       •       • 



•       •       • 



•           •           • 

•       •        • 

•        •       • 


•       •       • 



•           •           • 

•       •        • 



•       ■       • 



•           ■           • 

•       •        • 

•       •        ■ 

•       •       • 




•           •           ■ 

•       •        • 

•       •        • 








•       •       • 

•       •        • 




•       •        • 

■       •       • 

•       •        • 

•        •        • 




•       «        • 

go'  ats' 






•       •        ■ 

•       •       ■ 

•          m          • 


•       •        • 



•       •        • 



■        •        • 



bear   atss^ 


au    .    .    . 


•       •        ■ 

•       •       ■ 




•       •       • 

•        •        • 




m         •          • 


•       ■       • 




•          •          • 

•       •        • 





■          •          • 

•        •        • 





•          •          • 

•        •        • 


•       •        • 


•        •        • 


•       •        • 

•       •        • 


A  preliminary  grammatical  comparison  shows  equally  impor- 
tant points  of  agreement.     For  lack  of  grammatical  material  from 




the  Konomi'hQ,  New  River,  and  Okwa'nuchu,  only  Shasta,  Atsu- 
ge'wi,  and  Achoma'wi  are  shown. 




Subjective  suffix  (nominal) 




Instrumental  "          ** 




Indep.  form  2<*  pers.  pronoun. 




Plural  pronominal  suffix. 


•        • 


Poss.  pronominal  suffix. 



m         m 

Subjective  pron.  suffix  (verbal) 




In  view,  therefore,  of  the  considerable  agreement  between  these 
different  languages,  not  only  in  vocabulary  but  in  important  gram- 
matical elements,  it  seems  justifiable  to  regard  them  all  as  members 
of  a  single  stock.  The  choice  of  a  name  for  the  new  group  is  a 
matter  of  some  difficulty,  but  on  the  whole  the  compound  term 
Shasta- Achomawi  seems  the  most  satisfactory,  as,  in  spite  of  its 
length,  it  has  the  advantage  of  exactly  describing  the  group. 

Harvard  University, 

Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 

By   D.    I.    BUSHNELL,    Jr. 

About  three  years  ago  there  came  to  light  in  Florence,  Italy, 
two  Mexican  atlatls,  true  gems  of  ancient  Aztec  art.  They  were 
fortunately  obtained  by  Professor  Mantegazza  and  are  now  pre- 
served in  the  Museo  Nazionale  d'Antropologia  ed  Etnologia  del  R. 
Istituto  di  Studi  Superiori,  in  Florence. 

The  specimens  are  probably  the  finest  existing  examples  of  the 
throwing-sticks  of  the  ancient  Mexicans.  From  the  high  degree  of 
skill  shown  in  the  design  and  execution  of  the  carving,  it  is  evident 
they  were  ceremonial  or  sacred  objects  and  not  intended  for  actual 
use.  Moreover,  the  carved  surfaces  of  both  specimens  were  origi- 
nally covered  with  a  thin  layer  of  yellow  gold,  the  greater  portion  of 
which  still  adheres,  although  on  the  higher,  more  exposed  parts  of 
the  relief,  it  has  been  rubbed  or  worn  away.  The  wood  of  which 
they  are  made  is  very  heavy,  fine-grained,  and  of  reddish  black  hue. 

In  the  following  brief  description  I  shall  refer  to  the  specimens 
as  A  and  B. 

Specimen  A  (plate  xxi)  is  the  larger  of  the  two,  the  dimen- 
sions being : 

Length 605  mm. 

{at  upper  end  37  mm. 

at  end  of  carving 30  mm. 

at  lower  end 22  mm. 

Length  of  carved  surface 355  mm. 

Length  of  hook 65  mm. 

Length  of  groove 540  mm. 

base  of  hook 7  mm. 

lower  end 5  mm. 

Width  of  groove  < 

The  decoration  on  the  back  of  this  specimen  represents  human 

figures  and  various  symbols  carved  in  low  relief,  but  distinct  and 

sharp  in  outline.     As  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  the  illustration, 




the  decoration  is  rather  uniform  and  well  balanced ;  the  larger  and 
more  prominent  figures  extend  down  the  median  line,  while  the 
lesser  are  placed  on  either  side.  In  this  respect  it  differs  essentially 
from  the  other  specimen,  as  a  comparison  of  the  plates  will  show. 

On  the  front  a  narrow  line  of  carving  extends  along  each  side  of 
the  groove,  beginning  at  the  upper  end  and  terminating  at  a  point 
opposite  the  end  of  the  carved  surface  on  the  back.  The  groove 
and  hook  are  without  decoration,  but  are  covered  with  a  layer  of 

Specimen  B  (plate  xxii)  is  the  shorter  of  the  two  and  is  the 
finest  example  of  the  ancient  Mexican  atlatl  or  spear-thrower  known 
to  exist.     Its  dimensions  are  : 

Length 575  mm. 

{at  upper  end 35  mm. 

at  end  of  carving 27  mm. 

at  lower  end 25  mm. 

Length  of  carved  surface 378  mm. 

Length  of  hook 55  mm. 

Length  of  grooves 520  mm. 

,.-.,,      -  f  at  base  of  hook 10  mm. 

Width  of  grooves  <       ,  , 

(  at  lower  end 6  mm. 

The  peculiarity  of  this  unique  specimen  is  that  it  has  two 
grooves  on  the  front  surface,  instead  of  the  single  groove,  extend- 
ing from  the  hooks  to  the  lower  end.  If  this  atlatl  was  ever  actually 
used,  which  appears  to  be  doubtful,  it  was  evidently  intended  to 

a  b 

Fig.  13. — Sections  of  the  two  atlatls  at  the  ends  of  the  carved  surfaces.     (Exact  size.) 

hurl  two  arrows  or  spears  simultaneously,  thus  increasing  its  effec- 
tiveness as  a  weapon. 

The  complicated  decoration  on  the  back,  in  which  are  introduced 
representations  of  human    figures,    various   symbols,    and   animal 

220  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

designs,  IS  carved  in  high,  bold  relief,  extending  from  3  mm.  to 
5  mm.  above  the  surface  or  background,  on  which  is  represented  a 
symbolic  design  in  very  low  relief,  the  whole  being  covered  with 
gold.  The  carving  on  the  back  is  divided  by  two  transverse  ridges 
into  three  distinct  sections  of  unequal  size.  In  each  of  the  end  sec- 
tions are  represented  two  human  figures  facing  inward.  In  the 
central  section,  which  includes  about  four-fifths  of  the  entire  carved 
surface,  the  decoration  is  more  intricate  and  confused,  and  will 
require  one  well  versed  in  Aztec  lore  to  decipher  the  various 
figures  and  symbols  portrayed. 

The  front  of  this  atlatl,  as  above  stated,  has  t^'o  grooves,  thus 
constituting  a  new  type,  of  which  this  is  the  only  known  specimen. 
The  three  ridges  between  which  extend  the  two  grooves  are  of  equal 
size,  being  about  3  mm.  high  and  4  mm.  wide  at  the  bottom.  The 
bottoms  of  the  grooves  are  flat  and  are  decorated  with  a  simple 
design  of  incised  lines.  The  decoration  begins  at  the  ends  of  the 
hooks  and  extends  as  far  as  the  end  of  the  carved  surface  on  the 
back.  The  designs  in  the  two  grooves  are  different.  The  hooks 
at  the  upper  end  of  the  grooves  are  carved  in  low  relief,  a  human 
figure,  standing  and  facing  inward,  being  represented  on  each. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  history  of  these  two  most  interest- 
ing objects  is  not  known,  but  it  is  evident  they  have  been  in  Flor- 
ence for  several  centuries.  They  probably  belonged  to  the  collec- 
tion sent  by  Cortes  to  Charles  V  of  Spain  and  by  him  presented  to 
Pope  Clement  VII,  himself  a  Medici. 

The  atlatl  in  the  Kircheriana  Museum  in  Rome  ^  is  similar  to 
the  Florence  specimens,  being  richly  carved  and  covered  with  gold. 
Possibly  the  three  belonged  at  one  time  to  the  same  collection. 
The  Italian  museums  are  certainly  fortunate  in  possessing  the  three 
most  valuable  and  interesting  examples  of  the  ancient  Mexican 
spear-thrower  known  to  exist. 

*  This  specimen  was  described,  but  not  figured,  by  Mrs  Zelia  Nuttall  in  her  paper 
**The  Atlatl  or  Spear-thrower '*  published  in  1891  by  the  Peabody  Museum  as  No.  3  of 
Vol.  I  of  its  ArcJucological  and  Ethnological  Papers.  The  dimensions  of  this  specimen, 
according  to  Mrs  Nuttall,  which  I  quote  for  comparison,  are :  Length,  558  mm.  ;  width 
of  upper  end,  37  mm.  ;  of  lower  end,  19  mm. 


A  specimen  in  the  British  Museum  ^  is  decorated  with  carving 
covered  with  gold  on  the  back  only,  the  front  being  entirely  plain. 
In  one  respect,  however,  this  is  the  most  perfect  of  the  four ;  the 
finger-loops  still  remain  bound  on  near  the  lower  end.  But  there 
is  nothing  to  indicate  that  similar  loops  were  originally  attached  to 
the  three  specimens  in  the  Italian  museums. 

The  atlatl  in  Berlin  belongs  to  a  type  different  from  those  to 
which  I  have  referred. 

1  The  late  Dr  Hjalmar  Stolpe  described  and  Bgured  this  specimen  in  colors  in 
Internationales  Archives  fUr  Ethnographies  vol.  HI,  1890,  p.  234.  The  length  of  the 
specimen  is  given  as  506  mm.  ;  width  of  upper  end,  33  mm.  ;  of  the  lower  end,  23  mm. 

Florence,  Italy, 
Aprils  igo^. 



To  the  April-June,  1904,  number  of  the  American  Anthro- 
pologist I  contributed  an  article  on  "  The  Tapehanek  Dialect  of 
Virginia/*  a  subject  which  I  had  had  under  study  for  several  years  and 
which  concerned  a  peculiar  Virginia  speech  that,  in  its  phonetics, 
was  almost  identical  with  the  dialects  of  the  Cree  group  or  division 
of  the  Algonquian  language.  In  a  notice  of  that  article,  in  the 
October-December,  1904,  number  of  this  journal,  Mr  William 
Wallace  Tooker  expresses,  in  regard  to  the  meaning  of  a  certain  num- 
ber of  the  words  mentioned  therein,  opinions  that  differ  very  widely 
from  those  which  I  hold,  and  which  I  perhaps  too  briefly  stated. 
It  seems  proper,  therefore,  that  I  should  again  go  over  as  much  of 
the  ground  as  the  space  accorded  me  will  permit,  in  order  to  explain 
more  fully  the  reasons  for  the  statements  that  I  made  and  which 
have  been  called  in  question  by  Mr  Tooker,  whose  ideas  in  regard 
to  the  manner  in  which  Algonquian  phrase-words  are  constructed 
are  extremely  novel  and  differ  very  materially  from  those  which  I 
have  gained  by  a  quarter  of  a  century's  study  of  the  dialects  of 
this  linguistic  family,  radically,  grammatically,  comparatively,  and 
especially  from  the  view  point  of  its  laws  of  letter-change,  and 
are  certainly  far  removed  from  those  of  the  ancient  framers  of  the 
language.  I  shall  state  at  the  outset  that  after  a  careful  examina- 
tion of  Mr  Tooker's  article,  which  is  remarkable,  among  other 
things,  for  the  positiveness  of  its  assertions,  unmodified  by  an 
occasional  qualification  of  *' perhaps  "  or  ''possibly,"  and  which 
call  to  mind  the  Abnaki  saying  that  nekeinat  ghclusin^  I  see  no 
reason  whatever  for  changing  a  single  one  of  the  views  of  a  philo- 
logical nature  that  were  expressed  in  my  former  article. 

Wiiiatik.  —  Mr  Tooker,  following  Dr  Trumbull,  believes  that 
this  name  stands  for  waen-ohke,  and  means  the  *  going-around 
place.*  There  are  three  objections  to  this  view,  any  one  of  which 
would  be  fatal.     In  the  first  place,  the  name  was  not  that  of  a 



promontory,  but  of  a  piece  of  land  of  which  the  southern  extremity 
terminated  in  a  low  meadow  point  on  James  river ^  ("Careless 
Point,"  as  Captain  Archer  named  it).  In  the  second,  the  prepo- 
sition waeenUf  *  round  about,'  belongs  to  the  dialects  of  Massa- 
chusetts, none  of  which  was  spoken  on  James  river.*  In  the  third, 
waeenu  ohkeit  (that  is,  ohke  with  the  \  tpositive  preposition,  as  Al- 
gonquian  grammar  requires  in  such  a  case)  means  '  round  about 
the  land,'  *  earth,'  or  'country,'  not  *  going-around  place,'  and  could 
not  be  used  as  a  name  for  a  locality.  The  place  was  doubtless 
named  from  the  presence  there  of  a  conspicuous  specimen  of  windi, 
or  sassafras,  a  tree  which  in  favorable  situations  attains  a  great 

Appamatuck,  —  By  a  slip  of  the  pen,  I  stated  that  this  name  was 
given  to  several  places  situated  in  the  vicinity  of  a  river-bend.  Al- 
though the  name  is  applicable  to  any  decided  curve  in  a  tidal  river, 
there  is  no  evidence  that  it  was  given  to  any  other  in  Virginia  than 
the  very  wide  one  which  James  river  makes  previous  to  the  influx 
of  the  Appomattox  at  City  Point.  It  was  a  locality  on  this  bend 
that  the  first  explorers  of  the  river  knew  as  the  '*  Country  of  Apa- 
matica."  This  word,  spelled  also  Apainatecohy  stands  for  Apdmd- 
Uku^  or  better,  ApdffUtiku,  and  means  *  river-bend.'  It  was  the 
designation  of  a  tract  of  land  on  which  stood  an  Indian  village  of 
the  same  name  on  the  site  (according  to  Jefferson)  of  Bermuda 
Hundred,  in  Chesterfield  county.  The  word  in  a  verbal  form  is 
dpdmitikwe,  meaning  the  *  river  makes  a  bend,'  *  turns  about,'  and 
is  cognate  with  Ojibwe  dbdmltlgweia^  in  which  the  suflftx  ia  is  that 
of  an  impersonal  verb.  The  root  dpdm^  dbdm,  *  to  turn  around,'  is 
found  in  the  dialects  of  Cree,  Ojibwe,  Abnaki,  and  Massachusetts, 
and  probably  in  those  of  all  other  Algonquian  groups.  The  suflftx 
'Ukwe  =  Nipissing  -tlkweia^  =  Ojibwe  -tlgweia^  =  Cree  -tlkweiaWy 
means  '(tidal)  river.' 

Prof.  Scheie  Devere  (Amencam'sms,  p.  63)  tells  his  readers  that 
the  name  is  "  from  Apomatox,  the  Indian  for  Tobacco-plant 
Country  "  !     Mr  Tooker,  inspired  by  a  picture  of  a  mulberry  tree. 

*  ** .  .  .  a  sharpe  point,  which  is  parte  of  Winauk  :  ** — Archer. 
'  ''The  analysis  of  a  geographical  name  must  be  sought  in  the  language  spoken  by 
the  name-givers." — Trumbull  in  ColL  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.y  11,  p.  50. 


224  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

with  an  Indian  "queen"  sitting  on  a  mat  beneath  it,  derives  the 
name  from  appu^  'he  (or  she)  sits,'  'abides,'  *  remains,'  *  rests,'  and 
'tneiuc  or  -fnatuck,  *  a  tree,'  and  imagines  that,  by  hyphenating 
these  two  words,  he  converts  the  intransitive  verb  apu  into  a  par- 
ticipial adjective  and  gives  the  compound  the  meaning  of  '  resting 
tree*!  In  support  of  his  "etymology,"  he  offers,  as  cognates, 
"Cree  apiw-mistick  (Lacombe),  appti-mistick  (Howse)."  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say  that  these  two  scholarly  men,  Pere  La- 
combe and  Mr  Howse,  never  hyphenated  these  two  words,  as 
might  seem  to  be  the  case  from  the  enumeration  of  Mr  Tooker's 
so-called  "  cognates." 

Chickahominy. — The  fact  that  the  three  last  syllables  of  this  word 
constitute  those  that  form  the  name  of  a  well-known  food  product 
has  led  to  the  erroneous  conclusion  that  the  two  words  are  in  some 
way  connected,  and  also  to  the  delusion  that  the  suffix  in  each  of 
them  stands  for  the  inseparable  substantival  -min^  meaning  '  fruit,' 
*  seed,'  or  *  grain,'  and  sometimes  used  specifically  to  designate  a 
grain  of  Indian  corn.  Such  was  the  idea  of  Professor  Devere,  who 
derived  the  name  from  the  impossible  word  checahaminend,  to 
which  he  ascribed  the  meaning  of  'land  of  much  grain.'  Mr 
Tooker  also  seeing  in  the  word  some  reference  to  Indian  com,  and 
laboring  under  the  mistaken  belief  that  it  was  the  name  of  a  people 
and  not  of  a  place,  offers  in  explanation  of  it  a  word  of  so  novel 
construction  that  I  shall  pause  for  a  moment  to  analyze  it.  This 
word,  to  which  he  attributes  the  meaning  of  *  coarse-pounded  com 
people,'  is  chick-aham-min-anough.  In  his  explanation  of  this  com- 
pound,^ he  tells  us  that  the  element  -aham  is  a  "  special  affix  or 
verb"  {sic),  which  implies  that  he  "beats  or  batters"  the  object 
viin  after  the  manner  of  the  root-word  or  prefix  chick.  In  the 
eastern  Algonquian  dialects  the  intransitive  verbal  suffix  -ham  and 
the  corresponding  transitive  -havien,  denote  forcible  action,  and, 
when  combined  with  roots  meaning  '  to  hit,'  or  '  strike,'  form  intran- 
sitive and  transitive  verbs  that  assert,  respectively,  that  the  sub- 
ject 'pounds  '  or  '  brays,'  or  'pounds  it'  or  '  brays  it'  (something 
inanimate).  Since  -ham  is  an  intransitive  suffix,  and  intransitive 
verbs  do  not  govern  objectives,  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  Mr  Tooker 

'  Algonquian  Series,  IX. 


should  select  an  object  for  his  intransitive  verb  and  why  he  should 
suffix  it  to  the  latter,  for  even  had  his  verb  a  transitive  form,  the 
object  could  not  be  affixed  to  it,  but  would  have  to  consist  of  a 
substantive  standing  apart  In  order  to  indicate  the  manner  in^ 
which  the  object  is  brayed,  he  selects  the  adjective  kiichi,  which  he 
uses  in  the  sense  of  *  coarse,'  a  meaning  which  it  could  not  possibly 
have.  This  adjective  denotes,  primarily,  superiority  or  preeminence, 
and,  when  employed  in  the  sense  of  '  large,'  or  '  great,'  signifies 
that  the  thing  qualified  is  large  or  great  as  compared  with  some 
object  of  the  same  class  or  similar  to  it.  From  its  peculiar  mean- 
ing it  could  not  be  used  as  a  root  for  a  verb  expressing  forcible 
action.  Having  abbreviated  this  adjective  to  chi^  Mr  Tooker  finds 
that  he  needs  a  ^  in  his  word  and  thereupon  boldly  affixes  this 
letter  to  the  adjective  and  thereby  forms  a  root  ^  of  entirely  different 
meaning.  Of  the  suffix  anoughy  of  the  meaning  of  which  I  have  to 
confess  my  ignorance,  Mr  Tooker  regards  the  terminal  y  in  the 
word  Chickahominy  as  a  **  softened  "  form.  It  will  be  seen  from 
this  brief  analysis  that  the  combination  under  consideration  does 
not  constitute  a  word,  but  is  simply  a  collocation  of  vowels  and 

In  the  eastern  Algonquian  dialects,  verbs  having  the  inanimate 
active  transitive  form  of  the  class  ending  in  -min  *  had  the  peculi- 
arity that  they  could  be  used  as  passive  participial  adjectives, '  and, 
from  this  sense,  could  pass  to  that  of  substantives. 

The  Indians  of  Virginia  (like  those  of  the  three  Americas,  from 
Maine  as  far  south  as  to  Peru)  made  a  very  nutritious  food  prepara- 
tion by  parching  Indian  com  and  reducing  it  to  a  fine  powder, 
which  they  called  rokihdminy  *  softened.'  This  word  is  cognate 
with  Abnaki  nuk*hdmSn,  used  as  a  designation  for  flour,  and  with 
Lenape  lok'hdfn^n,  used  as  a  name  for  bran  or  shorts.  In  Stra- 
chey's  time  (1610-13),  this  word  had  undergone  no  alteration;  but 
later  on,  it  became,  in  the  pronunciation  of  English-speaking  people, 
rockahominie  (Beverly,  1705),  rockahomine  (Lawson,  1709),  rocka- 

^  KUchikf  *  to  be  speckled,*  'spotted,*  'dappled.* 

*  This  suffix  has  been  spelled  with  all  the  short  vowels  of  the  alphabet :  -mSn^ 
mdftf  min,  mln,  mUn. 

'For  example:  Natick,  HsowitaMtin,  *he  names  it,'  iisawit&miin  (pass,  adj.) 
'named'  ;  v/HsaJkA^mtin,  *he  writes  it,*  wHsiikhilmtln  (pass,  adj.)  'written.* 

226  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

hominy  (Byrd,  1728).  Again,  the  natives  of  Virginia,  by  boiling 
the  acorns  of  the  basket  and  live  oaks  {Quercus  michauxii  and  Q. 
virens)  in  water,  extracted  therefrom  an  oil  which  they  called  mdnd- 
hdmin^  *  removed  from,'  *  skimmed  from/  In  the  pronunciation  of 
the  settlers  this  word  soon  became  fnoftohominy.  The  Virginians 
also  made  a  food  product  by  coarsely  cracking  Indian  com,  win- 
nowing away  the  chaff,  and  sifting  out  the  flour,  and,  to  it,  as  well 
as  to  the  porridge  prepared  from  it,  applied  the  name  of  usikute- 
hemin,  meaning  *  crushed  by  pounding  *  (from  //,  prosthetic  vowel ; 
siku,  a  root  meaning  *  to  crush  *  ;  /^,  a  particle  denoting  that  the 
action  expressed  in  the  root  is  done  with  a  blow  or  stroke  ;  and 
hem^n,  a  verbal  suffix  denoting,  in  the  transitive  form  of  the  verb, 
instrumental  action  upon  an  inanimate  object).  Strachey  appears 
to  have  been  acquainted  with  this  word  only  in  such  corrupted 
forms  as  tisketehamuu,  uskatahomen,  and  usketehamun.  The  Eng- 
lish colonists  soon  became  very  familiar  with  this  Indian  food  prod- 
uct, but,  finding  its  aboriginal  name  altogether  too  cumbersome  for 
current  use,  contracted  the  already  corrupted  word  to  its  verbal 
suffix,  homen,  hamun,  homin,  etc.,  and,  rounding  off  this  disjunctum 
membrum  with  a  vowel,  formed  such  terms  as  homeni,  fiamuni, 
homini,  etc.  The  very  first  mention,  in  print,  of  this  abbreviated 
word  IS  found  in  the  form  of  liomini  in  Smith's  Tn^e  Travels^  Ad- 
ventures and  Obser-cations,  p.  43  (1630).  Thus  originated  a  term 
concerning  the  source  and  meaning  of  which  there  has  been,  up  to 
the  very  present  (the  writing  of  these  lines),  more  speculation  than 
about  any  other  Indian  word  that  has  entered  the  English  language. 
A  few  miles  above  the  mouth  of  a  tributary  of  James  river  was 
situated  the  town  ^  of  a  "  lustie  and  daring  people  "  (independent  of 
Powhatan)  on  a  tract  of  land  called  Tsldkihdm^ii  ^  (or,  in  the  spell- 
ing of  the  period,  Chicohomin,  Chickahatnan,  Chickahamin),  meaning 
'  scraped,*  '  swept,'  and  implying  a  clearing.  Smith,  who  was  the 
first  to  visit  this  town  (on  the  morning  of  November  10,   1607), 

*  The  exact  location  of  this  town,  which  must  have  been  of  some  importance,  is  not 
known,  since  it  does  not  appear  on  Smith's  map  ;  but  we  know  from  the  Trttf  Relation 
that  it  was  situated  between  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  the  town  of  Manascosick,  which 
lay  at  a  point  10  or  12  miles  upstream. 

*  Thb  verb  is  found  in  every  Algonquian  dialect  from  Maine  to  Virginia.  It  is  from 
the  root  tshik  (i)  *to  scrape*  ;  (2)  *to  sweep.' 


made  its  name  known  in  the  form  of  Chickahamania,  a  spelling  in 
which  the  Latin  toponymic  suffix  -ia  was  an  addition  of  his  own, 
just  as  was  the  same  suffix  in  such  Indian  names  as  Tanxitania  and 
Shakaconia.  The  various  writers  of  the  period  changed  Smith's 
expletive  syllables  to  e,  a,  ie,  and  y^  the  latter  of  which  prevailed.* 
Thus  originated  the  name  Chickahominy,  a  word  which,  like  rocka^ 
hominy  and  monohomifiy,  has  preserved  its  root  and  taken  on  a  par- 
agogic  syllable,  while  hominy^  with  its  expletive  syllable,  is  simply 
the  corrupted  suffix  of  a  verb  which  has  suffered  the  apheresis  of 
its  root  {sikUy  *  to  crush  *). 

Pamatmkee,  —  This  was  the  general  name  for  a  tract  of  land  in 
what  is  now  King  William  county,  beginning  at  the  confluence  of 
what  are  called  the  Pamunkey  and  Mattapony  rivers,  and,  accord- 
ing to  Smith's  description,  was  characterized  by  numerous  high  hills 
composed  of  sand  —  probably  drift-sand  and  hence  sloping.  Speak- 
ing of  the  religious  observances  of  the  Powhatans,  Smith  says  that 
**  their  principall  Temple  or  place  of  superstition  is  at  Vttamussack^ 
at  [that  is,  in]  Pamaronker  Mr  Tooker,  jumping  at  the  conclusion 
that  these  words  form  a  compound,  hyphenates  them  and,  in  a 
former  essay,*  thus  proceeds  to  analyze  them  :  W,  he  tells  us, 
means  '  at,'  or  *  in.'  It  really  did  have  that  meaning  in  some  of  the 
dialects  of  Massachusetts,  to  which  the  use  of  it  was  confined,  and 
none  of  which  was  ever  spoken  on  the  Pamunkey.  Mussa^  he  says, 
means  'woods.'  The  Virginia  word  mussi  designated  a  'log'  or 
*  billet  of  wood,'  not  wood  or  woods  in  the  sense  of  a  collection  of 
trees.  To  the  terminal  -ack  Mr  Tooker  ascribes  the  meaning  of 
'  place,'  probably  having  in  view  the  word  aki^  '  land,'  *  country,' 
'earth.'  The  second  element  of  his  compound,  Pamaunkee,  Mr 
Tooker  states  to  be  a  "  form  of  a  verb  to  hide  [pamukque,  Eliot)." 

Uttamussack  (=  tdmtsack,  with  prosthetic  72),  which  Mr  Tooker 

^  The  practice  of  adding  a  syllable  to  the  suffix  of  passive  adjectives  of  this  class  was 
not  confined  to  the  people  of  the  South,  for  we  find  an  example  of  it  in  the  North.  The 
Lenape  Indians  of  New  Jersey  called  the  thin-shelled  nut  of  the  shag-bark  hickory  ( Carya 
alba) J  sikuskandamifif  meaning  *  crushed  with  the  teeth.*  Among  the  many  corruptions 
which  this  word  underwent  in  the  vicinity  of  New  York  City  was  that  of  cuskatominy. 

*  Utamussac  was  at  the  head  of  the  second  northerly  bend  of  the  Pamunkey,  west  of 
the  fork,  and  was  the  site  of  a  place  put  down  on  Jefferson's  map  as  Quinlan. 

^  Algonquian  Series ^  ix. 

228  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

has  SO  carefully  analyzed,  was  the  Virginia  name  for  a  knife/  a 
sharp  edged  piece  of  flint  or  quartzite,  generally  of  triangular  shape. 
The  word  is  an  apocopated  form  of  tdm^sdkd?t,  meaning,  literally, 
a  *  sharp-edged  cutting  utensil/  Uttamasack  was  probably  the 
name  of  an  Indian  "  workshop,"  where  these  implements  were  manu- 
factured. The  word  may  be  an  abbreviation  of  tdmHakdnikdn, 
meaning  *  place  where  knives  are  made.' 

Never  having  seen  in  Eliot's  translation  of  the  Bible,  or  in  any 
of  his  writings,  such  a  word  as  pavmkque,  meaning  '  to  hide,'  my 
curiosity  led  me  to  look  it  up.  Upon  examining  the  Natick  Dic- 
tionary^ I  found  therein  the  inanimate  passive  verbal  adjective 
assampamukquodt^  which  Eliot  uses  in  the  sense  of  *  hiding  place,' 
although  the  meaning  of  the  word  is  almost  directly  the  reverse, 
viz.,  'it  is  seen  in  a  certain  manner,'  *it  appears  so.'  *  The  word  is 
formed  from  the  adverb  of  manner,  as,  *  so,'  *  in  such  a  way,*  and 
the  inanimate  passive  adjective  (w)ompafnukquodt,  'it  is  seen.' 
Eliot  (as  well  as  Cotton)  was  in  the  habit  of  irregularly  and  unnec- 
essarily *  forming  another  adjective  from  this  class  by  rejecting  the 
termination  -at  and  substituting  e  (=  i)  therefor.  His  new  word 
in  the  present  case  was  assompamukque.  Here,  then,  we  find  the 
origin  of  Mr  Tooker's  patnukque,  which,  as  will  be  observed,  con- 
sists of  /,  the  characteristic  of  the  root  womp,  *  to  see '  or  *  be 
seen,'  and  the  formative  syllables  amukque.  To  the  above-men- 
tioned remarkable  compound  its  author  ascribes  the  meaning  of  '  a 
place  of  secrecy  in  the  woods '  ! 

As  I  have  already  stated,  pamaunkfe  (  ^pafna^'h)  means  '  slop- 
ing hill,'  or  *  rising  upland,'  from  pdm  {p^m,  plm,  pum,  according 
to  dialect),  '  sloping,'  '  slanting,'  *  oblique,'  and  -a^'ki,  '  hill,' 
'mountain,'  or  'highland';  ==  Ojibwe  -dki,  'hill'  or  'mountain,' 
in  such  words  as  nissdki,  '  at  the  bottom  of  a  hill,'  ogiddki,  '  on  a 
hill,'  awassdkiy  '  beyond  the  hill.'     The  particle  dk,  c^k,  (tg,  denot- 

1  In  Smith's  Tocabulary  we  find  ''  Pamesacks,  Kniues,"  where  the  terminal  x  is  a  sign 
of  the  English  plural,  and  the  inital  P  an  error  of  the  press  for  T,  Strachey  writes  the 
word  damassac. 

*  Blunders  of  this  kind  are  not  infrequent  in  Eliot's  writings. 

'Unnecessarily,  because  the  new  adjective  had  precisely  the  same  meaning  (that  of 
a  passive  participial  adjective)  for  the  reason  that  the  kw  (ku)  of  the  suffix  is  a  particle 
characteristic  of  the  passive  voice. 



ing  '  height  *  or  '  elevation,*  is  used  in  several  Algonquian  dialects  ; 
e.  g. :  Abnaki  pimttkke,  the  *  high  land  slopes/  pni^kd^ku^  *  sandy 
hill/  (tbagwd^ki^  *  under  shelter  of  a  hill/  nissd^lare^  '  he  goes  to 
the  bottom  of  a  hill/  usa^'kuk,  *  on  a  hill  *;  Natick  sdk(tkwdt,  a 
height  (lit.  *  it  is  very  high ') ;  Lenape  mand^gihleu  (corrupt,  to 
Monongahela),  '  it  (earth)  separates  from  (man)  the  hill  {(tfg)  and 
slides  quickly  {-i/t/fuy  an  impersonal  adjective  verb  used  substan- 
tively as  a  designation  for  a  landslide.  But  why  multiply  examples, 
when  the  meaning  of  the  word  under  consideration  is  so  clear  ? 

Wirawokomdko,  —  Mr  Tooker  says  that  this  word  is  "  easy  of 
identification"  (interpretation),  and  yet,  instead  of  at  once  interpret- 
ing it  for  himself,  goes  back  nearly  three  hundred  years  (after 
stopping  for  a  moment  with  Trumbull  in  order  to  get  the  latter's 
opinion)  and  consults  Strachey,  who  gives  him  the  information, 
which,  without  examination,  he  unhesitatingly  accepts,  that  the 
word  '*by  interpretacion  signifies  Kinge's  house."  What  little 
Strachey  knew  about  the  language  of  the  Indians  with  whom  he 
came  into  contact  was  merely  that  which  he  gained  by  ear.  He 
knew  that  the  first  two  syllables  of  the  word  under  consideration 
were  found  in  the  name  for  "king,"  and  jumped  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  shorter  word  was  incorporated  in  the  longer,  whereas  the 
only  thing  that  the  two  vocables  have  in  common  is  the  root. 
The  name  Wirowokomdko  was  applied  to  a  tract  of  land  "vpon 
salt  water,  in  bredth  two  myles"  (Smith),  and  not  to  Powhatan's 
house,  the  breadth  of  which  must  have  fallen  short  of  that  figure 
by  10,540  feet  at  the  very  least  estimate.  As  I  have  before  stated, 
wirowokomdko  means  "fertile  land."  It  is  cognate  with  Natick 
winudkomuky  which  Cotton  interprets  *fat  ground,*  and  is  from 
the  root  wiro,  =  Natick  tuinu^  =  Naskapi  welu,  =  Montagnais  weru, 
=  Prairie  Cree  weyo  (and,  in  Old  and  Modem  Lenape,  by  change 
of  characteristic,  tmrd,  wUd^  =  Old  and  Modem  Abnaki  wUol),  '  to 
be  rich,'   *  fecund,'  *  prolific,*  ^  and  (of  land)  *  fertile  *  or  '  productive.' 

The  name  for  a  native  ruler  among  the  Virginians,  variously 
written  wirbans^  weroance^  werowance,  and  wyroaunce^  means  *he 

I  It  is  in  this  sense  that  it  is  found  in  the  Natick  and  Lenape  name  for  the  grape, 
winomin  and  wilam^  *  prolific  fruit.' 

230  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

is  rich/  or,  more  accurately,  'he  lives  (or  exists)  in  affluence.*^ 
The  suffix  -ans,  -artce,  -aunce,  is  a  contraction  (due  to  the  shifting  of 
the  accent  forward  to  ^,  the  characteristic  of  the  root)  of  -^"/  *s,  for 
'(fiis,  for  -a^tisu^  =  Ojibwe  -atlsiy  =  Cree  -dtlsiu,  an  animate  ver- 
bal adjective  suffix  denoting  a  manner  of  being,  of  existence,  or 
of  behavior,  and  also  character. 

Aiiowhy  a  *  ball.* — Mr  Tooker  thinks  that  I  deserve  great  credit 
"in  a  measure,"  for  my  remarks  on  this  word,  but  that  I  did  •*  not 
go  far  enough  into  the  subject  to  show  the  exact  status  of  the  radical. 
The  word  did  not  signify  *  a  ball,'  *  a  round  thing  ' :  "  Had  I  gone 
a  little  farther  into  the  subject,  I  might  have  stated  that  the  Nas- 
kapi  (Cree)  form  of  the  root  is  tuu,  whence  the  substantive  tuudn^ 
defined  in  that  dialect  as  a  *  ball,'  '  globe,'  or  *  any  round  object.' 
Still,  I  did  not  say,  or  even  intimate,  that  the  root  means  *  to  be 

My  statement  that  the  root  is  found  in  the  formative  of  words  re- 
lating to  the  game  of  lacrosse  started  Mr  Tooker  on  a  line  of  profound 
philological  inquiry  that  led  to  a  remarkable  result.  Finding  that, 
in  Ojibwe,  the  name  for  '  ball-play  *  is  pagaadozuewin,  he  at  once 
came  to  the  conclusion,  on  the  doctrine  of  resemblances,  that  the 
"  equivalent  of  the  Powhatan  term  is  more  fully  displayed  in  the 
[Narragansett]  word  pauochdutaivwin,  *  a  Bable  [=  a  bauble]  to 
play  with.'  "  Erroneously  dividing  this  word,  he  confidently  states 
that  the  latter  is  from  pdtiochdu  *  to  play,'  and  autow,  *a  bauble.' 
Pauochdu,  however,  does  not  mean  '  to  play,*  but  'he  (or  she)  plays,' 
or  *  dances.'  Now,  it  is  quite  evident  that  if  antow  were  a  substan- 
tive, it  could  not  be  suffixed  to  a  verb,  either  intransitive  or  transi- 
tive. The  fact  of  the  matter  is  simply  this :  in  Narragansett,  -tcnv- 
win  (written  also  by  Roger  Williams  -touwin,  -teouwin,  and  -teonin) 
is  an  inanimate  active  transitive  verbal  suffix.     The  intransitive  verb 

1  The  Pequot-Mohegan  name,  also,  for  a  chief  was  wQy&wa' ghu^  *  he  is  rich  * 
(lives  in  affiuence  ;  =  Caniba  wiraiuighu). 

'  In  the  writing  of  Indian  words,  the  failure  to  note  the  sound  of  f  or  d  when  pre- 
ceded by  a  long  or  nasalized  vowel  was  a  common  practice  in  colonial  times.  Thus, 
Eliot  writes  aunchentukau  for  a^fshlmukeu  ;  puthonchtt  for  fntta'^tshu^  etc.  A  similar  eli- 
sion of  /  sometimes  occurred  in  English  words  as  written  by  some  of  the  early  visitors  to 
this  country.  Thus,  Hariot,  who  wrote  wiroans^  Smith,  werowance^  and  Strachey, 
weroanctf  respectively,  wrote  inhabitans,  inhabitaunce,  and  inhabitance  for  the  English 
word  inhabitants. 


pauochau  means,  as  above  stated,  *  he  (or  she)  plays/  or  '  dances/ 
and  the  transitive  verb  pauochduiowwin  means  '  he  (or  she)  plays 
(or  dances)  with  it ' ;  hence,  passively  (according  to  Narragansett 
grammar),  *  what  is  played  with,*  say  a  bauble,  or  '  what  is  danced 
with,*  say  some  object  held  in  the  hand.  In  like  manner  we  have 
monaskunem  (intransitive)  '  he  weeds,'  and  monaskunemautowwin 
(transitive)  *he  weeds  with  it';  hence,  passively,'  what  is  weeded 
with,'  i.  e.,  a  hoe  (not  a  bauble !). 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  that  there  is  the  same  etymological 
connection  between  the  Ojibwe  and  Narragansett  words  above  cited 
as  there  is  between  the  English  word  ball^  a  '  sphere,'  and  ball,  a 

*  dance,*  that  is  to  say,  none  whatever. 

Attaangwassuwk  (Strachey)  =  dtdl^kwusdk,  a  'star.'  —  In  com- 
menting on  this  word,  Mr  Tooker  observes  that  Mr  Gerard  believes 
it  *'to  be  a  plural  form,  but  his  mistake  is  evident  when  we  compare 
the  name  with  its  cognates,  for  the  long  {sic)  form  is  seemingly 
attaang,  *  a  star,'  +  -wassuwk  (=  Natick  wohsumuk,  *  bright'  or  '  shin- 
ing,' Lenape  zvaseleu,  '  bright '),  hence  '  a  shining  star '  or  '  he  ap- 
pears shining'"!  It  would  require  but  the  most  elementary 
knowledge  of  Algonquian  grammar  to  know  that  an  adjective  used 
attributively  cannot  be  suffixed  to  the  noun  which  it  qualifies.  To 
express  the  idea  that  a  *  star  shines  *  or  '  is  bright,'  '  shining,*  '  bril- 
liant/ or  '  sparkling,'  requires  the  use  of  a  predicative  verbal  adjec- 
tive that  affirms  or  predicates  of  the  star  that  it  has  the  property  of 
brilliancy,  brightness,  or  luminosity ;  as,  for  example,  Cree  wdsisuw 
atakw,  *  the  star  shines '  (lit.  '  is  brilliant  *  or  '  shining  *)  ;  Ojibwe 
wdsseriagoshka  andng,  *  the  star  shines '  (lit.  '  is  brilliant,'  '  bright,' 

*  shining  *). 

The  Algonquian  names  for  star  (that  is  to  say,  those  that  are 
cognates  of  the  one  under  consideration)  are  divided  into  two  classes, 
one  embracing  primitive  and  the  other  diminutive  terms — diminutive 
in  form,  but  not  necessarily  so  in  sense,  since  the  Algonquian  dimin- 
utive suffix  sometimes  denotes  regard,  endearment,  or  affection. 
The  characteristic  k  or  g  of  these  names  is  always  accompanied  with 
w,  or,  in  dialects  in  which  that  letter  is  not  pronounced,  o.  This 
letter  may  be  lost  in  the  pronunciation  of  the  simple  form  of  the 
word,  but  always  makes  its  appearance  when  the  latter  takes  a  suffix 

AM.  ANTH.,  H.  S.,  7— 16 


232  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

beginning  with  a  vowel.  In  fact,  it  is  a  part  of  the  characteristic. 
In  the  word  under  consideration  the  primitive  form  is  at(tkw ;  us  is 
a  diminutive ;  and  -ak  is  an  animate  plural  suffix. 

AtemuSy  *  dog.' —  Mr  Tooker  says  that  he  agrees  with  Trumbull, 
who  considered  the  forms  attm,  an  urn,  arum^  alum,  ayim,  etc,  as 
derivatives  from  distinct  elements,  i.  e.,  "  those  words  which  have 
the  /  in  *  certain  positions/  like  the  Powhatan  attemaus,  Cree  atim^ 
Abn.  atiiy  Pequot  ahteah,  indicate  that  the  word  is  related  to  the 
Natick  verb  adchu,  '  he  hunts,'  while  those  with  the  form  anum^ 
alum,  or  arufu  are  from  the  verb  annumau,  *  he  holds  [it]  with  his 
mouth.'  "  It  is  evident  from  these  remarks  and  others  of  like  char- 
acter made  elsewhere  in  Mr  Tooker's  article,  that  phonetics  play  no 
part  with  him  in  the  study  of  linguistics.  A  very  slight  acquain- 
tance with  the  laws  of  Algonquian  letter-changes,  most  of  which  are 
invariable,  would  show  that  the  names  for  dog  given  in  my  study 
1.  I  of  the  subject  are  cognate  words  ;  and,  moreover,  are  radical.     Dr 

jii  Trumbull  never  made  the  remarkable  statement  that  Cree  atim 

''  ■  (dim.  atimus)  and  Abnaki  atie  were  related  words  ;  but  what  he  did 

say  was  that  atie  and  its  Pequot  cognate  were  related  to  adchu,  'he 
hunts.'     There  is  no  more  etymological  connection  between  aim 
and  atie  than  there  is  between  the  English  words  hound  and  hunt^ 
rj  I  or  ear  and  hear,  or  between  Cree  atim,  =  Ojibwe  aniin  *=  Caniba 

arem  (primitive  form),  *  dog,'  and  Cree  atim,  =  Ojibwe  anim,  =■ 
i'  Caniba  arem, '  to  turn  the  back  upon.'     In  explanation  of  the  Massa- 

(!  chusetts  word  anum,  Dr  Trumbull  suggested  the  transitive  verb 

i: .  annumaii,  to  which  he  ascribed  the  meaning  of  *  he  holds  it  (some 

j,  animate  object)  with  the  mouth.'     There  are  several  objections  to 

this  view  :  (i)  the  word  used  by  Trumbull  in  this  sense  really  means, 
as  Eliot  employs  it,  *  he  helps  him';  (2)  active  transitive  verbs 
are  never  used  by  the  Algonquians  in  the  nomenclature  of  animals; 
(3)  Natick  afium  and  its  cognates  are  radical  words,  the  character- 
istic of  which  is  accompanied  with  zu  (or  0  in  some  western  and 
northern  dialects)  which,  although  it  may  be  lost  in  pronunciation, 
always  makes  its  appearance  when  the  word  takes  a  suffix  begin- 
ning with  a  vowel  (a  diminutive  or  plural).^ 

1  Speaking  of  the  sound  of  this  letter,  which,  when  it  accompanies  the  characteristic 
of  a  root,  of\en  distinguishes  from  each  other  roots  and  radical  words  of  an  otherwise 



Mr  Tooker  remarks  that  Mr  Gerard  writes  :  "Another  Lenape 
word  for  dog  ...  is  mowekaneu}  *  he  eats  bones.'  "  **0n  the  con- 
trary," confidently  asserts  the  commentator,  "  the  word  signifies  '  he 
cries  or  howls  in  the  dark  '  *'  !  In  support  of  this  extraordinary  ety- 
mology, the  only  explanation  that  he  offers  is  the  mere  mention  of 
the  Natick  verb  mail,  *  he  cries,*  *  weeps/  As  to  how  such  a  verb 
could  take  a  suffix  kaneu  to  give  it  the  meaning  of  '  he  cries  in  the 
dark,*  we,  like  the  dog  during  his  weeping,  are  all  **  in  the  dark." 
I  do  not  think  it  probable  that  it  ever  occurred  to  an  Algonquian  to 
speak  of  the  weeping  of  a  dog.  The  Algonquian  verb  meaning  '  he 
howls '  is  onomatopoetic,  and,  in  one  of  its  forms,  resembles  the 
English  word :  Naskapi  (Cree)  ///«,  =  Natick  unu^  =  Ojibwe  ono^ 
=  Prairie  Cree  oyuw,  etc.  (compare  Latin  ululat,  '  he  howls,*  Greek 
lilao),  '  he  howls,*  and  German  er  heult,  '  he  howls  *). 

It  is  perhaps  known  to  every  student  of  Algonquian  (if  it  is  not, 
it  ought  to  be )  that  one  of  the  commonest  methods  of  forming  verbs 
is  by  the  incorporation  of  substantives  or  of  semi-radicals  represent- 
ing substantives.  Moweu  means  '  he  (or  she)  eats  animate  food,'  or 
food  which  is  classed  among  animate  objects.  In  Lenape,  by  incor- 
porating kan^  '  bone,*  we  have  mawekdneu,  *  he  eats  bones  * ;  in 
Caniba,  by  incorporating  the  semi-radical  -(triaghw^  meaning 
'  snow,*  we  have  inowct' riaghwe ,  *  he  eats  snow  * ;  in  Cree,  by  in- 
corporating kuity '  snow,*  taken  as  animate,  we  have  mowdkuneu^  '  he 
eats  snow  *  ;  in  Narragansett,  by  incorporating  the  word  diiokw, 
*  deer,'  we  have  modttokweUy  *  he  eats  deer,*  and,  by  changing  the 
intransitive  to  a  verbal  adjective  suffix,  we  have  moattbkwus,  '  deer- 
eater,*  a  name  for  the  black  wolf,  called  also  deer-wolf."  All  this  is 
simple,  and  of  so  very  elementary  a  character  that  it  did  not  occur 
to  me  to  furnish  an  analysis  of  the  word  mowekdneu  in  my  article.* 

identical  form,  but  of  very]  different  meaning,  Dr  A.  S.  Gatschet,  in  speaking  of  the 
Abnakis,  says  :  **The  Indians  who  are  in  daily  intercourse  with  white  people  are  apt  to- 
lose  this  queer  sound  [something  like  hu  in  the  French  word  //«iV]  altogether  from  their 
colloquial  language,  but  the  more  aboriginal  an  Indian  remains  the  more  frequently  it 
will  be  heard  when  he  converses  in  his  vernacular." 

1  This  word  is  written  phonetically  vioekaneu  by  Zeisberger,  but  more  correctly  as 
above  by  Cummings,  in  Schoolcraft's  **  Indian  Tribes." 

*'* These  .  .  .  are  called  Z>r<rr  Wolfsy  because  they  are  accustomed  to  prey  upon 
Deer.'''* — Josselyn,  New  Englands  Rarities,  p.  15. 

'To  those  who  are  entering  on  the  study  of  Algonquian,  or  to  those  who  have 

234  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Cuttoundj ^  ktihtju,  —  This,  positively  states  Mr  Tookcr,  "like 
many  of  the  sounds  uttered  by  animals  ...  is  of  onomatopoetic 
origin;  hence  to  attribute  its  derivation  to  a  verb  signifying  'to 
make  a  noise/  or  *  to  speak,'  is  a  mistake,  and  to  make  cawcawwas- 
sough,  *a  captain,'  .  .  .  a  derivative  from  *  bark  of  a  dog*  is  equally 
erroneous."  It  is  equally  erroneous  to  impute  to  me  any  such 
puerile  statements  as  those  just  mentioned.  All  that  I  said  was 
that  kiitu^ju  was  a  doublet  of  karusu,  a  statement  which  would  be 
as  incomprehensible  to  a  person  who  was  not  thoroughly  familiar 
with  the  primitive  and  derivative  meaning  of  Algonquian  roots,^  and 
with  the  regular  letter  changes  which  they  undergo  in  passing  from 
one  group  of  dialects  to  another,  as  would  be,  for  example,  to  a 
person  ignorant  of  "  Grimm's  law,"  the  statement  that  the  two 
English  words  glory  and  slave,  of  so  dissimilar  appearance,  are 
cognates.  KuHTju  is  not  an  onomatopoetic  word  for  the  simple 
reason  that  it  is  not  from  an  onomatopoetic  root.  Its  root  is  kutti, 
=  Cree  kltu  or  klto,  and  this,  by  regular  letter  change,  ==  the  roots  : 
Virginia  karu,  =  Peoria  karo,  =  Ojibwe  g'dno,  =  Natick  ki^nu,  = 
Caniba  kiru,  =  Penobscot  kelu,  etc.  In  order  to  make  it  plain  how 
it  comes  about  that  kiitu^ju  and  kdrtisu  are  precisely  the  same  word 
in  a  different  dialectic  dress  would  require  the  use  of  more  space 

never  been  able  to  grasp  the  principles  of  Algonquian  word-building,  which  are  invari- 
able, very  simple,  and  easily  understood,  I  would  recommend  the  study  of  a  very 
scholarly  paper  on  Some  Principles  of  Algonquian  Word-formation  contributed  by  Dr 
William  Jones  to  No.  3,  vol.  vi,  of  this  journal. 

1  Had  Mr  Tooker  a  more  accurate  acquaintance  with  this  very  important  subject,  he 
would  have  refrained  from  making  the  rash  statement  (p.  685)  that  there  is  no  Abnaki 
root  kal,  'fine,*  'beautiful,'  'good,*  He  will  find  it  in  Passamaquoddy  and  Penobscot 
if  he  looks  for  it.  I  am  somewhat  doubtful  (on  account  of  the  vowel)  as  to  whether  the 
Lenape  root  kor,  kol,  '  fine  *  (as  in  korapeichen,,  *  fine  stream  * )  has  any  connection  ex- 
cept that  of  sense.  But  we  find  kalawil^  'beautiful  head,*  in  the  IValum  Olum.  Again, 
for  the  same  reason,  Mr  Tooker  would  not  have  been  quite  so  positive  in  his  assertion 
(p.  686)  about  the  Cree  root  tQp.  There  are  just  four  Algonquian  roots  of  this  form, 
differing  in  their  initial  letter  according  to  dialect.  One  means  *  to  alternate,'  'recipro- 
cate,* etc.;  another  'to  suspend'  or  'be  suspended  from';  a  third  'to  string'  or  'to 
thread*;  and  a  fourth  'to  fix  one  thing  to  the  end  of  another.'  To  each  of  these  roots 
corresponds  a  Cree  root  t&p.  The  Ojibwe  and  Cree  adverbs  nhiQb  and  eydbitch^  'again,' 
mentioned  by  Mr  Tooker,  have,  of  course,  no  connection  whatever  with  these  roots.  The 
"fictitious  root"!  (p.  686),  Niantic  and  Pequot-Mohegan  ^'rt"/  is  found  in  the  word 
ya^pihSnik,  Dr  Trumbull  was  the  first  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  y  consonant 
in  these  dialects  corresponds  (as  in  Prairie  Cree)  to  the  r  and  /  of  other  dialects. 


than  I  could  reasonably  ask  for,  since  questions  of  grammar  as  well 
as  of  phonetics  are  involved. 

Captain  Smith,  in  his  True  Relation^  states  that  the  Chicka- 
hominies  were  governed  by  their  priests  assisted  by  their  cawcaw- 
wassoughes.  This  word  is  an  error  of  the  press  for  cawcawrrussough^ 
=  kdkarusu  (**  cockarouse  *'),  *  he  speaks  at  some  length,'  '  he 
expatiates,'  iterative  form  of  kdriisu,  *he  speaks,'  'talks.'  This 
was  originally  the  name  of  an  adviser  —  one  who  gave  his  views 
(usually  in  the  form  of  a  harangue,  among  the  Indians),  when,  at  a 
council  held  by  the  wirdancCy  affairs  of  **  state  "  were  under  discus- 
sion. In  course  of  time,  the  name  lost  its  connotive  character  and 
became  simply  denotive  of  a  good  hunter  or  of  a  man  who  was 
noted  for  performing  brave  or  daring  deeds.^  In  the  early  history 
of  Virginia  (i8th  century),  the  name  *'  cockarouse  "  was  adopted  in 
English  as  a  term  for  a  person  of  consequence.^ 

It  was  upon  the  above-mentioned  misspelled  word  that  Dr 
Trumbull  (who  curiously  did  not  observe  the  typographical  blunder) 
based  his  word  caucaudsu,  to  which  he  ascribed  the  meaning  of '  he 
incites,'  *  encourages,'  etc.,  and  which  he  offered  as  the  origin  of 
the  English  word  "  caucus."  The  root  from  which  Trumbull's  word 
was  formed,  I  have  never  been  able  to  find. 

Cutsenepo  =  crenepo,  *  woman.' —  Had  Mr  Tooker  more  carefully 
read  what  I  had  to  say  about  these  words,  and  had  taken  the  pains  to 
study  them,  and  had  adopted  the  caution  of  Trumbull,  who  was  never 
too  proud  to  say  "  I  do  not  know,"  it  would  have  saved  him  much 
trouble  and  prevented  him  from  putting  into  print  some  very  remark- 
able crudities.  I  stated  very  plainly  that  the  two  words  above  cited 
were  nicknames,  which  is  quite  a  different  thing  from  saying  that 
they  were  names  for  woman  {fnulier).  We  know  very  well  that 
the  Virginians,  like  all  other  Algonquians,  had  a  name  for  woman, 
properly  so  called,  and  that  it  was  apparently  Iskweu  or  dskweu,  and, 
when  suffixed  to  the  personal  name  of  a  female,  was  apocopated  to 
'Iske,     Proceeding  upon  the  assumption  that  crenepo  was  really  the 

*  *'  Thus  a  Fish  finding  it  self  intangled,  wou'd  flounce  and  often  pull  him  under  Water, 
and  then  that  Man  was  counted  a  Cockarouse,  or  brave  fellow  that  wou'd  not  let  go." — 
Beverly,  Hist,  of  Virginia,  Book  ir,  p.  33  (1705). 

•**Cockerouse  is  a  Man  of  Quality." — Cooke,  The  Sot-weed  Factor,  p.  15  (1708). 

236  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Virginia  name  for  woman  {tnulier),  Mr  Tooker  is  led  into  some  very 
curious  speculations  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  word,  which  becomes 
so  obvious  after  the  root  is  known,  as  to  need  not  a  particle  of 
guesswork ;  and,  in  fact,  to  use  Mr  Tooker's  words,  **  is  compara- 
tively simple."  Oblivious  to  the  fact  that  the  word  has  an  initial  c, 
and  that  in  the  analysis  of  an  Algonquian  word  it  is  absolutely  nec- 
essary that  every  letter  and  every  syllable  shall  be  accounted  for, 
Mr  Tooker  says  that  crenepo  **  is  surely  [!]  the  Lenape  (New  Swe- 
den, Campanius)  renappi  \j=rinapc\  'man';  Abnaki  arenanbe 
[==  drina^'be']  ' homme.' '*  " Strachey's  cuchenepo  or  cutsenepo**  he 
proceeds  to  state,  "has  the  same  suffix,  ncpo  (=  Natick  neepoh,  *he 
stands  erect  *),  a  generic  for  man  occurring  in  all  Algonquian  dia- 
lects "  !  This  is  astounding.  In  what  Algonquian  dialect  or  dia- 
lects, I  would  ask,  does  neepOy  either  disjunctively  or  as  a  suffix, 
mean  '  man.'  Is  it  possible  that  Mr  Tooker  supposes  that,  in  the 
Lenape  and  Abnaki  words  which  he  cites,  there  is  a  nappi  and 
nanbe  meaning  *  man '  ?  The  suffix  -dpi  and  -a^be  in  these  words 
is  generic  for  'man,'  but  the  prefix  rCn  and  drCn  means  'true,' 
'  genuine,'  '  natural.' 

Coming  back  to  crenepo,  the  word  is,  as  I  have  already  ex- 
plained, from  the  dissyllabic  root  kiri^'  n  (contracted  to  krin^  owing 
to  the  short  vowel  of  the  first  syllable  and  the  accentuation  of  the 
second),  *  to  carry,'  =  Lenape  giWti  (old  Lenape  giri'n),  =  Penob- 
scot ghiU^n,  =  Natick  k^nuhiy  =  Pequot-Mohegan  ktnu'n ;  with 
the  intransitive  verbal  suffix  -pen,  denoting,  in  this  form,  in  nearly 
all  Algonquian  dialects,  action  with,  by,  in,  or  upon  water.  The 
contraction  of  the  suffix  to  po  was  doubtless  due  to  the  Indians 
themselves,  and  not  to  the  whites,  since  Rev.  Mr  Anthony  (a  full- 
blood  Delaware  Indian)  states  that  the  Minsis  also  pronounce  the 
syllables  -eu  of  verbal  suffixes  as  long  0,  To  repeat  my  former 
statement,  which  no  one  with  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  princi- 
ples of  Algonquian  word-formation,  and  the  elements  of  the  word 
before  him,  would,  for  a  moment,  venture  to  question,  the  word 
means  '  she  carries  water.'  Such  a  word,  as  a  nickname,  was  not 
ill-chosen,  since  in  a  warm  climate  like  that  of  Vii^nia,  where  a 
considerable  quantity  of  water  must  have  been  needed  to  allay  the 
thirst  induced  by  heat,  in  addition  to  that  required  for  culinary  and 


Other  domestic  purposes,  and  where  gourds  were  employed  in  lieu 
of  pails  and  pitchers,  the  woman  must  have  been  observed  many 
times  during  the  day  going  to  and  coming  from  the  water  source. 

This  was  one  of  the  things  that  attracted  the  attention  of  John 
White  (artist  of  Raleigh's  second  expedition  to  Virginia  in  1585), 
who  devotes  one  of  the  plates  illustrating  de  Bry's  edition  of 
Hariot's  New  found  land  of  Virginia  to  a  woman  in  her  role  of 
water-carrier,  and  who  is  represented  in  the  act  of  coming  from  a 
body  of  water  in  the  background  and  carrying  in  her  left  hand  a 
gourd  which  the  artist  states  is  "filled  with  sweet  liquid,"  that  is, 
fresh  water. 

The  word  cutsenepo  (=  kuU'n^po,  with  an  assibilated  /)  is  a  cog- 
nate of  crenepOf  although  Mr  Tooker  prefers  to  go  north  and  derive 
it  from  the  Narragansett  kutchinnu,  a  '  middle-aged  man,'  *  +  neepoh, 
'  he  stands ' !  Aside  from  the  fact  that  no  Algonquian  dialect  is  so 
poverty-stricken  as  to  necessitate  the  transfer  of  the  name  for  a 
middle-aged  man  to  a  woman,*  and  to  the  fact  that  the  Virginians 
knew  nothing  about  the  Narragansett  dialect,  no  compound  word 
can  be  formed  in  Algonquian  by  combining  a  substantive  with  the 
verb  with  which  it  agrees.  The  two  words  must  stand  separate 
and  apart  as  in  English.^  That  is  a  question  of  grammar  of  so  ele- 
mentary a  character  that  it  ought  not  to  be  necessary  for  me  to 
direct  attention  to  it. 

Hickory,  —  Mr  Tooker  states  that  the  derivation  of  this  word 
*'  has  long  been  known.**  "  Long  **  is  not  precisely  the  correct  word 
to  use,  since  it  was  but  nine  years  ago  that  I  made  the  history  and 
meaning  of  the  word  known,  for  the  first  time,  in  a  journal  now  out 
of  print*  Since  this  publication  was  not  devoted  to  linguistics,  I 
simply  gave  the  etymology  of  the  word,  which  I  now  embrace  the 

"^  Kutchinnuy  *  superior  man,'  i.  e.,  superior  by  reason  of  age. 

'  The  name  for  an  elderly  or  old  woman,  corresponding  to  kutchinnu,  was  kut- 
chisquOf  'superior  woman.' 

'Mr  Tooker  need  not  have  gone  outside  of  Strachey's  vocabulary  for  a  word  resem- 
bling cutsenepOy  since  he  might  have  found  therein  the  word  cushenepOy  *he  (or  she) 
has  finished  sleeping.'  It  is  found  in  the  phrase  mummascushenepo  {=  ni  mas  cush- 
fnepo)j  *  I  have  been  asleep.' 

*  Garden  and  Forest^  IX,  p.  263  (1896).  See  also  the  Athenaum^  No.  3591 
(1896),  in  which  the  article  is  quoted  by  Prof.  Walter  W.  Skeat  of  Cambridge  Univer- 

238  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

opportunity  of  explaining  from  the  view  point  of  grammar.  Pdkd- 
lukdre,  meaning  *it  is  brayed/  is  an  inanimate  passive  adjective 
(which,  like  all  Algonquian  impersonal  verbal  adjectives,  can  be 
used  substantively,  as  it  is  in  the  present  case)  of  which  the  ani- 
mate or  personal  form  is  pdkdhikdsu.  Adjectives  of  this  class  are 
formed  from  the  inanimate  indefinite  of  active  verbs  (in  the  present 
case  pdkdhikeu^  *  he  (or  she)  brays,'  something  inanimate  under- 
stood) by  the  addition  of  the  suffix  -drc  (Powhatan),^  -ddc  (Ojibwe), 
'die  (Nipissing),  -dteii  (Cree),  for  the  inanimate  passive  adjective,  and 
of  'dsu^  =  'dso  (Ojibwe  and  Nipissing),  -dstnu  (Cree)  for  the  animate 
or  personal  form. 

It  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  I  did  not  enter  into  the  above 
grammatical  details  that  Mr  Tooker  thought  that  there  might  be 
some  "  conjecture,*'  something  **  quite  erroneous"  about  it,  and  so, 
after  making  a  philological  foray  upon  Massachusetts  and  Lenape 
dictionaries,  obtains  material  for  two  different  combinations  in  ex- 
planation of  the  Virginia  word,  which  is  practically  self-explanatory. 
These  are  "Natick  poqua-hogkSnie  [and]  Lenape  poqui-hackeney^'' 
to  which  are  ascribed  the  meaning  of '  (that  which  is)  made  from 
broken  or  pounded  shells '  !  These  two  productions  are  perhaps 
offered  merely  tentatively  with  the  privilege  of  withdrawal  in 
the  future,  should  they  not  strike  the  fancy  of  philologists.  The 
first  of  these  remarkable  vocables  is  composed  of  the  root  pokw, 
*  to  break,'  and  hogkSnie,  '  made  of  skins  '  (see  Naiick  Dictionary, 
p.  103)  and  the  second  of  the  same  root  and  the  Lenape  word 
hakcy  (with  an  epenthetic  ;/),  the  human  or  animal  '  body.' 

Tapahanackc  —  Rapahanocke  (Smith).  —  Before  attempting  to  in- 
terpret these  names,  Mr  Tooker  favors  us  with  the  admission  that 
they  are  dialectic  forms  of  the  same  word.  Precisely,  and  it  was  this 
very  fact,  which  had  never  before  been  suspected,  that  it  was  one  of 
the  objects  of  my  former  article  to  point  out  and  prove  by  a  presen- 
tation of  the  few  remaining  fragments  of  the  speech  of  a  Virginia 

I  While  in«kin|{  «  copy  of  my  forinvr  article  for  the  press,  I  accidently  omitted  a 
couple  of  liiimorthr  f(Kit  tuitc*  on  {MiKr  317.  which  stated  thnt  the  /in  a  few  suffixes  ending 
la  the  lettrrii  -f/r.  tt%  iru,  did  not  undrrK«>  the  change  of  that  letter  to  r,  but  that  a  curious 

ption  lo  ihli  rule  (mil  rule  5  of  the  text)  was  found  in  the  word  pakahik&ri.  The 
••  WCfptioti "  In  thi»  CAir  really  *<  provi-M  the  rule  "  (rule  5  of  the  text). 


people  who  could  not  pronounce  the  letter  r ;  but,  in  his  attempt  to 
explain  the  origin  and  meaning  of  these  words,  Mr  Tooker  is  obliged 
to  take  considerable  liberty  with  historical  facts  in  order  to  adapt 
them  to  his  etymologies.  To  explain  the  name  Rapahanock,  a 
Lenape  word  of  which  the  meaning  is  obvious,  and  which  was  dupli- 
cated in  the  name  of  a  river  on  the  east  side  of  Chesapeake  bay, 
Mr  Tooker  prefers  to  relegate  this  to  the  background  for  the 
moment  and  to  devote  his  entire  attention  to  its  doublet.  This,  he 
told  us  in  a  former  essay,^  stood  for  Toppahanough,  meaning,  as  he 
said,  *  encampment  people.*  Such  a  view  was,  of  course,  unten- 
able, for  the  simple  reason  that  there  is  no  Algonquian  root  top 
meaning  '  to  encamp/  and  no  word  anmigh,  meaning  *  people,*  and 
even  if  there  were  such  a  word,  it  could  not  be  suffixed  directly  to 
a  verbal  root.  Since  putting  this  etymology  on  record,  its  author 
has  changed  his  opinion,  and  would  now  account  for  the  name  by 
the  syllabic  combination  toppa-dn-ock,  meaning,  as  he  thinks,  *  the 
country  of  exceeding  plenty,'  and  which  he  analyzes  thus :  toppa^ 
'enough*  'sufficient,'  'plenty,'  +  the  verbal  root  an,  'more  than,' 
'exceeding,'  'surpassing,'  +  ock,  'country,'  'land.'  To  such  a 
"  word,"  were  it  permissible  so  to  call  it,  several  serious  objections 
may  be  urged,  any  one  of  which  would  prove  its  undoing.  In  the 
first  place,  the  Algonquian  root  meaning  *  enough,'  '  plenty,'  is  tip, 
teb,  deb  (French  close  c)^  and  not  top^  which  is  a  radical  of  very 
different  meaning.  In  the  second  place,  there  is  no  Algonquian  root 
^//,  meaning  ' to  exceed,'  'surpass,'  or  'excel,'  and,  even  if  there 
were,  it  could  not  occupy  the  secondary  position  accorded  to  it  by 
Mr  Tooker  in  the  combination  which  he  offers,  since  Algonquian 
words  are  not  constructed  through  an  assemblage  of  primordial 
radicals.  The  root  meaning  'to  excel,'  'surpass,*  'exceed,'  'go 
beyond,'  is  a  dissyllabic  one  having  the  form  of:  Natick,  Mohegan, 
and  Ojibwe  dniu  =  Lenape  dlbti,  =  Quiripi  drbu,  =  Prairie  Cree 
dyiu,  =  Wood  Cree  dihiu,  etc.  No  dissyllabic  radical,  of  course, 
can  be  split  in  two.     The  root :  Natick  and  Narragansett  dn  =  old 

'  Algonquian  Series,  IX. 

*  Tdb  in  Narragansett,  and  /<?/  in  Mohegan,  which  changes  ^,  3,  and  t2  to  ^  ;  but 
these  two  dialects  were  foreign  to  Virginia. 

'7<7/,  *  to  be  immature '  ;  (of  com)  *  to  be  in  the  milk.' 

240  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

and  modern  Lenape,  and  old  and  modem  Abnaki  ^r,  a/,  =  Cree 
aty  means  *to  be  or  to  become  rotten,'  'putrescent,*  'corrupt*  In 
the  Natick  Dictionary  {^.  9),  this  monosyllabic  root  is  confounded 
with  the  dissyllabic  one  above  mentioned.  The  termination  -ock, 
*  country,*  '  land,*  in  Mr  Tooker*s  combination  presumably  stands 
for  -aki,  and  this  would  have  given  the  original  word  the  form  of 
Tapahanaki,  The  root  tep  under  no  circumstances  (except  through 
a  typographical  blunder  in  print)  could  become  rep,  and  so,  of 
course,  there  could  be  no  such  word  ^srepahanock ;  and  tapahanock 
and  rapahanock  could  not  be  cognates,  as  Mr  Tooker  admits  that 
they  are. 

Since  I  have  discussed  this  subject  with  sufficient  thoroughness 
and  given  the  meaning  of  the  words  in  my  former  article,  I  shall 
not  occupy  space  with  a  reiteration  of  the  statements  contained 
therein.  Under  the  same  root  with  these  two  stream-names,  I 
placed  tapantaniy  the  Tapahanek  name  for  deer,  and  its  doublet 
rapantdm,  meaning  '  he  chews  again,'  *  once  more.*  Mr  Tooker 
confidently  asserts  that  "these  two  words  have  quite  a  different 
meaning,  for  the  termination  -antam  ...  is  a  characteristic  forma- 
tive expressing  a  disposition  of  the  mind  [!]  and  was  of  common 
use  both  in  Powhatan  and  Natick."  "In  the  Powhatan  it  occurs 
also  in  tsepaantamen,  '  to  kiss,'  i.  e., '  to  be  separately-minded '  [!]  ; 
.  .  .  naajitam,  'a  wolf,'  .  .  .  i.  e.,  'he  grieves,'  'he  is  sorrow- 
minded,'  referring  to  his  '  mournful  howling '  ;  hence  uttapaantam 
and  rapaantam,  when  applied  to  deer  and  to  venison,  indicated  food 
that  '  enough-minded,'  i.  e.,  '  satisfied '  or  '  contented  them,'  and 
not  that  which  '  he  chews  once  again '  "  !  To  use  one  of  Mr 
Tooker's  phrases,  all  this  "presents  some  curious  ideas  in  specu- 
lative analysis."     -    . 

In  the  dialects  of  the  Algonquian  language,  the  action  of  the 
mind  is  expressed  in  verbs  by  a  particle  placed  before  an  animate 
and  an  inanimate  suffix,  which  has  precisely  the  same  form  as  that 
which  denotes  the  action  of  the  mouth,  but  which,  of  course,  has  a 
different  meaning.  In  the  N-dialects  this  particle  is  e?t,^  in  the 
R-dialects  rr,  in  the  L-dialects  el,  in  Prairie  Cree  ey,  and  in  Wood 

1  Eliot  writes  this  particle  an,  the  acute  accent  denoting  that  the  vowel  has  its  long 
English  sound.     In  Narragansett  and  Mohegan  it  is  -dn,  and  in  Fox  -an. 


Crce  eih.  Since  what  is  called  **  Powhatan  "  was  an  R-dialect,  it  is 
obvious  that  a  word  meaning  *he  is  enough-minded/  'satisfied/ 
would  have  had  the  form  of  teper^fiddm,  not  that  of  tepdntdniy  in 
which  the  suffix  -^ntdtn  denotes  the  action  of  the  mouth  on  an 
inanimate  object  (understood,  since  the  suffix  is  intransitive).  As 
there  could  be  no  root  rep  corresponding  to  tep^  it  follows  that 
there  could  be  no  word  reperi^nddm^  and,  according  to  Mr  Tooker's 
fanciful  etymology,  there  could,  therefore,  have  been  but  one  name 
for  the  deer,  whereas  we  know  that  there  were  two,  and  that  these 
were  doublets. 

The  same  confusion  of  ideas  in  regard  to  verbal  suffixes  leads 
Mr  Tooker  to  assign  to  the  word  tsepaantamen,  *  to  kiss,'  the  mean- 
ing of '  to  be  separately-minded,'  although  it  is  supposable  that  two 
persons  who  indulge  in  the  act  of  osculation  have  one  mind  in 
common,  and,  for  the  time  being,  at  least,  "  two  hearts  that  beat  as 
one."  Algonquian  verbs  expressing  the  act  of  kissing  are  formed 
with  suffixes  denoting  the  action  of  the  mouth,  not  of  the  mind. 
The  Virginia  word  cited  above  means  '  he  (or  she)  parts  the  mouth 
on  it '  (some  inanimate  object).  The  animate  transitive  form  would 
have  been  tsepamawdr,  *  she  parts  the  mouth  on  him,'  or  *  he  parts 
the  mouth  on  her.'  In  naantam,  the  name  for  wolf,  we  have  still 
another  suffix,^  which  denotes  this  time  the  action  of  the  ear. 
Ndntdm  =  Ojibwe  nonddm,  =  Natick  nuidm^  *  he  hears '  (any  kind 
of  noise) ;  the  name  referring  to  the  animal's  well  known  acuteness 
of  ear,  which  is  found  also  in  other  members  of  the  dog  family. 

Coiacohanauke  =  Kaidkuhdnik,  —  In  his  remarks  on  this  word, 
Mr  Tooker  is  pleased  to  say  that  my  interpretation  of  it  is  an  ex- 
ample of"  curious  speculation,"  and  then  proceeds  to  substitute  some 
guesswork  of  the  wildest  sort  for  a  statement  which  has  at  least  in  its 
favor  the  merit  of  plausibility.  If  the  name  is  correctly  spelled  by 
Strachey,  the  word  can  have  no  meaning  except  the  one  that  I 
assigned  to  it,  i.  e.,  *gull  creek.'  There  would  have  been  nothing 
strange  about  such  a  name,  since  we  find  in  our  own  geographical 
nomenclature  the  name  of  this  natatorial  bird,  which  seeks  its  food 
(moUusks  and  fishes)  in  streams  and  lakes  often  far  inland.     The 

1  -tmueu  in  the  animate  transitive  form,  -idmen  in  the  inanimate  transitive,  and  -tdm 
in  the  intransitive. 

242  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

same  name  in  common  was  formerly  (as  at  present)  applied  to  two 
streams  at  some  distance  apart,  which  Smith  calls  the  "  two  rivers 
of  Qiiiyoughcohanocker  Strachey  seems  to  intimate  that  this 
spelling  is  incorrect ;  and  that  is  probably  the  case,  since  no 
meaning  can  be  extracted  from  the  prefix  Quiyoughco,  unless 
we  suppose  that  Smith  used  such  spelling  in  the  belief  that 
the  first  part  of  the  word,  as  he  heard  it,  was  a  corruption  of 
the  root  found  in  the  name  for  a  priest.  This  is  possible,  since  he 
relates  a  story,  a  mixture  of  fact  and  fiction,  to  the  effect  that  the 
Tapehaneks  annually  held  a  sacrifice  of  children  which  was  pre- 
sided over  by  a  quiyoughcosu^  or  priest,  appointed  for  the  purpose. 
Fifteen  children,  between  the  ages  of  10  and  15,  after  having  been 
painted  white,  were  passed  between  two  files  of  men  armed  with 
bastinadoes,  each  child  being  led  by  a  guard  who  protected  it  from 
the  blows  aimed  at  it  by  receiving  them  upon  his  own  naked  body. 
After  this,  some  of  the  children  were  killed  in  a  wild  revelry  of 
the  would-be  bastinadoers  in  which  the  latter  "  tore  down  trees  [!], 
branches  and  boughs  with  such  violence  that  they  rent  the  [children's] 
body.'*  The  cadavers  were  then  thrown  in  a  heap  in  a  valley, 
while  the  survivors  were  kept  in  the  wilderness  nine  months  and 
were  finally  made  priests  and  conjurors.  The  practice  on  which 
this  story  was  based  was  one  that  was  observed  also  by  the  In- 
dians on  the  north  side  of  the  James  (and  also  by  those  of  Mas- 
sachusetts), and  was  a  species  of  "hazing"  to  which  young 
men  were  submitted  in  order  to  prepare  them  for  entrance  into 
public  life.  This  practice,  which  came  to  be  known  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Virginia  as  **  huskanawing,"  ^  consisted  in  selecting  a  cer- 
tain number  of  promising  young  men  who  had  reached  the  age  of 
virility,  sending  them  into  the  woods  under  guard,  enclosing  them 
in  a  hut,  withholding  food  from  them,  and  dosing  them  with  wisa- 
kan  (=  *it  is  bitter'),  an  infusion  of  the  roots  of  the  spreading  dog- 
bane (j\pocy7ium  androscemifolimpi),  a  drug  having  emetic  properties 

^  This  word  which  is  now  admitted  into  our  dictionaries  as  a  verb  and  substantive,  is 
from  Powhatan  uskinmvcu,  'he  has  a  new  body'  (from  uski^  *new,*  naw,  *body,*  and 
tUf  *  has  he ' ),  said  of  a  youth  who  had  reached  the  age  of  puberty.  The  same  idea  is 
expressed  in  the  Natick  word  woskitomp^  *man*  (t'/V),  from  woskitu^  *  new-bom,*  and 
'omp^  *  male '  ;  the  idea  of  the  Massachusetts  Indians  having  been  that  alter  a  youth 
(nunkompf  *  agile  male  *)  had  reached  the  age  of  virility  he  had  been  created  anew. 


of  about  two-thirds  the  strength  of  the  offidnal  ipecac.  The  effect 
of  this  treatment  was  to  make  the  subjects  of  it  delirious  and  to 
cause  them  temporarily  to  forget  everything  that  had  passed  in 
their  life.  Thus,  says  Beverly,  they  unlived  their  former  life  and 
began  as  men  (prepared  to  perform  the  function  of  priest,  cockarouse, 
etc.),  by  forgetting  that  they  had  ever  been  boys. 

Mr  Tooker,  after  deriving  the  name  of  a  priest  from  a  supposed 
word  quiyaughqu,  having  the  imaginary  meaning  of  *  boy,*  -f  the 
adjective  suck,  *  black  *  or  *  dark-colored,*  which,  of  course,  could 
not  be  suffixed  to  the  substantive  which  it  qualifies,  proceeds  to 
say  that  "  the  qiiiyoughqu-osucks,  to  use  the  best  notation,  were  there- 
fore *  the  lesser  priests,*  or  *  black-boyes,*  ^  who  were  taught  or 
chosen  to  be  such ;  hence  Quiyoughqu-ohan-ock,  *  the  place  or  country 
where  the  lesser  priests  or  boys  were  beaten  or  initiated  into  the 
mysteries  of  the  cult  [!],  a  compound  of  quiyoughqu  -f  the  verb 
\sic\  'Ohan,  *  to  beat,'  or  •  to  strike,*  together  with  the  locative  ock, 
*  place  *  or  *  country.*  **  From  this  it  appears  that  the  suffix  -hanock 
in  another  stream-name  does  not,  after  all,  really  mean,  as  we  were 
told,  '  exceeding  *  or  *  surpassing  country,*  but  *  beating  country,' 
and  that  -ock  does  not  stand  for  aki,  'land,'  'country,*  but  is  a  loca- 
tive suffix,  which  would,  in  that  event,  mean  *  at,*  *  in,'  or  *  on.' 
Here  we  have,  indeed,  "speculation**  run  wild.'  In  what  Algon- 
quian  dialect,  I  would  ask,  is  there  any  semi-radical  -Jian^  capable 
of  entering  into  composition  with  the  meaning  of  *  beating  *  ?  In 
what  Algonquian  dialect  is  there  to  be  found  any  word  quiyoughqu, 
or  any  term  resembling  it,  meaning  *  boy '  ? 

As  to  the  meaning  of  the  Powhatan  name  for  a  priest,  variously 

*  Mr  Tooker,  in  a  footnote,  says  that  **  Smith  (p.  373)  on  the  margin  has  :  *  Their 
solemn  Sacrifices  of  Children  which  they  call  Black-boyes.*  This  I  regard  as  a  free  trans- 
lation of  the  word  Quiyoughquosuky  Smith's  word  "black,"  however,  is  merely  a  mis- 
print for  blaek ;  modem  bleak  (Anglo-Saxon  blaecj  biac),  meaning  *  pale,*  *wan,* 
'pallid.*  The  **  boyes  "  were  so  called  by  Smith,  of  course,  because  they  were  painted 

*  Since  there  were  two  Quiottghcohanockst  there  must,  therefore,  have  been  two 
"beating  places.'*     This  was  certainly  pretty  hard  on  the  Tapehanek  "black  boys." 

'In  answer  to  this  question,  Mr  Tooker,  in  a  footnote,  explains  it  as  **a  verb  [«V] 
that  appears  in  several  Powhatan  names  in  varying  forms,  such  as  ^'Rok-oha-mittj  {>arched 
com  ground  small.'  **  Of  this  word  I  have  given  the  meaning  under  the  name  Chicka- 

'244  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

spelled  quiyoughcosough^  quiyougficosuck,  quiyoughquosicke,  qui- 
oquascake,  I  shall  offer  a  suggestion,  which  may  be  taken  for 
what  it  is  worth.  The  first  vowel  i  of  the  root  doubtless  had  its 
long  English  sound,  and  we  should  therefore  write  it  at ;  the  ough  ^ 
=1  «,  and  this,  in  one  spelling,  is  replaced  by  0 ;  the  characteristic, 
ky  of  the  root  is  accompanied  with  w  or  o.  From  these  data  we 
have  the  root  kwaiukw,  or  kwaiokw,  which  is  possibly  the  Pow- 
hatan form  of  the  Ojibwe  root  gwaiukw  or  gwaiakw  (  =  Prairie 
Cree  kwaiaskw,  =  Wood  Cree  kwaiuskw\  'straight,'  'straight- 
forward,' 'upright,'  'just,'  'true,*  etc.  From  this  root  we  should 
have  the  animate  verbal  adjective  kwaiukosii  or  kwaiokosu,  '  he  is 
straight,' 'just,*  'true,'  'perfect,'  ' without  guile,*  etc.  The  name 
was  applied  also  by  the  Powhatans  to  any  one  of  the  petty  gods 
whom  they  worshipped.  In  Natick  the  root  sampw,  '  straight,'  was 
used  by  Eliot  with  similar  derivative  meanings  :  '  upright,*  '  right,' 
'righteous,'  'just.'  In  Lenape,  also,  the  root  schachachg^  'straight,' 
is  employed  in  the  senses  of  '  upright,'  *  right,'  '  righteous,'  'true,' 
'just,'  'correct,'  etc.  If  my  surmise  in  regard  to  the  meaning  of 
the  root  whence  the  name  of  a  Virginia  priest  was  derived  is  cor- 
rect. Smith's  Quiyoughcolianok  would  mean  '  straight  stream ' ;  but, 
inasmuch  as  neither  of  the  creeks  so  called  is  straight,  the  proba- 
bility is  that  the  name  given  by  Strachey  is  the  correct  one. 

Massawomek,  —  My  intimation  that  this  word  was  a  mispronun- 
ciation by  the  English  settlers  of  MacJiewomik  was  unfortunate, 
since  the  two  names  are  merely  dialectic  forms  of  the  same  term. 

A  picturesque  valley  of  the  Susquehanna,  in  Luzerne  county, 
Pa.,  is  bordered  on  each  side  by  a  broad  plain  or  flat,  about  twenty 
miles  in  length,  which  was  formerly  the  domain  of  several  Lenape 
clans,  by  whom  it  was  called  by  a  name  meaning  '  great  flat '  or 
'  plain,'    which   in   the  guttural    Minsi  dialect   was     ATchewomi} 

1  The  combination  ough  was  an  orthopeic  device  used  by  Smith  and  other  early  Eng- 
lish writers  in  Virginia  to  represent  the  peculiar  pronunciation  of  u  in  Algonquian. 

•  This  word  with  the  addition  of  the  postpositive  preposition,  making  APchnvomink, 
'at  (or  on)  the  great  plain,'  gave  rise,  through  corruption,  to  the  name  Wyoming, 
which  was  rendered  famous  by  Campbell  (1809)  in  his  once  widely  read  poem  entitled 
Gertrude  of  Wyoming  ,  whence  the  application  of  the  name  to  so  many  places  (and  finally 
to  a  state)  in  the  United  States.  The  Iroquois  name  for  this  flat  was  Skahentowaney 
'great  meadow  (or  plain),'  a  term  which  was  applied  also  to  extensive  meadows  in 
other  localities,  and  became  corrupted  to  ''Shenandoah." 


These  Algonquians  were  conquered  and  "put  in  petticoats"  by  the 
Minquas,  a  powerful  and  warlike  Iroquoian  people,  who  settled 
upon  the  land  of  the  vanquished  and  lived  there  previous  to  and 
at  the  advent  of  the  Europeans.  It  was  certainly  these  belligerent 
Minquas,  and  not  people  of  the  same  linguistic  stock  from  the  Great 
Lakes  (as  Smith  supposed)  that  occasionally  organized  war  parties 
and  paddled  down  the  Susquehanna  into  Chesapeake  bay  in  their 
bark  canoes  (with  which  all  the  Iroquois  were  provided),  and  struck 
terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  natives  of  the  tidewater  region  of  Vir- 
ginia. The  word  Mdsiwcnnik  means  '  people  of  the  great  plain '  ; 
from  nias^  *  great/  wofPti,  *  plain '  or  '  flat/  and  k,  the  characteristic 
of  the  animate  plural  suflix. 

Mr  Tooker  says  he  translates  "it  *  those  who  travel  by  boat/ 
massoW'Omekey  There  could  be  no  such  Algonquian  word  formed 
to  have  that  meaning.  The  Powhatan  word  to  render  the  English 
phrase  *  those  who  travel  by  boat/  would  have  been  meshurhdnkik. 
It  was  nothing  surprising  to  the  Virginians  that  their  enemies  should 
travel  by  boat,  since  that  was  precisely  the  way  in  which  they  them- 
selves traveled  when  they  went  by  water. 

Vttasantasough  =  Utdsantdsu.  —  I  deeply  regret  that  I  made  any 
reference  to  this  word,  since  I  have  never  been  able  to  work  out  its 
meaning.  The  origin  of  the  terminal  -antasu  is  plain  enough  ;  that 
is  simply  an  adjective  suffix  derived  from  the  intransitive  verbal  suf- 
fix -antam,  which,  according  to  the  root  used  with  it,  might  denote 
the  action  of  wearing  clothing,  eating,  accompanying,  etc.  The 
meaning  of  the. root  tas  (Pamptico  tosJi)  is  problematical.  A  root 
used  in  one  dialect  often  dies  out  in  others  and  is  replaced  therein 
by  one  of  a  different  form  having  practically  the  same  meaning. 
No  root  tds  that  would  form  a  verb  with  the  suffix  -anatm  can  now 
be  found  in  any  other  dialect.  Mr  Tooker,  taking  as  his  model  the 
Narragansett  word  cejiantowash  (miswritten  for  ininmitoivash,  imp. 
2d  sing,  of  ininantoweti)  *  speak  thou  Indian  ! '  forms  a  combination 
k' uttass-antowash,  to  which  he  ascribes  the  meaning  of  *  he  speaks  a 
strange  language.'  Such  a  word,  if  I  may  so  call  it,  would  have 
seemed  fully  as  strange  to  the  Powhatans  as  did  the  foreigners  who 
suddenly  appeared  among  them.  In  the  first  place,  there  is  no 
Algonquian  root  ktitUxss,  meaning  *  to  be  strange ' ;    and,  in  the 

246  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

second,  if  the  suflfix  represents  -antozveu  denoting  the  action  of  speak- 
ing in  the  manner  designated  by  the  root,  it  would  have  here,  as  in 
the  Narragansett  word  just  cited,  the  form  of  the  2d  pers.  sing,  of 
the  imperative  mood.  The  meaning  of  the  word  utdsantdsu  will 
never  be  known,  and  it  is  therefore  useless  to  make  frivolous  guesses 
in  regard  to  it. 

Mr  Tooker*s  etymons  of  the  names  for  *'  paint ''  and  "  bark  dish  " 
may  be  disposed  of  in  a  few  words.  The  idea  that  the  first  syllable 
in  the  name  for  paint  is  an  adjective  root  meaning  *  fine,'  *  pretty,* 
*  handsome,*  is  very  absurd,  as  well  as  quite  antiquated.  If  such 
were  the  case,  the  root  vowel,  when  the  word  takes  an  adjective 
prefix  or  enters  into  composition,  would  be  preserved  ;  but,  instead 
of  this,  the  first  vowel  of  the  word  disappears  under  such  circum- 
stances, thus  showing  that  it  is  merely  expletive.  Again,  the  cog- 
nate Lenape  names,  in  addition  to  wuldman,  are  dldmdn  and  wdld- 
man,  and  the  Prairie  Cree  name  is  wiyamdn  —  words  in  which^  in 
Lenape,  neither  dl  nor  wdl,  and,  in  Cree,  neither  wi  nor  wiy  means 
'fine,'  'pretty,'  'handsome.'  Finally,  the  comparative  study  and 
analysis  of  the  word  which  I  presented  in  my  former  article, 
and  in  which  I  stripped  it  of  its  expletive  prefix  and  its  forma- 
tive and  laid  bare  its  root,  gives  all  that  we  can  ever  expect  to  know 
in  regard  to  a  term  the  actual  meaning  of  which,  like  that  of  the 
name  of  the  kettle,  spoon,  bark  dish,  and  some  other  primitive  uten- 
sils, has  long  been  lost  to  the  Indians  themselves. 

The  fact  that  the  names  for  a  bark  dish  are,  as  I  have  already 
fully  explained  (Amer,  Anthropologist ,  vi,  p.  328,  f  n.),  derived 
from  a  verb  would  suffice  to  show  to  any  one  having  even  but  a 
slight  acquaintance  with  Algonquian  grammar  that  -dgdn  is  the 
formative  of  a  verbal  noun,  and  not  a  generic  substantival  suffix 
which  can  be  used  to  form  a  word  in  combination  with  an  adjective 
or  with  a  substantive  used  attributively.  Verbs  in  -dkeu  or  -dgcii, 
and,  consequently,  substantives  in  -dgdn  can  be  formed  only  from 
intransitive  verbs  or  animate  adjectives,  and  never  directly  from  a 
root.  The  Algonquian  root  meaning  '  to  be  concave  '  or  *  hollow  ' 
is  not,  as  Mr  Tooker  seems  to  imagine,  wur^  wu7i,  ol,  on,  etc.,  but : 
Caniba  wctr,  Penobscot  and  Lenape  wdl,  Natick  zvbn  (wdti), 
Ojibwe  wdn,  Prairie  Cree  wdy.  Wood  Cree  wdth,  etc.     From  this 


root  is  formed  the  Caniba  name  for  a  plate,  ivd^rade,  meaning  *  it  is 
concave.'  In  the  same  dialect,  the  name  for  a  bark  dish  is  uroH'gdn, 
a  word  which,  like  all  its  cognates,  is  derived  from  an  intransitive 
verb  formed  from  a  root  of  which  the  meaning  is  lost. 

**From  the  same  element*'  [/.  ^.,  the  supposed  root  found  in 
the  name  for  a  bark  dish] ,  says  Mr  Tooker,  is  derived  the  "  Narra- 
gansett  tvunnauanounuck,  a  *  shallop,'  .  .  .  from  wunnau,  *  a  shallow 
vessel,'  and  -anounau,  *to  carry,'  +  -uk^  'that  which.'  " 

In  this  Narragansett  word,  the  generic  substantival  suffix 
'Ounuck  (=  unuk^  written  also  -onuk,  =  Natick  onag-,  =  Caniba 
'Urdk,  =  Lenape  -oldk,  =  Ojibwe  -ondg,  =  Cree  -otdk)  means  *  boat ' 
or  *  canoe.*  The  signification  of  the  substantive  prefix  wunnauan^ 
used  attributively,  has  not  been^  ascertained  ;  but  what  may  be 
stated  as  absolutely  certain  is  that  wunnau  does  not  mean  '  hollow 
(wan)  vessel,*  and  that  anounau  does  not  mean  *  to  carry.' 

Paqwantewun  =»  pdkwa^tehun,  —  In  this  word  Mr  Tooker  sees 
lurking  the  Narragansett  name  for  an  *  apron,*  viz.,  autawhun, 
**  Hence,**  he  says,  '* paqwantewun  =  Narr.  pahk-autawhun,  '  a  clean 
apron'  "  !  To  use  Mr  Tooker's  language,  the  Narragansett  word 
shows  simply  one  of  those  accidental  similarities  that  sometimes 
occur  in  words  belonging  to  remote  dialects,  **for  there  is  no 
etymological  connection  between  the  two  names," — none  whatever. 
The  root  and  grammatical  structure  of  the  words  differ  in  Mo,  Mr 
Tooker's  grammatical  explanation  of  the  structure  of  the  Narragan- 
sett name  for  "apron,**  I  am  sorry  to  say,  I  cannot  grasp:  **The 
particle  un  is  the  nominative  of  the  impersonal  verb,  when  the  object 
for  which  it  stands  is  expressed  by  the  verb,  i.  e.,  antawhiin^  *it 
hides.*  '* 

Bagivanchybasson  (  =  pdkwa^'tshlpisun),  says  Mr  Tooker,  is  the 
same  name  as  Natick  puttukwobbesin  (  =  putukwdbistin\  =  Abnaki 
p^Ugwdbisun^  "from  pnttuckqiii-au ,  *  it  girdles,*  and  mobee,  *hip*  '*  ! 
It  would  certainly  be  difficult  (except,  perhaps,  to  a  myope)  to  see 
any  resemblance  between  the  roots  pdkw  and  putukiv  or  p^t^gw^ 
the  first  meaning  to  *  wind  about  *  or  *  be  wound  about,*  and  the 
second  *  to  be  round.*  The  meaning  of  the  Natick  and  Abnaki 
words  above  cited  is  simply  '  round  tie  *  or  *  band  *  (-bisun).  The 
semi-radical  *mobee,  *  hip,*  does  not  enter  into  the  composition  of 

AM.  ANTH.y  N.  S.,  7-I7 

248  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

the  word.  The  bb  in  the  Natick  word  simply  represents  a  gemina- 
tion of  the  consonant  b  belonging  to  the  suffix.  Girdles  are  worn 
around  the  waist,  not  around  the  hips.  The  Nipissings  call  the 
waist  by  the  same  name  as  the  sash  or  girdle  that  encircles  it 

Finally,  Mr  Tooker  directs  his  attention  to  the  word  wintuc, 
wintuccum  (=  wlntuk,  wlntukuw),  ghoul,  regarding  which  he  posi- 
tively asserts  that  **  neither  Strachey  nor  the  copyist  made  a  mis- 
take, for  this  word  means  a  '  fool,'  and  not  a  *  ghoul.*  **  Was  it  no 
mistake  of  a  copyist,  then,  that  in  Strachey's  vocabulary  the  pro- 
nomial  adjective  cuttak^  *  another,*  is  given  as  the  name  for  an  *  otter,' 
that  pussequembun  {^  pusikivibun\  *  he  rose,'  is  given  as  the  name 
for  a  *  rose,*  that  meisutterask,  a  *  cove,'  is  given  as  the  name  for  an 

*  owl '  ?     In  support  of  his  assertion  that  the  Virginia  word  means 

*  fool,'  Mr  Tooker  offers  *' wintuccum  =  Mass.  ween-tuhkekufiy  *  he  is 
head-heavy,'  *  he  is  a  fool.'  "  - 

Inasmuch  as  the  Natick  word  ween  is  the  name  for  *  marrow,' 
not  *  head,'  and  as  tuhkekwun  is  a  verbal  adjective  meaning  '  it  is 
heavy,*  Mr  Tooker*s  **  cognate  "  would  be  written  in  two  separate 
words,  ween  tuhkekwun^  and  assert  that  *  marrow  is  heavy.'  As 
another  "  cognate,"  he  gives  Lenape  wil-tak^  *  head-heavy,'  *  a 
fool,'  *  a  sot,'  *  a  drunkard ' ;  a  combination  entirely  original  with 
him,  in  which  wil  means  *  head,'  and  tak  is  simply  a  product  of  the 
imagination,  since  there  is  no  Lenape  adjective  root  tak  ^  meaning 
'  heavy.'  A  compound  consisting  of  a  substantive  connected  by  a 
hyphen  with  a  mere  root,  and  a  suppositional  root  at  that,  is  cer- 
tainly a  philological  curiosity. 

In  closing  this  article,  I  cannot  refrain  from  warmly  commend- 
ing >Ir  Tooker  for  the  able,  conscientious,  and  fearless  manner  in 
which  he  performed  the  task  (doubtless  painful  and  onerous)  of 
pointing  out  and  correcting  the  mistakes  which  he  found  skulking 
**in  nearly  every  paragraph"  of  my  former  communication.  In 
dragging  forth  some  of  these  mistakes  to  the  light  and  submitting 

»Thc  Lenape  name  for  *'lead,"  given  in  Brinton  and  Anthony's  Lenape- English 
Dictionary  2iS  takachsuny  and  quoted  in  the  Natick  Dictionary  (p.  163)  and  there  in- 
terpreted *  heavy  stone,'  is  miswritten  for  wtakachsun^  *soft  stone'  (i.  e.,  metal).  The 
Natick  root  tA'kihtv^  =  Abnaki  tfkikw  (not  on  record  in  lenape),  meaning  *to  be 
heavy,'  is  dissyllabic. 


them  to  so  intelligent  an  examination,  I  think  he  has  done  but 
right ;  for  I  hold  it  to  be  the  bounden  duty  of  every  person  who 
has  the  interest  of  the  reading  public  sincerely  at  heart,  and  who 
feels  himself  sufficiently  well  equipped  to  assume  the  functions  of 
critic,  promptly  to  call  attention  to  and  correct  any  glaring  errors 
that  he  may  observe  in  print,  to  the  end  that  the  evils  resulting  from 
the  dissemination  of  false  teachings  may,  in  a  measure  at  least,  be 



The  origin  of  the  people  inhabiting  the  New  World  was  one  of 
the  first  problems  that  busied  European  minds  as  soon  as  it  became 
realized  that  America  was  an  independent  continent.  How  could 
man  have  reached  this  land,  that  was  so  widely  separated  from  the 
rest  of  the  known  world?  In  reality  this  question  was  not  a  new 
one,  for  it  had  been  asked  in  regard  to  every  distant  island  found 
inhabited  by  animals  and  plants  as  well  as  by  man.  Solutions 
had  been  proposed  long  prior  to  the  fifteenth  century  —  the- 
ories in  harmony  with  the  state  of  knowledge  and  with  the  re- 
ligious fervor  of  the  period.  Among  others,  Saint  Augustine,  in 
the  fifth  century,  speculated  on  the  problem  of  how  quadrupeds, 
such  as  beasts  of  prey,  that  are  of  no  use  to  man,  came  to  live  on 
distant  isles  (i).*  I  wish  to  lay  stress  on  these  precolumbian 
speculations,  for  when  the  origin  of  the  American  Indian  became 
the  subject  of  investigation,  the  autochthonous  theory  was  as  freely 
discussed  as  any  other.  But  the  general  trend  of  opinion  in  the 
sixteenth  centur>'  was  in  favor  of  the  belief  that  the  ''aborigines" 
of  America  were  not  in  reality  aboriginal,  but  that  at  some  more  or 
less  remote  period  they  had  migrated  from  other  sections  of  the 
globe.  Many  were  the  theories  proposed  in  regard  to  the  regions 
whence  these  migrations  might  have  come  ;  but  this  is  not  the  place 
to  discuss  their  relative  merits. 

The  belief  in  an  extra- American  origin  of  the  Indians  has  direct 
bearing  on  the  value  of  Indian  traditions,  as  recorded  by  Europeans 
who  were  under  the  influence  of  that  conjecture,  for  it  naturally  led 
Spanish  investigators,  for  example,  to  interpret  any  tale  that  might 
be  construed  in  favor  of  the  assumption  that  man  came  to  America 
from  the  outside  world.     I  am  by  no  means  favoring  the  hypoth- 

*  See  the  notes  at  the  close  of  the  article. 



esis  of  an  independent  creation  or  evolution  of  the  Indian  on 
this  continent.  All  I  desire  to  call  attention  to  is  the  danger  of 
early  Indian  lore  having  been  colored,  by  those  who  gathered  it, 
so  as  to  support  a  favorite  theory.  Such  coloring  is  a  serious  ob- 
stacle to  the  critical  use  of  aboriginal  American  lore  supposed  to 
embody  historical  information. 

Among  Indian  myths  that  appear  to  touch  on  an  extra-Amer- 
ican descent  of  the  natives  in  the  western  parts  of  South  America, 
we  must  discriminate  between  (i)  allusions  to  the  appearance  of 
strange  individuals  or  groups  of  individuals,  long  before  the  epoch 
of  Columbus  but  while  the  land  was  already  peopled  ;  (2)  tales  men- 
tioning a  primitive  settlement  of  parts  of  South  America  from  other 
parts  of  the  globe ;  and  (3)  stories  of  landings  on  the  western  coast 
of  the  southern  continent. 

The  tale  of  Tonapa  (sometimes  identified  with  Viracocha),  in 
the  interior  of  Peru  and  Bolivia,  has  already  been  discussed  by  me, 
so  far  as  the  scanty  material  and  its  nature  permitted  (2).  The 
Tonapa  story,  in  its  later  version  by  Calancha,  begins  in  Brazil. 
It  tells  of  the  wanderings  of  two  white  men,  at  a  time  quite  remote, 
but  still  after  the  beginning  of  our  era.  These  white  travelers  are 
reputed  to  have  landed  on  the  Brazilian  shore,  whence  they  pushed 
inland,  preaching  to  and  teaching  the  natives  after  the  manner  of 
Christian  apostles  or  missionaries.  They  are  accredited  with  ac- 
complishing the  portentous  journey  through  southern  Brazil,  Para- 
guay, and  northern  Argentina  into  western  Bolivia,  where,  near  the 
shores  of  Lake  Titicaca,  one  of  them  suffered  death  at  the  hands  of 
the  natives,  while  the  other  pursued  his  way  to  the  Pacific  and  there 
disappeared.  This  version,  however,  dates  from  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century  (3),  and  extends  the  scope  of  the  original 
Tonapa  or  Viracocha  lore  obtained  in  southern  Peru  and  in  Bolivia. 
It  bears  the  stamp  not  merely  of  confirmation,  but  of  explanation 
and  adaptation  to  Christian  legends  about  apostolic  labors  in  remote 
corners  of  the  earth.  The  early,  hence  more  authentic,  versions  of 
the  Tonapa  and  Viracocha  story,  heard  not  later  than  sixteen  years 
after  the  arrival  of  Pizarro,  and  probably  even  within  a  decade  of 
that  event,  either  represent  the  origin  of  that  mysterious  individ- 
ual from   Lake  Titicaca  (not  necessarily  from  the  island  of  that 

252  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

name)  or  make  him  appear  on  the  Bolivian  plateau  from  the  south 
and  to  direct  his  steps  toward  the  north  where,  on  the  shores 
of  Ecuador,  he  disappears,  together  with  his  companions,  on  the 
waters  of  the  ocean.  In  the  heart  of  Peru  a  similar  tradition  was 
found  among  the  Indians  at  an  early  date,  and  while  these  tales 
must  be  accepted  cum  grano  salis,  they  may  have  had  their  nucleus 
in  original  recollections  that  already  had  become  veiled  and  dis- 
torted prior  to  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  traditions  of  central  western  Peru  differ  partly  from  the 
tales  of  Tonapa-Viracocha  in  that  they  also  mention  a  settlement  of 
strangers.  The  report  of  the  Augustines  on  their  investigations 
among  the  Indians  of  Huamachuco  between  1552  and  1561,  states 
that  most  of  the  settlers  perished  and  that  the  few  survivors  were 
driven  out  of  the  country.  But  this  part  of  the  story  appears  to 
be  distinct  from  the  tale  of  white  "teachers"  of  the  Tonapa  legend, 
and  to  refer  to  another  set  of  individuals  (4).  The  term  *'  culture- 
heroes"  has  been  introduced  into  American  ethnology  for  such 
personages.  In  this  case  their  labors  would  have  left  few,  if  any, 
cultural  traces. 

Almost  parallel  with  the  Tonapa  and  Viracocha  lore  is  the  myth 
of  Bochica  or  Nemquetheba  (Nemtherequeteba),  also  called  Zuhe, 
among  the  Muysca  or  Chibcha  Indians  of  Colombia.  The  four 
names  apply,  according  to  Piedrahita,  to  one  individual.  Fray 
Pedro  Simon,  who  wrote  somewhat  earlier,  discriminates  between 
Bochica  and  Nemtherequeteba.  Piedrahita  asserts  that,  according 
to  Chibcha  tradition,  Bochica  "came"  to  the  plateau  of  Bogota  — 
whence,  he  does  not  state.  He  describes  him  as  with  a  long  beard 
and  wearing  long  garments,  as  having  walked  with  bare  feet  and 
gone  about  preaching  and  teaching  the  Indians  a  better  mode  of 
life.  At  Sogamoso,  in  the  Colombian  highlands,  Bochica  lived  two 
thousand  years,  and  died  there  after  performing  many  miracles, 
among  which  the  opening  of  the  cleft  at  Tequendama  is  most  con- 
spicuous. There  is  a  certain  analogy  between  this  personage  and 
Tonapa  or  Viracocha.  In  Peru,  as  is  well  known,  the  Indians  called 
and  still  call  the  whites  Vtracochas,  Piedrahita  asserts  that  the  sur- 
name Zuhe,  given  to  Bochica,  was  used  by  the  Chibcha  to  desig- 
nate the  first  Europeans  they  saw  (6). 

254  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Santa  Elena  a  landing  of  **  giants/'  What  Oliva  says  of  the  fate  of 
these  giants  appears  to  have  been  taken  almost  literally  from  Cieza 
and  Zarate.  To  this  I  shall  refer  later.  After  the  reputed  destruc- 
tion of  the  intruders  by  fire  from  heaven,  the  settlers  on  the  coast 
continued  to  extend  their  excursions  with  more  or  less  success : 
some  went  in  the  direction  of  Chile  and  the  straits  of  Magellan,  and 
were  not  heard  of  again ;  others  settled  at  various  points  on  the 
Peruvian  shore ;  still  others  penetrated  inland  and  reached  Lake 
Titicaca  and  the  Cuzco  region.  It  is  noteworthy  that  these  reputed 
settlers  from  the  coast  found  the  interior  already  inhabited  and  the 
shrine  on  Titicaca  island  in  full  operation  (ii). 

Assuming,  for  the  present,  that  Oliva  reported  primitive,  hence 
genuine,  Indian  lore,  the  following  appear  to  be  the  essential  points 
of  his  tales : 

(i)  The  earliest  landing  in  Venezuela,  therefore  in  northeastern 
South  America. 

(2)  A  gradual  spread  over  the  northern  sections  to  the  west- 
ward as  far  as  the  coast  of  Ecuador. 

(3)  Coast  voyages  thence  to  the  south  as  far  as  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  continent. 

(4)  After  the  settlement  on  the  western  coast  had  been  effected 
and  some  of  these  voyages  were  in  progress,  there  took  place  a 
landing,  from  parts  unknown,  of  strange  people  who  were  destroyed 
by  some  cataclysm  and  left  no  impression  beyond  some  remains  and 
recollections  of  their  appearance. 

(5)  A  gradual  spread  from  the  coast  to  the  eastward  into  sec- 
tions that  were  already  peopled. 

The  first  part  of  this  story  recalls  Colombiaji  traditions,  while 
the  landing  of  the  so-called  giants  is  a  local  tale  heard  by  the  Span- 
iards on  the  shores  of  Ecuador  at  a  very  early  day.  The  coast 
voyages  also,  as  I  shall  show,  were  mentioned  by  Spanish  sources 
half  a  century  prior  to  Oliva's  time. 

Oliva  acknowledges  another  source  of  information  —  "original 
papers  "  given  to  him  by  a  Dr  Bartolome  Cervantes,  of  Charcas, 
Bolivia  (12).  Under  any  circumstance  all  his  knowledge  is  derived 
at  second  hand.  It  bears  the  stamp  of  compilation  from  various 
sides,  as  well  as  the  impress  of  adaptation  to  the  favorite  belief  in 


the  peopling  of  America  from  the  old  world.  Parts  of  his  material, 
so  far  as  based  on  local  tales,  may  contain  a  nucleus  of  primitive 
Indian  recollection,  but  it  is  manifestly  woven  into  a  general  story 
highly  colored  by  European  ideas. 

Among  Indian  lore  collected  soon  after  the  conquest,  and  there- 
fore presumably  genuine,  there  are  traces  of  the  drifting  of  tribes 
into  the  interior  of  Peru  from  the  western  coast.  On  this  point 
Cieza  states : 

**They  also  relate  what  I  have  written  in  my  first  part,  that  on  the 
Island  of  Titicaca,  in  former  centuries,  there  were  white  men,  bearded 
like  ourselves,  and  that,  sallying  from  the  valley  of  Coquimbo,  a  captain 
whose  name  was  Cari,  he  came  to  where  now  is  Chucuito,  whence,  after 
making  a  few  more  settlements,  he  passed  with  his  people  over  to  the 
island  and  made  such  war  on  the  people  of  which  I  speak  that  he  killed 
all  of  them."  (13) 

If  the  word  **  Coquimbo  "  is  correctly  rendered  from  the  origi- 
nal text,  and  not  one  of  the  clerical  mistakes  that  so  frequently  crept 
into  copies  of  old  manuscripts,  then  Cari  and  his  men  came  from 
the  coast  of  northern  Chile.  But,  as  in  the  case  of  those  who,  ac- 
cording to  Oliva,  would  have  reached  Lake  Titicaca  from  the  Peru- 
vian coast,  they  found  the  shores  and  islands  of  that  lake  already 
inhabited.  Concerning  the  white  men  exterminated  by  Cari,  Cieza 
fails  to  state  whence  they  came,  but  he  assures  us  that  he  heard  the 
tale  from  an  Indian  who  may  have  been  well  versed  in  ancient  lore. 

Montesinos,  a  contemporary  of  Simon,  Oliva,  Calancha,  and 
Piedrahita,  treats  of  the  peopling  of  America  in  a  general  way,  mak- 
ing the  earliest  settlers  appear  from  every  quarter  of  the  globe, 
hence  also  from  the  South  sea.     In  his  own  words  : 

*  *  At  that  time,  which  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain  was  six 
hundred  years  after  the  deluge,  all  these  provinces  filled  up  with  people. 
Many  people  came  from  the  direction  of  Chile,  others  by  the  Andes, 
others  by  the  mainland  and  the  South  sea,  so  that  its  coasts  became  settled 
from  the  island  of  Santa  Elena  and  Puerto  Viejo  to  Chile ;  this  can  be 
gathered  from  the  poetry  and  ancient  songs  of  the  Indians,*'  etc.  (14) 

Salcamayhua,  an  Indian  writer  of  the  same  period,  bases,  as  he 
claims,  on  original  lore  preserved  by  the  Indians  of  '*  Orcasuyo, 
between  Canas  and  Canchis  of  Collasuyo,"  the  traditions  which  he 
says  he  heard  from  his  father  and  other  old  men.     He  relates : 

256  AMERICAN  ANTHR  OPOL  O  GIST  [n.  s. ,  7,  1 905 

*'  They  say  that,  in  the  time  of  Purunpachay  all  the  nations  of  Tahuan- 
tinsuyo  came  from  the  direction  of  above  Potossi  in  three  or  four  armies 
ready  for  war,  and  so  they  came  settling,  occupying  the  places,  every  band 
remaining  on  unoccupied  lands."  (15) 

This  hints  at  a  movement  of  tribes  from  south  to  north,  in  upper 
Peru  and  Bolivia.  How  far  the  tales  are  genuine,  that  is,  wholly  pre- 
columbian,  is  not  yet  easy  to  ascertain.  Salcamayhua  makes  most 
fervent  protestations  of  Christianity,  so  fervent,  indeed,  that  there 
arises  a  suspicion  of  the  infiltration  of  many  European  elements  in 
his  version  of  native  lore.  It  is  particularly  marked  in  what  he  re- 
lates of  the  person,  travels,  and  deeds  of  Tonapa  (16).  And  he 
merely  mentions  some  migrations  to  the  interior  of  the  continent, 
without  stating  whence  the  settlers  originally  came. 

Pedro  de  Cieza  remarks  in  a  general  way  :  "  In  Peru  the  Indians 
speak  of  nothing  else  than  that  the  ones  came  from  one  part  [direc- 
tion] and  the  others  from  another."  (17) 

Similar  to  the  stories  preserved  by  the  Augustine  missionaries, 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  are  tales  recorded  by  Miguel  Cabello  Bal- 
boa in  his  "  Antarctic  Miscellany  "  concluded  in  1 586.  But  he  also 
furnishes  a  long  story  to  the  effect  that  South  America,  or  at  least 
the  coast  of  Chile,  was  peopled  originally  by  pirates  from  the  East 
Indies.  To  Balboa  I  shall  return  later,  having  yet  to  refer  to  some 
traditions  found  in  the  interior  of  Peru,  likewise  in  the  second  half 
of  the  sixteenth  century  and  recorded  in  the  year  that  Balboa  finished 
his  work,  hence  they  are  either  a  coincidence  or  Balboa  obtained 
them  from  the  same  source  or  was  told  of  them  by  the  authorities 
of  Guamanga,  who  wrote  the  report  on  the  "  Repartimiento  de  los 
Rucanas  Antamarcas,'*  dated  January  27,  1586.  This  report  con- 
tains the  following  statement : 

''The  old  Indians  say  that  they  have  notice  from  their  forefathers, 
by  hearsay,  that  in  very  remote  times,  before  the  Incas  ruled  them,  there 
came  to  this  country  people  whom  they  called  Viracochas,  not  many  of 
them ;  and  that  the  Indians  followed  them,  listening  to  their  speech,  and 
now  the  Indians  say  they  were  Saints.  *  * 

I  call  attention  to  the  last  phrase — that  now  the  Indians  call 
these  people  "  Saints."  (18) 

Returning  to  Miguel  Cabello  Balboa,  it  is  noted,  as  before  stated. 



that  he  attributes  the  settlement  of  southern  Chile  to  pirates  from 
the  East  Indies,  whom  he  calls  Nayres,  He  traces  the  career  of 
these  people  over  nearly  the  whole  eastern  world,  making  a  part  of 
them  finally  land  near  the  southern  extremity  of  America.  Accord- 
ing to  Balboa  they  were  **  the  origin  and  trunk  of  the  Indians  of 
Chile,  from  whom  also  descend  the  Chiriguanaes,  or  (rather)  Chili- 
ganaes.  By  these  were  made  those  strange  fortifications  that  in 
Ayavira  and  Tiaguanaco  (and  in  other  parts  of  this  section  of  the 
world)  are  seen,'*  etc.  After  the  "  Nayres  '*  had  **  conquered  the 
austral  regions,  they  penetrated  inland  and  were  never  afterward 
heard  from.  Their  intrusion  in  these  our  Indies  is  conjecture,  for 
the  reason  that  old  Indians  state  they  have  it  from  ancient  traditions 
of  their  forefathers,  who  told  them  that  from  that  part  of  the  world 
there  came  these  pestiferous  tyrants  [the  Nayres],  and  those  of 
Chile  say  the  same,  pointing  out  that  they  came  from  this  side  of 
the  straits  which  we  call  of  Magellan.'*  (19) 

While  the  eagerness  displayed  by  Balboa  to  defend  a  favorite 
theory  renders  his  statements  liable  to  suspicion,  it  is  worthy  of 
investigation  whether  the  tales  are  genuine  or  not,  but  I  have  not 
at  my  command  the  material  necessary.  While  in  Peru  Balboa 
joined  the  order  of  the  Jesuits  and  was  a  contemporary  of  Acosta 
and  of  the  Dominican  Fray  Gregorio  Garcia  (20).  Neither  of  these, 
in  their  classical  works  on  America,  makes  any  mention  of  his  story, 
a  lack  manifestly  due  to  their  being  unacquainted  with  the  "  Miscel- 
lany," only  a  part  of  which,  to  this  time,  has  appeared  in  print  as  a 
French  translation  by  Henri  Temaux-Compans. 

But  Cabello  Balboa  does  not  confine  himself  to  ancient  lore  of 
a  general  character  ;  he  also  has  preserved  what  bears  every  mark 
of  being  a  genuine  local  tradition  of  Indians  from  the  northern  Peru- 
vian coast.  According  to  him,  the  aborigines  of  the  villages  of 
Motupe  and  Lambayeque  said  that  "  in  times  very  remote,  so  remote 
that  they  cannot  count  them,  there  came  from  the  upper  parts  of 
this  Piru,  with  a  great  fleet  of  rafts,  a  mighty  warrior,  of  great  valor 
and  many  qualities,  called  Naymlap,  and  he  had  with  him  a  number 
of  concubines,  the  principal  of  whom  they  say  was  called  Cetemi ; 
and  with  him  and  in  his  company  he  brought  many  followers  whom 
he  led  as  captain  and  leader.     This  chief  Naymlap,  with  his  entire 

2S8  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

retinue,  landed  and  disembarked  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  (now  called 
Faquisllanga,  where  they  abandoned  their  rafts  and  penetrated 
inland."  (21) 

This  indicates  a  coastwise  expedition,  possibly  from  some  point 
on  the  shores  of  Ecuador,  as  far  as  the  vicinity  of  Chiclayo  and 
Lambayeque.  It  recalls  the  coast  voyages  told  of  by  Oliva,  and 
seems  to  confirm  them.  There  is  no  apparent  connection,  however, 
between  the  sources  of  Balboa  (who  alludes  to  direct  Indian  informa- 
tion from  tradition)  and  those  mentioned  by  Oliva ;  nor  is  it  said 
that  the  people  led  by  Naymlap  were  of  extra- American  issue. 

When  Pizarro  first  visited  the  coast  of  Ecuador  and  the  north- 
western extremity  of  Peru,  he  sent  the  pilot  Bartolome  Ruiz  with 
one  of  his  frail  craft  to  explore  the  southern  coast  for  two  months. 
Ruiz  coasted  as  far  as  southern  Ecuador  and  perhaps  to  the  latitude 
of  the  Peruvian  boundary,  although  it  is  not  possible  to  determine 
the  southern  limit  accurately.  While  on  this  voyage  he  captured  a 
craft,  carrying  about  twenty  men,  which  he  describes  as  follows : 

**  This  vessel  which  I  say  he  took,  appeared  to  be  of  as  many  as  thirty 
tons  ;  it  was  made  after  the  manner  and  [with]  a  keel  of  canes  as  thick 
as  posts,  bound  together  by  ropes  of  a  kind  they  call  eneguen  [henequen] , 
which  is  like  flax,  and  the  upper  parts  [bulwarks]  of  other  canes  more 
slender,  bound  with  the  same  ropes,  where  they  placed  their  persons  and 
the  merchandize  together,  as  the  hold  was  with  water.  It  had  its  masts 
and  spars  of  very  handsome  wood  and  sails  of  cotton  of  the  same  descrip- 
tion, like  those  of  our  ships ;  and  very  good  fishing  tools  of  the  same 
eneguen  mentioned  that  is  like  flax,  and  for  anchors  stones  after  the  man- 
ner of  barbers*  grinding-stones. ' '  (22) 

After  the  return  of  Ruiz,  Pizarro  set  out  himself,  and  at  Tacamez 
[Atacames]  was  met  by  fourteen  large  craft  manned  by  Indians. 
"Balsas"  (rafts)  are  frequently  mentioned  (23).  A  complete  de- 
scription of  one  of  these  large  vessels  is  given  by  Father  Bemabe 
Cobo.  Although  of  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  hence 
a  full  century  after  the  conquest,  it  agrees  well  with  the  indications 
previously  quoted. 

**The  largest  balsas  used  by  the  Peruvian  Indians  that  live  close  to 
forests,  like  those  of  the  ports  of  Payta  [in  Peru] ,  Manta,  and  Guayaquil 
[in  Ecuador] ,  are  composed  of  seven,  nine,  or  more  timbers  of  paio  de 


balsa^  in  this  manner :  that  they  tie  them  one  to  the  other  lengthwise 
with  bejucos  [lianas  or  creepers]  or  ropes,  over  others  crosswise.  The 
one  in  the  middle  is  longer  at  the  prow  than  the  others,  which  become 
smaller  in  proportion  as  they  recede  on  the  sides ;  the  middle  one  is  long- 
est at  the  prow,  so  that  at  the  prow  they  are  like  the  fingers  of  an  extended 
hand,  whereas  at  the  stern  they  are  equal.  On  these  they  build  a  plat- 
form of  boards  so  that  the  people  and  cloth  that  go  in  it  may  not  get  wet 
from  the  water  entering  through  the  joints  of  the  timbers.  They  navigate 
on  the  sea  with  sail  and  oars,  and  some  are  so  large  as  easily  to  accomo- 
date fifty  men.'*  (24) 

An  earlier  description  is  that  by  the  Licentiate  Salazar  de  Villa- 
sante,  dating  from  about  1 574.  It  refers  only  to  the  balsas  used  on 
the  Rio  Guayas  without  sails,  but  with  as  many  as  seven  oars  on 
each  side,  or  fourteen  oarsmen  in  all  (25). 

Oviedo  never  visited  Peru,  but  gathered  much  information  from 
Spaniards  who  had  been  with  Pizarro  at  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
quest. He  speaks  of  the  large  rafts  used  by  the  Indians  of  the 
southern  coast  of  Ecuador,  saying  that  they  carried  on  the  sea  as 
many  as  three  horses.  His  description  agrees  very  well  with  the 
preceding,  mentioning  sails  and  the  oarsmen  on  the  sides.  South 
of  Payta  the  craft,  according  to  him,  were  made  of  reeds  (26). 

With  such  craft  the  short  distance  separating  the  mainland  from 
the  island  of  Puna,  for  instance,  could  .easily  be  traversed.  Long 
voyages  along  the  coast  were  also  possible.  Of  attempts  to  venture 
far  into  the  open  sea,  I  find  as  yet  no  traces. 

The  Jesuit  Joseph  de  Acosta  mentions  canoes  of  seal -skin  in  which 
the  Indians  from  lea  and  Arica  (the  latter  now  pertaining  to  northern 
Chile)  made  long  voyages  **  to  some  islands  far  away  in  the  west," 
and  he  adds  :  "  Hence  there  is  no  lack  of  indications  that  the  South 
sea  was  navigated  before  the  Spaniards  [came]."  (27)  The  islands 
visited  by  the  Indians  of  lea  may  have  been  the  Chincha  isles,  to 
which  the  journey  can  be  made  from  the  port  of  Pisco  in  a  compar- 
atively short  time.  That  these  guano  deposits  were  frequently 
touched  by  Indians  in  precolumbian  times  is  well  established.  The 
islands  that  were  reached  from  Arica  are  a  matter  of  conjecture,  but 
I  should  be  quite  loath  to  accept  the  vague  statement  of  Acosta 
as  a  basis  for  assuming  that  the  tales  apply  to  voyages  as  far  as 
Easter  island  or  other  distant  Pacific  groups.     Distance  is  very 

26o  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

elastic  in  the  mind  of  the  Indian,  and  as  no  direction  is  given  the 
trips  may  as  well  have  been  along  the  coast  as  to  the  west  Besides, 
the  seal-skin  craft  mentioned  could  hardly  have  withstood  wind  and 
wave  for  many  days  beyond  reach  of  succor.  Cobo  describes  these 
craft  as  follows : 

**  They  make  them  of  two  skins  of  seals,  filled  with  air,  which  they 
tie  together  like  the  two  fagots  of  which  are  made  those  of  grass.  Only 
one  Indian  goes  in  each,  and  he  goes  fishing  in  the  sea  as  far  from  shore 
as  in  any  of  the  others.  But  as  these  rafts  are  wont  to  collapse  in  the 
water,  in  order  to  prevent  their  sinking  each  Indian  carries  a  hollow  reed, 
and  out  on  the  sea  he  from  time  to  time  unties  and  blows  them  up  again, 
like  air-bags.  They  are  as  light  and  swift  in  the  water  as  the  substance 
with  which  they  are  filled,  which  is  air.  No  sails  are  used,  as  little  as 
with  those  of  reeds ;  only  oars,  as  in  the  latter.*'  (28) 

The  only  traditional  record  of  a  landing  on  the  western  coast  of 
South  America  is  that  of  the  "  giants,"  near  Punta  Santa  Elena  in 
Ecuador.  According  to  Zarate,  it  was  known  to  the  Spaniards 
prior  to  1543,  but  not  credited  until  the  discovery  of  large  fossil 
bones  in  that  year  furnished,  in  the  light  of  knowledge  of  the 
times,  an  apparent  confirmation.  The  finding  of  fossil  remains  of 
unusual  size  was  not  altogether  accidental.  The  captain  Juan  de 
Olmos,  lieutenant  governor  at  Puerto  Viejo  in  the  year  aforesaid, 
hearing  of  "  all  these  things,  caused  excavations  to  be  made  in  that 
valley,  where  they  found  such  large  ribs  and  other  bones  that,  if  the 
skulls  had  not  appeared  at  the  same  time,  it  would  not  have  been 
credible  they  were  of  human  persons.  .  .  .  Teeth  then  found  were 
sent  to  different  parts  of  Peru  ;  they  were  three  fingers  broad  and 
four  in  length."  Although  these  remains  were  found  beneath  the 
surface,  it  is  possible  that  some  skull  had  previously  been  seen  by 
the  Indians  who  founded  thereon  an  ** observation  myth"  (29). 
On  the  other  hand,  the  tale  may  probably  be  a  distorted  reminis- 
cence of  some  precolumbian  occurrence  on  the  coast  of  Ecquador. 

It  is  not  likely  that  the  earliest  Spanish  discoverers  of  Peru  had 
already  heard  of  the  tradition.  Oviedo  surely  would  have  men- 
tioned it,  as  he  carefully  recorded  everything  that  came  to  his  notice 
at  the  time.  He  conversed  with  Diego  de  Almagro  on  the  return 
of  the  latter  to  Panama  from  the  first  expedition  in  1527;  in  1534 
he  questioned  several  of  the  returning  members  of  Pizarro's  corps, 


on  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo,  and  in  1536  conversed  with  Pedro 
de  Alvarado.  Had  any  of  these  mentioned  the  **  giants,"  Oviedo 
would  not  have  failed  to  note  it  in  his  voluminous  work.  It  is 
therefore  likely  that  the  Spaniards  first  heard  of  the  tradition  between 
1536  and  1543  (30). 

The  earliest  reports  on  the  "  giants  "  are  by  Cieza  and  21arate, 
printed  in  1553  and  1555,  respectively.     The  former  says  : 

*  *  The  natives  tell,  from  what  they  heard  through  their  forefathers, 
who  heard  and  had  it  from  far  back,  that  there  came  by  sea  in  rafts  of 
reeds  after  the  manner  of  large  boats,  some  men  who  were  so  tall  that  from 
the  knee  down  they  were  as  big  as  the  full  length  of  an  ordinary  fair-sized 
man,  and  the  limbs  were  in  prop>ortion  to  their  bodies,  so  misshapen  that 
it  was  monstrous  to  look  at  their  heads,  as  large  as  they  were,  and  with 
the  hair  that  came  down  to  the  shoulders.  The  eyes  they  give  to  under- 
stand were  of  the  size  of  small  plates.  They  affirm  that  they  had  no 
beards  and  that  some  were  clad  in  skins  of  animals,  while  others  came  as 
nature  made  them,  and  there  were  no  women  along.  Arriving  at  this 
point,  and  after  making  on  it  their  settlement  in  the  form  of  a  village 
(even  at  the  present  day  the  sites  of  the  houses  are  known),  they  did  not 
find  water,  and  in  order  to  supply  the  need  thereof,  made  some  deep 
wells,  a  work  that  is  certainly  worthy  of  remembrance,  performed  by  as 
strong  men  as  it  is  presumed  they  were,  judging  from  their  size.  And 
they  dug  these  wells  in  the  live  rock  until  they  found  water,  and  after- 
ward lined  them  with  stone  to  the  mouth,  in  such  manner  that  they  will 
last  for  many  ages,  in  which  [wells]  there  is  always  good  and  savory 
water,  and  always  so  cold  that  it  is  a  great  pleasure  to  drink  it.  Having 
thus  established  themselves,  these  tall  men  or  giants,  and  having  these 
wells  or  cisterns  out  of  which  they  drank,  they  ate  and  wasted  all  the  food 
they  could  find  in  the  land,  for  each  one  of  them  consumed  more  than 
fifty  of  the  natives  of  the  country,  and  as  the  supply  was  not  sufficient  for 
them,  they  killed  much  fish  in  the  sea  by  means  of  their  nets  and  con- 
trivances which,  it  stands  to  reason,  they  must  have  had.  The  natives 
abhorred  them,  for  they  killed  their  women  in  making  use  of  them,  and 
the  men  they  killed  for  other  reasons.  The  Indians  did  not  feel  strong 
enough  to  kill  these  new  people  that  had  come  to  take  their  country  and 
domain,  although  great  meetings  were  held  to  confer  about  it ;  but  they 
dare  not  attack  them.  After  a  few  years,  the  giants  being  still  in  the 
country,  and  having  no  women,  and  those  of  the  Indians  not  suiting  their 
great  size,  or  because  it  may  have  been  by  advice  and  inducement  of  the 

262  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

demon,  they  resorted  to  the  unnatural  vice  of  sodomy,  which  they  com- 
mitted openly  in  public,  with  no  fear  of  God  and  little  shame  of  them- 
selves.** (31) 

Then  followed  the  punishment  of  which  I  shall  treat  at  length 
in  a  subsequent  paper  — an  angel  appeared  in  a  mass  of  fire  from 
heaven  and  killed  them  all.  Cieza  is  fully  convinced  of  the  truth 
of  the  story  and  refers  to  the  large  fossil  bones  in  evidence,  showing 
that  he  obtained  his  data  after  1 543. 

Agustin  de  Zarate  differs  but  little  from  Cieza  in  his  main  state- 
ments, except  that  he  does  not  mention  their  landing  on  the  coast 


After  these  two  primitive  sources,  the  tale  was  often  repeated, 
with  slight  variations  (33).  I  shall  refer  to  only  a  part  of  one  of 
the  later  versions,  contained  in  an  anonymous  description  of  the 
"  government '*  of  Guayaquil,  dating  from  about  the  year  1605, 
apparently  an  official  document  by  one  who  was  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  the  district.     It  says  : 

**They  drink  water  out  of  wells,  especially  of  one  they  call  of  the 
Giants  which,  according  to  the  sayings  of  the  ancient  Indians,  lived  in 
that  country,  not  as  original  inhabitants,  but  from  other  parts. ' ' 

The  fossil  remains  of  large  size  are  also  alluded  to  :  **  They  are 
chiefly  preserved  in  the  deposits  of  pitch,  of  which  there  are  few." 


It  thus  seems  that  the  tale  of  the  landing  of  so-called  giants  on 
the  coast  of  southern  Ecuador  is  a  genuine  Indian  tradition  from  a 
period  antedating  the  sixteenth  century.  It  appears  also  that  it 
refers  to  people  entirely  distinct  from  the  American  natives  ;  but  we 
are  at  a  loss  to  find  even  an  inkling  as  to  whence  these  people  may 
have  come. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  is  at  least  premature  to  attempt 
conjectures  as  to  the  part  of  the  globe  whence  the  so-called  giants 
came.  If  their  original  home  lay  beyond  the  American  continent, 
some  of  the  island  groups  of  the  South  sea  might  be  considered  as 
affording  the  answer.  How  far  the  craft  in  use  by  the  islanders 
might  have  enabled  such  long  voyages,  and  in  what  manner  oceanic 
currents  and  winds  might  have  favored  or  impeded  them,  are  sub- 
jects for  investigation  on  the  islands  themselves. 


It  is  possible  that  the  strange  beings  came  from  some  point  on 
the  western  coast  of  America,  although  the  marked  difference  in 
appearance  between  them  and  the  coast  Indians  of  Ecuador  would 
rather  indicate  an  extra-American  ofigin. 

The  large  stature  attributed  to  the  intruders  should  not  be  taken 
too  literally.  During  the  course  of  many  ages  traditional  person- 
ages easily  assume  exaggerated  proportions.  The  Indians  of  Ecua- 
dor and  Peru  are  of  low  stature,  comparatively  speaking,  and  any- 
one above  their  average  height  becomes,  in  their  eyes,  first  a  tall, 
later  a  very  tall  man.  If  to  unusual  size,  hostile  demeanor  is  added, 
after  a  lapse  of  time  aboriginal  lore  converts  him  into  a  monster, 
morally  and  physically,  and  it  is  in  some  such  sense  that  the  term 
"giant**  should  be  understood  —  a  being  with  superior  physical 
power  and  destructive  tendencies.  As  for  the  manner  in  which  the 
"giants"  came  to  be  exterminated,  it  may  be  said  that,  while  the 
natural  phenomenon  described  in  connection  with  their  destruction 
seems  to  indicate  the  fall  of  a  meteorite  of  unusual  size,  the  possibility 
of  some  volcanic  disturbance  should  not  be  excluded. 


1.  De  Civitate  Deiy  cap.  7,  lib.  xvi. 

2.  The  Cross  of  Carabuco,  American  Anthropologist ^  vi,  No.  5,  1904. 

3.  Corbnica  moralizada  del  Or  den  de  San  Agustin  en  el  Ferv,  vol.  i, 
1638,  lib,  II,  cap.  II,  III,  IV ;  also  cap.  x  on  Viracocha. 

4.  Having  frequently  quoted,  in  previous  papers,  the  sources  to  which 
I  must  refer,  I  abridge  titles  in  order  to  save  space  and  to  avoid  repeti- 
tion. The  report  of  the  Augustines  is  in  vol.  iii  of  the  Documentos  inid- 
itos  de  Indias  under  the  title  **Relacion  de  la  Religion  y  de  los  Ritos  del 
Peru,**  etc.  The  passage  is  found  on  p.  22  :  **  Pues  finge  el  demonio,  y 
los  indios  io  tenian  muy  creido,  que  Ataguju  envi6  a  el  mundo  desde  el 
cielo  a  este  Guamansuri,  y  este  vino  a  el  mundo  a  la  provincia  de  Guam- 
achuco,  que  de  alll  se  habia  de  comenzar,  y  cuando  vino  hallo  en  €\  cris- 
tianos,  que  en  lengua  de  Guamachuco  se  Uaman  Guachemines,  y  ^1  andaba 
muy  pobre  entre  ellos.  Y  los  guachemines  le  hacian  trabajar  y  hacer  sus 
chacaras :  tenian  estos  guachemines  una  hermana,que  llamaban  Cantaguan^ 
la  cual  tenian  muy  encerrada  que  no  la  veia  nadie ;  y  un  dia  fueron  los 
hermanos  fuera,  y  entonces  Guamansuri  fu^  a  ella  y  con  halagos  y  enga- 
fios  la  hubo  y  empreflo.  Y  como  los  hermanos  guachemines  la  vieron 
prefiada  y  supieron  el  negocio,  y  que  Guamansuri  habia  sido  el  estrupador 
y  agresor,  prendieronle  y  quemaronle  y  hici^ron  le  polvos ;  y  dicen  los 
indios  que  los  polvos  se  subieron  al  cielo  y  que  se  qued6  alia  con  Ata- 
guju ;  y  por  esta  causa  por  entonces  no  hobo  la  erecion  de  los  indios  y  a 

AM.  ANTH.,  N.  S  ,  7—18 


264  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

ella  pusieron  d  muy  buen  recabdo. ' '  This  bears  a  suspiciously  Christian 
tinge,  (p.  23)  :  **  Y  entonces  dice  quel  fuerte  mancebo  mat6  a  los  gua- 
chemines,  y  a  algunos  que  quedaron  ech61es  de  la  tierra.  * '  The  story  of 
the  followers  of  Viracocha,  or  Tonapa,  is  entirely  different.  Com- 
pare Juan  de  Betanzos,  Suma  y  Narracian  de  los  Incas^  cap.  11,  p.  8. 
From  the  report  of  the  Augustines  it  would  seem  that  the  "  Guache- 
mines**  inhabited  the  country  before  the  Indians,  for  Catequil,  who 
was  the  son  of  Cantaguan,  killed  the  so-called  Christians :  '^  Enton- 
ces subi6se  al  cielo  y  dix61e  a  Ataguju :  '  ya  la  tierra  estd  libre  y  los 
guachemines  muertos  y  echados  de  la  tierra,  agora  te  ruego  que  se 
crien  indios  que  la  habiten  y  labren.*  *'  Thereupon  Ataguju  (to  whom 
creation  is  attributed)  directed  Catequil  to  go  to  a  height  between  Lima 
and  Truxillo,  **  y  que  fuesen  d  el  dicho  cerro  y  cavasen  con  taquillas  6 
azadas  de  plata  y  oro  y  de  alii  sacaria  los  indios  y  de  alii  se  multiplicarian 
y  se  multiplicaron  todos ;  y  asi  se  hizo  y  que  de  alii  sali6  su  principio. ' ' 
Hence  the  **  Guachemines  * '  occupied  the  region  before  the  Indians,  Their 
identification  with  * '  Christians  * '  is  certainly  posterior  to  the  conquest 
and  invented  by  the  Indians  to  explain  and  excuse,  to  a  certain  extent, 
their  opposition  to  the  Christian  faith.  This  results  plainly  from  p.  24 : 
"  Lo  segundo  es  que  dicen  los  indios,  que  porque  los  indios  mataron  los 
guachemines  y  los  echaron,  agora  los  cristianos  son  sus  enemigos  y  les  hacen 
tanto  mal  y  los  roban  y  toman  sus  mujeres  y  haciendas  ;  y  por  esto  ellos 
son  nuestros  enemigos,  y  el  demon io,  porque  mataron  los  guachemines  a 
Guamansuri,  quiere  mal  a  los  cristianos  y  los  teme,  y  no  querria  que  en 
cosa  recibiesen  la  ley  de  los  cristianos,  y  no  hay  que  dubdar  sin6  que  es 
grande  el  6dio  que  nos  han  tenido. '  *  The  traditions  about  * '  white  men  '  * 
from  the  vicinity  of  Ayacucho,  and  the  tales  connected  with  the  ruins  of 
the  Rio  Vinaque,  will  be  treated  farther  on.  They  bear  some  analogy 
to  the  Huamachuco  stories. 

5.  Lucas  Fernandez  de  Piedrahita,  Historia  general  de  las  Conqinstas 
del  Nvevo  Reyno  de  Granada  (1688,  lib.  i,  cap.  iii,  p.  17)  :  *'Tenian 
alguna  noticia  del  diluvio,  y  de  la  creacion  del  mundo ;  pero  con  tanto 
adicion  de  disparates,  que  fuera  indecencia  reducirlos  a  la  pluma :  y  comu- 
nicados  en  esta  materia  referian,  y  lo  hazen  al  presente  por  tradicion  de 
vnos  en  otros,  que  en  los  passados  siglos  aport6  a  aquellas  regiones  vn 
hombre  estrangero,  a  quien  llaman  vnos  Nemquetheba,  otros  Bochica,  y 
otros  Zuh6,  y  algunos  dizen,  que  no  fue  solo  el  estrangero,  sino  tres,que 
en  diferentes  tiempos  entraron  predicando ;  pero  lo  mas  comun,  y  reci- 
bido  entre  ellos  es,  que  fue  vno  solo  con  los  tres  epitetos  referidos. 
Este  tal,  dizen,  que  tenia  la  barba  muy  crecida  hasta  la  cintura,  los  cabe- 
llos  recogidos  con  vna  cinta  como  tren^a  puesta  a  la  manera,  que  los  an- 
tiguos  Fariseos  vsaban  los  Philacterios,  6  Coronas  con  que  se  rodeaban 
las  cabezas.  .  .  .  Andaba  este  hombre  con  las  plantas  desnudas,  y  traia 
vna  Almalafa  puesta,  cuyas  puntas  juntaba  con  vn  nudo  sobre  el  ombro  ; 
de  donde  afiaden  aver  tomado  el  trage,  el  vso  del  cabello,  y  de  andar 
descal^os'*  (p.  18).  He  preached  to  the  Indians  and,  **  del  Bochica 
refieren  en  particular  muchos  beneficios,  que  los  hizo,  como  son  dezir, 
que  por  inundaciones  del  rio  Funzha  en  que  intervino  el  arte  de  Huy- 


thica,  etc."  The  miracle  of  Tenquendama  follows  (p.  19)  :  "  Vltima- 
mente  afirman  del  Bochica,  que  muri6  en  Sogamoso  despues  de  su  predi- 
cacioD ;  y  que  aviendo  vivido  alii  retirado  veinte  vezes  cinco  veintes  de 
afios,  que  por  su cuenta hazen dos mil,  fue  trasladado al cielo. "  .  .  .  "EI 
averle  dado  entre  otros  el  epiteto  de  Zuh6,  que  es  el  mismo,  que  dieron 
despues  a  los  primeros  hombres  blancos,  que  vieron  en  las  conquistas." 
On  the  heels  of  Bochica  there  appeared  a  very  beautiful  woman  who, 
however,  was  as  bad  as  Bochica  was  good,  and  whom  the  latter,  accord- 
ing to  some,  converted  into  an  owl,  or  into  the  moon  according  to  others 
(p.  18).  This  woman  is  sometimes  called  Huythdca,  again  Chia  and 
Yubecayguaya.  To  her  evil  arts  the  inundation  of  the  Rio  Funzha  is 
attributed.  I  have  elsewhere  called  attention  to  the  difficulty  of  deter- 
mining whether  these  traditions,  as  told  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
existed  as  early  as  1536,  when  the  first  contact  of  the  Chibchas  with  the 
whites  took  place.  The  writings  of  the  conqueror  Quesada,  finished  in 
1539,  preserved  in  manuscript  in  the  national  historical  archives  of 
Spain,  can  alone  throw  light  on  this  question.  The  title  of  this  precious 
document  is  Epitome  del  Nuevo  Reino  de  Granada,  See  Jimenez  de  la  Es- 
pada,  Relaciones  geogrdficas  de  Indias,  vol.  i,  p.  xliv,  **  Antecedentes.^^ 

6.  Noticias  historiales  de  las  Conquistas  de  Tierrafirme  en  las  Indias 
occidentales  (MS.  in  the  Lenox  branch  of  N.  Y.  Public  Library;  pt.  11, 
noticia  iv,  cap.  3,  p.  261):  **Aq'  ayuda  mucho  una  tradicion  cer- 
tissima  q*  tienen  todos  los  de  este  reyno,  de  haver  uivido  en  el  veinte 
hedades  v  cuentan  en  cada  edad  70  afios,  un  hombre  no  conocido  de  nadie 
ya  mayor  en  afios  y  cargado  de  canas,  el  cabello  y  barva  larga  hasta  la 
cintura  cogida  la  cabellera  con  vna  cinta.  .  .  .  Dicen  q*  vino  por  la 
parte  del  Leste  q'  son  los  llanos  q*  llaman  continuados  de  Venezuela,  y 
entr6  a  este  reyno  por  el  pueblo  de  Pasca  al  sur  de  esta  Ciudad  de  S** 
F^."  .  .  .  (p.  262)  :  **  Desde  alii  vino  al  pueblo  de  Boza  donde  se  le 
muri6  vn  Camello  q*  traia,  cuyos  guesos  procuraron  conservar  los  natu- 
rales,  pues  aun  hallaron  algunos  los  Espafloles  en  aquel  pueblo  quando 
entraron,  entre  los  quales  dicen  q*  fu^  la  costilla  q*"  adoraban  en  la  laguna 
llamada  Bozassio :  los  Indios  de  Boza  y  Suacha,  a  este  pusieron  dos  6 
tres  nombres  segun  la  variedad  de  las  lenguas  q*  havia  por  donde  pasaba." 
On  p.  265  he  describes  the  wanderings  of  that  man  over  the  highlands  of 
Bogata,  preaching. 

7.  Noticias  historiales y  MS.  pt.  11,  not.  rv,  cap.  iv,  p.  266. 

8.  Piedrahita,  Historia  general  de  las  Conqvistas^  p.  17.  Simon, 
Noticias  historiales  (pt.  11,  not.  iv,  cap.  iv,  p.  264)  says  of  Bochica :  "El 
Bochica  era  Dios  mas  universal  y  aun  casi  Sefior  de  este  otro.  *  * 

9.  According  to  Enrique  Torres  Saldamando  {Los  antiguos  Jesuitas 
del  Peru,  Lima,  1882,  p.  107),  Oliva  was  a  Neapolitan  and  came  to 
Lima  in  1597,  where  he  was  consecrated  and  sent  to  Juli,  on  the  shores 
of  Lake  Titicaca.  He  remained  in  Bolivia  a  number  of  years,  chiefly  at 
Chuquisaca  (Sucre)  and  Potosi.  In  1636  he  was  rector  of  the  college  of 
Jesuits  a*t  Callao.  He  died  at  Lima  in  1642.  His  book,  Historia  del 
Peru  y  Varones  insignes  en  Santidad  de  la  Compaflia  de  Jesus ^  was 
approved  in  1631,  the  year  of  its  completion. 

266  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

10.  Historia  del  Ferv^  1719  (p.  5).  He  says  of  his  Indian  informant 
"  pero  mejor  d  mi  ver  hace  relation  dellos  el  quipocamayo  y  cacique 
llamado  Catari  viejo  antiguo  del  valle  de  Cochabamba  y  hijo  de  los  qui- 
pocamayos  coronistas  de  los  Reies  Incas  por  que  aunque  admite, ' '  etc. 

11.  Historia  del  Pen^  (pp.  23-37).  It  would  take  too  much  space 
to  quote  the  whole.  He  says,  among  other  things :  *  *  Aportaron  a  Caracas, 
donde  poblaron  y  hi^ieron  alto  :  y  de  donde  despues  el  tiempo  adelante 
se  fueron  estendiendo  en  las  demas  tierras  y  prouin^ias  de  Peru.  Destos 
primeros  pobladores  passaron  algunos  a  las  partes  de  Sumpa,  que  es  aquel 
paraje  que  aora  los  Espafioles  Uaman  la  punta  de  sancta  Helena  que  esta 
en  dos  grados."  He  goes  on  to  tell  of  several  expeditions  from  Santa 
Elena  to  various  parts  of  South  America,  including  Brazil  and  Paraguay. 
After  the  ''giants'*  had  been  exterminated,  voyages  were  made  farther 
down  the  coast  as  well  as  into  the  interior.  The  stories  are  confused, 
and  there  is  such  a  mixture  of  pretended  lore  from  Ecuador  and  from 
Peru  that  it  presents  an  exceedingly  suspicious  appearance.  Finally  (p. 
32),  he  causes  Manco  Capac  to  be  bom  on  the  island  of  Pund,  near  Guay- 
aquil, whence  he  coasted  with  his  people  as  far  as  Lima,  "  y  Manco 
con  la  gente  que  le  sigui6  ap>orto  acia  la  costa  de  Rimac. ' '  On  account 
of  a  severe  storm  and  earthquake  Manco  continued  his  voyage  down  the 
coast  and  went  inland  to  the  Collao.  He  found  the  Titicaca  region 
already  inhabited.     All  this  does  not  read  like  genuine  Indian  folklore. 

12.  Historia  del  Peru  (lib.  i,  cap.  2,  p.  23):  "  Y  enel  tiempo  que 
estoy  escribiendo  esta  vinieron  a  mis  manos  unos  papeles  originales,  que 
roe  dio  el  doctor  Bartholome  Ceruantes,  racionero  de  la  Sancta  yglesia 
de  los  Charcas  en  que  halle  con  puntualidad  lo  que  muchos  alios  a  e 
deseado  saber. ' ' 

13.  Segunda  Parte  de  la  Crbnica  del  Peru ^  cap.  iv,  p.  4. 

14.  Memorias  antiguas  historiales  y  politicas  del  Peru^  ?•  3- 

15.  Relacion  de  Antiguedades  deste  Reyno  del  Piru^  p.  234  :  "  Dizen 
que  en  tiempo  de  Purunpacha  todas  las  naciones  de  Tauantinsuyo  benieron 
de  hazia  arriba  de  Potossi  tres  6  quatro  exercitos  en  forma  de  guerra,  y 
assi  los  venieron  poblando,  tomando  los  lugares,  quedandose  cada  vno  de 
los  compafiias  en  los  lugares  baldios.  * ' 

16.  Compare  pp.  236  to  240,  and  his  profession  of  faith,  p.  234. 

17.  Primera  parte  de  la  Crbnica  del  Peru ^  p.  453. 

18.  Descripcion  de  la  Tier r a  del  Repartimiento  de  los  Rue  anas  Anta- 
marcas  de  la  Corona  real,  Jurisdicion  de  la  ciudad  de  Guanianga^  1586, 
in  Relaciones  geogrdficas  de  IndiaSy  vol.  i,  p.  210:  "Respdndese 
al  capitulo  veinte  y  uno,  que  junto  al  pueblo  de  La  Vera  Cruz  de 
Cauana  esta  un  pueblo  derribado,  al  parecer,  antiquisima  cosa.  Tiene 
paredes  de  piedra  labrada,  aunque  la  obra  tosca ;  las  portadas  de  las 
casas,  algunas  de  ellas  algo  mas  de  dos  varas  en  alto,  y  los  lumbrales 
labrados  de  piedras  muy  grandes ;  y  hay  seftales  de  calles.*'  It  may  be 
that  these  edifices  are  those  mentioned  by  Cieza  (Primera  parte  de  la 
Cronica,  p.  434,  cap.  lxxxvii)  as  on  the  Rio  Vinaque,  "adonde  estan 
unos  grandes  y  muy  antiquisimos  edificios,  que  cierto,  segun  estan  gasta- 
dos  y  arruinados,  debe  de  haber  pasado  por  ellos  muchas  edades.     Pregun- 


tando  d  los  Indios  comarcanos  quien  hizo  aquella  antigualla,  responden 
que  otras  gentes  barbadas  y  blancas  como  nosotros,  los  cuales,  muchos 
tiempo  antes  que  los  ingas  reinasen,  dicen  que  vinieron  d  estas  partes  y 
hicieron  alii  su  morada.  *  *  If  the  ruins  on  the  Vinaque  are  the  same  as 
those  near  Cauana,  then  the  Spaniards  must  have  heard  the  tradition 
shortly  after  the  conquest, 

19.  Primera  parte  de  la  Misceidnea  Antdrctica  (MS.  in  the  Lenox 
branch  of  the  New  York  Pubic  Library,  fol.  257).  The  *'  Nayres  *'  were 
originally  from  Malabar,  I  am  informed  by  Dr  Berthold  Laufer,  the  distin- 
guished student  of  eastern  Asiatic  anthropology.  According  to  Cabello 
Balboa  these  Nayres,  in  the  course  of  their  depredations,  came  from  Asia 
to  Chile  and  "  fueron  el  origen,  y  cepa  de  los  Yndios  de  Chile,  de  quien 
tambien  descienden  los  Chiriguanaes  (6  mejor  diciendo)  Chiliganaes  de 
estos  fueron  fabricadas  aquellas  fortalezas  estrafias  que  en  Ayavira,  y  Tia- 
guanaco  ( y  en  otras  partes  de  este  pedazo  de  mundo)  se  an  visto, ' '  etc.  (cap. 
19,  fol.  257).  '*  Se  metieron  en  a  tierra  austral,  y  de  alii  jamas  se  tuvo 
nueva  y  noticia  de  ellos  La  entrada  que  ellos  afiide  [?]  en  las  n™*  Yndias 
es  congetura  por  las  razones  que  los  Yndios  antiguos  dan  para  tenerla  por 
las  antiguas  tradiciones  de  sus  mayores  que  les  decian  que  de  acia  aquella 
parte  del  Mundo  avian  venido  estos  pestilentes  tiranos,  y  la  misma  razon 
dan  los  de  Chile  sefialando  su  venida  de  acia  el  estrecho  aquien  llamamos 
de  Magallanes.  *  *  This  passage  is  confused.  In  the  first  place,  Balboa 
says  that  nothing  was  known  or  learned  about  the  **  Nayres  "  after  they 
had  once  penetrated  inland,  yet  he  attributes  to  them  the  construction  of 
the  ancient  edifices  near  Ayaviri  (probably  the  remains  of  Pucard  are 
meant)  and  Tiahuanaco.  Again,  he  intimates  that  the  Nayres  were  the 
original  inhabitants  and  settlers,  whereas  he  also  states  that  the  Indians 
of  Chile  spoke  of  them  as  ruthless  invaders.  All  this  shows  that  he  has 
arranged,  but  not  objectively  rendered,  the  traditions  claimed  by  him  to  be 
original  and  primitive.  What  might  possibly  be  gathered  from  his  state- 
ments is  that  there  existed  in  his  time,  among  the  Indians  of  Chile,  lore, 
perhaps  ancient,  relative  to  landings  on  the  southern  Chilean  coast  of 
people  coming  ft^om  the  direction  of  Asia.  This  is  said  with  every  proper 

20.  The  manuscript  of  Balboa,  in  all  likelihood,  was  not  known  to 
Barcia,  the  editor  of  Garcia*s  Origen  de  los  Indios^  1729.  In  cap.  xxiii, 
p.  247,  Garcia  treats  of  the  possibility  of  an  East  Indian  origin  of  the  In- 
dians of  southern  Chile,  but  he  quotes  as  authorities  Hugo  Grotius  {Diss, 
I  de  Origin  Amer, )  and  Hornius  (^De  Originibus  Americanis  Libri  qua- 
tuory  1652,  lib.  I,  fol,  55,  56),  which  indicates  that  the  quotation  is  by 
Barcia,  as  the  first  edition  bears  date  1607. 

21.  Misceidnea,  etc.,  (MS.,  pt.  in,  cap.  17,  fol.  509):  "Que  en 
tiempos  muy  antiguos  que  no  saben  numerarlos  vino  de  la  parte  suprema 
de  este  Piru  con  gran  fiota  de  Balsas  vn  padre  de  Campafias,  hombre  de 
mucho  valor  y  calidad  llamado  Naymlap,  y  consigo  traia  muchas  concu- 
binas,  mas  la  muger  principal  dicese  averse  llamado  Ceterni,  trujo  en  su 
compafiia  muchas  gentes  que  ansi  como  a  Capitan  y  caudillo  le  venian 
siguiendo.   ...    [p.  511  0    ^^^^  Sefior  Naymlap  con  todo  su  repuesto 

268  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

vino  i  aportar  y  tomar  tieria  d  la  boca  de  vn  Rio  (aora  llamado  Faquis- 
llanga)  y  auiendo  alii  desamparado  sus  balsas  se  entraron  la  tierra  adentro. ' ' 

22.  Relacion  de  los  primeros  descubrimientos  de  Francisco  Pizarro  y 
Diego  de  Almagro  (in  Doc,  para  la  Historia  de  Espafla,  vol.  v,  p.  196). 
This  document  states  (p.  193)  that  Pizarro  and  Almagro  left  on  their 
expedition  in  1525.  He  was  at  Panama  again  in  1528. — Informacion 
hecha  en  Panamd  d  pedimento  de  Garcia  de/arin,  Aug.  3,  1528  {Doc, 
para  la  Hist,  de  Espaha,  vol.  xxvi,  p.  259).  If  the  craft  captured  by 
Ruiz  was  ''de  cabida  de  hasta  treinta  toueles,"  it  was  not  much  smaller 
than  the  smallest  vessels  of  Pizarro.  Relacion  de  los  primeros  descubri- 
mientos  (p.  193)  :  Partieron  en  el  afio  de  25  con  dos  navios  de  cuarenta 
y  setenta  toneles  y  un  bergantin  pequefio. '  * 

23.  Relacion  de  los  Descubrimientos  (p.  198):  '*  Salieron  d  losdichos 
navios  catorce  canoas  grandes  con  muchos  indios.*' — Pedro  Pizarro,  Re- 
lacion del  descubrimiento  y  conquista  de  los  reinos  del  Peru  (Doc,  para  la 
Hist,  de  Espafla,  v,  215). 

24.  Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo  (iv,  221):  *'  Las  mayores  balsas  que 
usan  los  indios  peruanos  que  habitan  cerca  de  montaiias,  como  los  de  los 
puertos  de  Payta,  Manta  y  Guayaquil,  son  compuestas  de  siete,  nueve  6 
mas  maderos  de  palo  de  balsa,  por  este  orden  :  que  los  atan  a  lo  largo 
unos  con  otros  con  bejucos  6  cuerdas  sobre  otros  atravesados ;  el  de  enme- 
dio  es  por  la  proa  mas  largo  que  los  otros ;  los  cuales  van  siendo  mas 
cortos  unos  que  otros  cuanto  mas  se  apartan  d  los  lados ;  de  suerte  que 
vienen  i  quedar  en  la  proa  con  la  figura  y  proporci6n  que  guardan  los 
dedos  de  la  mano  extendida,  puesto  que  por  la  popa  son  iguales ;  encima 
hacen  tablados,  para  que  no  se  moje  la  gente  y  ropa  que  va  en  ellas  con 
el  agua  que  les  entra  por  las  junturas  de  los  leflos.  Navegan  por  la  mar 
d  vela  y  remo,  y  son  algunas  tan  grandes,  que  caben  holgadamente  cin- 
cuenta  hombres.  * ' 

25.  Relacion  general  de  las poblaciones  espaflolas  del  Peru  {Rel,  geo- 
grdf,  de  IndiaSy  i,  13):  '*  Por  este  rio  arriba  hasta  el  Desembarcadero 
que  hay  diez  y  nueve  leguas,  se  va  en  unas  que  llaman  balsas ;  en  lugar 
de  barcos,  y  son  como  palos  grandes  atados  uno  con  otro,  ni  mas  ni 
m^nos  que  la  escalera  de  una  carreta,  digo  como  una  carreta  quitadas  las 
ruedas,  salvo  que  van  los  palos  juntos ;  el  de  en  medio  es  mas  largo  y  es 
la  proa  de  la  balsa,  en  la  cabeza  del  cual  va  siempre  gobemando  un  indio, 
y  a  los  lados  van  cada  tres,  6  cada  dos  6  cada  cinco  indios,  segun  son  las 
balsas  y  la  carga  que  lie  van  ;  porque  algunos  son  de  siete  palos,  y  de  aqui 
no  suben  :  van  lianas  por  el  agua,  que  algunas  veces  las  bafia  el  agua,  y 
los  regalados  y  gente  de  respeto  hacen  poner  unas  tablas  sobre  unos  palos 
atravesados,  y  alii  van  echados.  Otras  veces  hacen  poner  a  los  lados 
unas  estacas  y  atravesados  palos  como  las  varas  de  carreta,  por  si  llevan 
nifios  no  caigan  en  el  agua ;  y  ansi  subi  yo  con  mi  muger  y  hijos  ;  y  por 
el  sol  hacen  un  dejadillo  de  paja,  de  manera  que  cuando  esta  balsa  va 
ansi,  parice  una  choza  de  pastores.'*  These  rafts  recall  the  *'  callapas  '* 
in  use  on  the  confluence  of  the  Amazon  in  eastern  Bolivia,  which,  how- 
ever, are  usually  tvi'O  rafts  attached  at  the  sides  and  each  with  its 


26.  Historia  general y  natural  de  Indias  (vol.  iv,  lib.  XLVi,  cap.  xvii, 
p.  3  2  3  ) :  "  Son  hechas  de  unos  palos  gordos  k.  livianos  tablados  como  vigas, 
^  otros  atravesadosy  en  que  van  atados,  ^  sus  barbacoas  enmedio,  h  sus 
velas  latinas,  ^  remeros  por  los  lados  con  sus  nahes. ' ' 

27.  Historia  natural y  moral  de  las  Indias  (ed.  of  1608,  lib.  i,  cap. 
19,  p.  68) :  *'  Tambien  cuentan  los  Indios  de  Yea,  y  los  de  Arica,  que  solian 
antiguamente  nauegar  a  vnas  Islas  al  Poniente  muy  lexos,  y  la  nauegacion 
era  en  vnos  cueros  de  lobo  Marino  hinchados.  De  manera  que  no  faltan 
indiciosy  de  que  se  aya  navegado  la  mar  del  Sur,  antes  q*  viniessen 
Espafioles  por  ella. '  * 

28.  Hist,  del  Nuevo  Mundo  (iv,  220)  :  "  Hdcenlas  de  dos  cueros  de 
Lobos  Marinos  llenos  de  aire,  los  cuales  atan  uno  con  otro  al  modo  de  los 
dos  haces  de  que  se  hacen  las  de  Enea.  En  cada  una  va  solo  un  indio,  y 
entran  a  pescar  en  la  mar  tanto  trecho  como  en  las  otras.  Mas  porque 
estas  balsas  suelen  aflojarse  en  el  agua  y  descrecer,  para  que  no  se  hundan, 
lleva  cada  indio  un  cafiuto,  y  enmedio  de  la  mar  se  pone  de  cuando  en 
cuando  a  desatarlas  y  rehenchirlas  a  soplos,  como  si  fueran  pelotas  de 
viento.  Son  tan  livianas  y  ligeras  en  el  agua,  como  la  materia  de  que 
son  compuestas,  que  es  aire ;  nunca  se  les  pone  velas,  como  ni  a  las  de 
Enea,  y  s61o  se  navega  en  ellas  i  remo,  como  en  las  primeras.^' 

29.  Agustin  de  Zarate,  Historia  del  Descubrimiento  y  Conquista  de  la 
Provincia  del  Peru  (In  Vedia,  vol.  11,  cap.  v,  p.  464)  :  '*  Y  con  todo 
esto,  nunca  se  di6  entero  cr^dito  d  lo  que  los  indios  decian  cerca  de  estos 
gigantes,  hasta  que  siendo  teniente  de  gobemador  en  Puerto-Viejo 
el  capitan  Juan  de  Olmos,  natural  de  Trujillo,  en  el  alio  de  543,  y 
oyendo  todas  estas  cosas,  hizo  cavar  en  aquel  valle,  donde  hallaron  tan 
grandes  costillas  y  otros  huesos,  que  si  no  parescieran  juntas  las  cabezas, 
no  era  creible  ser  de  personas  humanas ;  y  asi,  hecha  la  averiguacion  y 
vistas  las  sefiales  de  los  rayos  en  las  pefias,  se  tuvo  por  cierto  lo  que  los 
indios  decian  ;  y  se  enviaron  a  diversas  partes  del  PerCi  algunos  dientes 
de  los  que  alii  se  hallaron,  que  tenia  cada  uno  tres  dedos  de  ancho  y 
cuatro  de  largo.*'  The  fact  that  the  lieutenant-governor  caused  excava- 
tions to  be  made  leads  to  the  inference  that  the  Indians  suggested  to  him 
that  the  remains  of  the  **  giants  '*  were  buried.  In  the  Descripcion  de  la 
gobemacion  de  Guayaquil  {Doc,  de  Indias ^  ix,  273)  it  is  stated  that  the 
bones  are  specially  found  in  the  deposits  of  asphalt  near  Santa  Elena, 
which  are  well  known ;  hence  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  Indians  may 
have  seen  one  or  more  of  the  skulls  on  the  surface.  That  the  remains 
are  those  of  mastodons  is  made  likely  by  the  great  resemblance  that  they 
bear  to  human  crania  of  enormous  size,  as  Prof.  H.  F.  Osborne,  of  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  has  kindly  shown  to  me. 

30.  Historia  general  y  natural  (vol.  iv,  lib.  XLVii,  p  257;  also  pp. 
146,  213,  etc.).  Since  he  mentions  (p.  219)  the  asphalt  deposits,  he 
would  have  spoken  of  the  **  giants  *'  had  he  known  of  the  tale. 

31.  Primera  parte  del  Crbnica  del  Peru  (Vedia,  11,  cap.  Lii, 
p.  405).  The  translation  is  not  as  literal  as  might  be  desired,  yet 
it  conveys  Cieza's  meaning,  I  hope,  with  sufficient  adherence  to  his 

270  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

32.  Historia  del  descubrimienio  etc.  (Vedia,  11,  cap.  v,  p.  465): 
"  No  declaran  de  qu6  parte  vinieron.*'  He  further  says  :  *'  Vieron  los 
espafioles  en  Puerto-Viejo  dos  figuras  de  bulto  destos  gigantes,  una  de 
hombre  y  otra  de  mujer. '  *  It  is  in  the  vicinity  of  Santa  Elena  and  Puerto 
Viejo  that  the  carved  stone  seats  have  been  found,  representing  human 
figures  on  all  fours.  Examples  may  be  seen  in  several  museums  of  this 
and  other  countries.  The  fact,  mentioned  by  Zarate,  that  one  of  the 
carvings  represented  a  woman,  might  militate  against  his  assumption  that 
it  was  intended  to  depict  the  mythical  giants,  since  the  latter  had  no 
women  with  them. 

33.  I  would  only  mention  Gregorio  Garcia,  Origen  de  los  IndioSy 
1729  (lib.  I,  cap.  IV,  p.  35)  :  '*  Dicen,  que  aquellos  Gigantes  vinieron 
por  mar.**  Oliva,  Historia  del  Peru  (p.  25)  :  "Ay  tradicion  que  estos 
gigantes  llegaron  alii  por  mar  en  balsas.  *  * 

34.  Descripcion  de  la  gobemacion  de  Guayaquil  (vol.  ix,  p.  275)  : 
"Colonchillo  esta  poblado  en  el  puerto  de  la  punta  de  Santa  Elena, 
veinte  y  cinco  leguas  de  Guayaquil  y  siete  de  Colonche,  que  es  de  donde 
se  proveen  de  las  cosas  que  les  faltan ;  la  tierra  es  est^ril  y  sin  aguas ; 
beben  de  po^os,  especialmente  de  uno  que  llaman  de  los  Gigantes,  que 
segun  relacion  de  los  indios  viejos,  los  hubo  en  aquella  tierra,  no  nacidos 
en  ella,  sino  venidos  de  otras  partes." 



You  said  that  you  would  like  to  see  a  copy,  which  I  had,  of  an 
old  Indian  will.  I  have  the  pleasure  of  sending  it.  I  am  afraid 
you  will  find  it  rather  stupid.  The  will  was  brought  to  my  notice 
four  or  five  years  ago,  in  Coban,  by  a  German  investigator — Mr 
Chas.  Sapper,  who  wished  me  to  see  what  I  could  make  of  it ;  there 
were  difficulties,  both  of  reading  and  of  interpretation.  The  will 
had  been  found  in  Carcha,  Mr  Sapper  said,  and  sent  to  the  Berlin 
Museum ;  when,  or  by  whom,  I  do  not  now  remember.  Of  that 
original  he  had  obtained  a  tracing,  and  the  tracing  was  what  I  saw. 
I  told  him  what  little  I  could,  at  the  time,  and  I  took  a  copy. 

On  looking  over  it  to  send  to  you  last  year,  it  was  plain  to  me 
that  the  text  would  be  of  little  or  no  use  without  something  in  the 
way  of  elucidation  ;  and  a  number  of  words  remained  to  be  identi- 
fied. This  delayed  me.  Sometimes  it  was  a  question  of  decipher- 
ing the  writing ;  sometimes  the  recovery  of  a  word  nearly  out  of 
use  and  unknown  to  most  Indians ;  sometimes  immediate  verifica- 
tion would  have  required  a  particular  journey.  I  have  not  made 
out  everything,  as  you  will  see,  but  I  have  done  a  good  deal ;  more, 
perhaps,  than  the  thing  deserves. 

The  will  is  the  will  of  a  dying  widow.  What  she  bequeathes 
are  articles  of  clothing,  a  grinding  stone,  a  couple  of  mattocks,  etc., 
some  Indian  com,  a  field  of  peppers,  and  a  garden.  Part  goes  to 
the  church,  to  pay  for  masses.  The  rest  is  divided  between  two 
Indians.  The  instrument  is  witnessed  by  town  officers  and  others, 
and  signed  by  the  Spanish  scribe  in  the  presence  of  the  testatrix 
and  of  at  least  one  of  the  legatees.  The  place  is  not  mentioned, 
but  it  was  either  Chamelco  or  Carcha.  The  date  is  the  3d  of  De- 
cember, 1583. 

^  This  paper,  originally  a  letter  of  Mr  Burkitt's,  b  presented  practically  in  the  form 
in  which  it  was  received.  —  Editor. 


272  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

The  handwriting  is  of  the  round  order,  small  and  crabbed,  with 
frequent  idiosyncrasies.  For  instance,  the  sequence  tz  is  con- 
stantly so  written  as  to  look  like  a  capital  B,  Yet  the  main  is 
legible.  Uncertain  characters  are  few,  and  those  few  I  have  at- 
tempted to  imitate  in  the  copy. 

The  disposition  of  the  words,  syllables,  and  letters  is  much  as 
my  copy  represents.  Words  are  misunited ;  and  words  are  broken 
apart,  often,  apparently,  at  haphazard.  The  tale  of  syllables  is 
usually  complete.  Much  of  the  will,  however,  is  in  the  style  of 
notes  jotted  down  from  speech  ;  and  not  mere  syllables,  but  words, 
and  even  phrases,  are  probably  missing. 

The  punctuation  is  rude,  and  sometimes  obscure.  Periods  are 
separated  by  dashes,  but  not  always.  Little  or  no  use  is  made  of 
capital  letters.  Only  one  or  two  periods  begin  with  a  capital,  and 
a  few  of  the  proper  names. 

There  are  uses  in  spelling  to  be  noticed  : 

(i)  The  letters  b  and  v  are  used  indifferently,  not  only  for  the 
sound  of  b^  as  is  still  common  in  Spanish,  but  also  for  the  sound  of  w 
or  of  gw.  Alguacil  is  spelled  *  alvacil ' ;  the  Indian  gwan  is  both 
'  ban '  and  '  van ' ;  Vi  and  gwi  are  alike  spelled  *  vi ' ;  and  so  on. 

(2)  The  right  sound  of  //  is  written  // ;  but  sometimes  the  letter 
is  silent,  as  in  modem  Spanish ;  and  again  it  often  stands  for  the 
guttural  y.  Awabej,  for  instance,  is  written  *  hauabeh ' ;  and  jtin  is 
sometimes  *hun.*  The  Cajabon  manuscript,^  too,  uses  //  for  j 

(3)  There  is  no  attempt,  at  this  early  date,  to  distinguish  the 
sound  of  k  from  that  other  palatal  which  I  write  q  ;  they  and  their 
modifications,  ^  and  5,  are  alike  written  c  (or  qu,  as  Spanish  ortho- 
graphy may  require).  So  with  /  and  //  etc.  In  fact  the  only 
improvement  on  the  alphabet  of  present-day  Spanish  is  the  Cata- 
lonian  use  of  x  for  the  consonant  which  in  English  we  write  sh. 

(4)  When  that  consonant,  however,  is  the  possessive  prefix,  it 
is  not  written  x,  but  7;  a  custom  which  may  still  be  found  in 
Cajabon.  Thus,  oxib  (three)  the  will  spells  correctly ;  while  xhaq 
{its  price)  is  *  y  tzac,'  with  y  for  x, 

1  The  Cajab6n  manuscript  referred  to  here  and  elsewhere  in  this  article  is  in  posses- 
sion of  Charles  P.  Bowditch,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  Mass.  See  Amer,  Anthropologist^  1902, 
IV,  p.  456. 

BURKiTT]    A  kekchI  will  of  the  sixteenth  centur  y      273 

In  other  cases  y  is  either  for  the  vowel  /,  as  in  Spanish,  or  for 
the  Indian  consonant  y  (English  dy^  nearly). 

(5)  Z  has  the  sound  oi  s  ;  in  these  colonies  z  never  has  had  any 
other  sound. 

(6)  Contractions  are  frequent,  especially  by  omission  of  «,  as 
the  custom  was.  And  contraction  is  usually  indicated  by  a  super- 
script vinculum  or  similar  mark. 

Some  other  pecularities  and  aberrations  of  spelling  will  be  seen 
in  reading. 

In  the  following  text  of  the  will  the  large  type  represents  the 
original.  The  interlinear  is  the  same  thing  made  plain  ;  that  is,  the 
Indian  is  deciphered  in  my  phonetic  alphabet,  each  word  apart  and 
without  abbreviation.  The  Spanish  words  that  occur  are  dis- 
tinguished in  the  interlinear  by  italics.  I  have  supplied  some  marks 
of  punctuation  in  the  interlinear,  but  the  language  itself  is  in  no 
way  varied.  Those  parts  of  the  text  which  I  cannot  make  out  with 
certainty  are  shown  in  the  interlinear  by  dots.  I  shall  speak  of 
them  in  detail ;  and  for  the  sake  of  reference  I  have  numbered  the 


1.  testamento     rech      M- 

Testamento  retx     Mathalena 

2.  rixq^l   d!   hematez    camenac 

rizaqil     .   .  .  Hemandex       kamenaq. 

3.  cey  cabay  Dios  hauabeh   Dios  caholbeh    Dios    fpu  sancto 

S€       zkabS,  i    Dios        awabej,         Dios       kajolbej,        Dios  Espiritu  santo 

4.  ta  in  tic  quib  vi  in  testamento  retal  rahom  in  chol  y  chum  in  chol 

ta  in       tikib      b!   in    testamento      retal      rajom     in    txol,      xtxum     in    txol, 

5.  chirixc   le    vech    chirixc  chic   vi    in   canabahem    nac    quin 

txi    rixk      le    gwetx,      txi    rizk      txik      b!     in       kanabahem         naq        in 

6.  chi     came  =    hun    pot     hu     ca    caib     y    miifa     chi      uxc 

txi         kamq.  Jun       p(tot,      jun      kfl,      kflib       i        misa        txi        uxq 

7.  chinbehen   —    hun  uec      hoob    y   tosto    on    que    oxib    y 

tx'  in  behen.  Jun  .  .  .  ,  Sob        i      toston      o'n       ke,       oxib       i 

8.  mifla      chi  uxc       chinbehe      chi  rixc       ruquin       ar      chielc 

misa  txi  uxq  tx'  in  behen        txi  rixk ;  rukin  ...  txi  elq 

9.  y   cantela    ru  quineb  p!   hoob  an  chal    y   misfa  nan  tzama 

i      candela ;        rukin       ib    pe      dob  antxal         i       misa     na  'n    tsama. 

274  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

10.  ma  xic    an  chal    ce    rochoch    y    Dios    le   hal    ruqn 

.  .  .  zik         antxal         s€        rotxotx         i      Dios       le     hal       nikin 

11.  hu     ach      capupul       hu       hacha      caib      mifTa     matiuma 

jun      ...  ...  jun  .  .  .  k&ib  misa  .  .  . 

12.  chirixc   hu   bech   cha  ^ah  .  .    9*u   y    bailom    cha    a    yah 

txi  rixk     juD     gwetz     txan     .  .  .  Juan     x  ...  txan     a      yaj. 

13.  hkiohl    hunyocote     chich     chi     re  cha     a     luis    Cal     racah 

Gwan  arwin  jun  yokotS  txitx         txi         retxan       a     Luis    Q&al,        .  .  . 

14.  vacunac         chacayah        hunyocote       chich      chi  re      cha 

...       ,  txank  a  yaj.  Jun  yokotS  txitx  txi         retxan 

15.  JQ     yat  vi   hovi   y  chac   raby  bahilom  nac  ocamc  chaayah 

Juan  Yat    bT,     jOgwI     xtxaqrab  x  ...        naq    o  kamk,    txan  a  yaj. 

16.  hun  acha  ca    pupul    chi   re  cha    luis   Cal   cha  ayah 

Jun      txi        retxan       Luis  Q&al,    txan     a  yaj. 

17.  Balthafar    ^a«*illi^    ju    chic   cha  c  precarabi    chac 

Balthasar  .  .  .  Jun     txik     txank  ...      ,      txank 

18.  ayah  Vcmno         ju  ah  quinam  xiyab  neb 

a  yaj.  .  .  .  Jun  aj      kinam      xiyab  '  .  .eb 

19.  chi  quehec  hQ  acha  ca  pupul  chi  quehec  rech  cha  ayah 

txi       keheq      jun    ...  ...       txi       keheq       retx,    txan  a  yaj. 

20.  hunca  xa  chi  re  cha  vi  jii  yat  vany  <jerosohil  chaayah 

Jun     caja      txi      retxan    hlJuanYvX^  gwan     x-ctrrojo-Wf    txan  a  yaj. 

21.  hQ  caxa  mahi  y  ce  rosohil  chi  re  cha  luis  Cal  cha  ayah  

Jun    cajay     majl        x-cerrojo-W^       txi     retxan    Luis  Q&al,  txan  a  yaj. 

22.  huntepic       chi       re      chanluis      cal       cha       ayah      

Jun  tep  ik  txi  retxan     Luis      QSaI,       txan  a  yaj. 

23.  hunpat  in  pot  van  chicaz  ruqui  ju  y[obUteniied]z  laheb  y  tomin 

Jun  ...   in   p5ot  gwan  txi  kas     nikin  Juan  Yats,  lajeeb    i    tumin 

24.  chicacao   bahxa  tac  cal    rahlaq^   y   bahilO   ixcabha   ^V^    hu 

txi  kakaw,   gwaqxaq    taq    kal     rajlankil, ...  ...     Jun 

V [erased] ach 


25.  o  cacruq^n  gafpar  tQ     uccal  chin  to  hac  vi  chac    acal  chic 

o  kamk  nikin    Caspar  Tun,  gwuq  kal  tx'  in  toj     &q    bT,  txank  ;   ox  kal    txik, 

26.  y  tzac  tzi  hotuc  achal  chi  cacao  ox  petet  chic  in  noc 

xtsaq      tsl;    dtuk       antxal     txi    kakaw.  Ox     petet     txik     in    noq, 

burkitt]     a  KEKCHl  WILL  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY        2/5 

27.  vena     quin 


y     quirac     chin     qe 

naq  in    txi        kiraq        tx'  in      kem 

in      choch 

in         txotx 

camicas  I  tul 


28.  havt     le 

A  ut       le 

vauib    I 

gwawim ;     granadillas^      tul, 







p*     cheb     echanc      ruquin      anchal 

p€       tx'  eb        etxanq  rukin  antxal 

o    I    pata,   I    turazno  |   coyou     tern 

o,  pata,  duraznOf         koyow,         tern. 

30.  Com    vech   chi    ru   ch  y   dios  ruquin    in  bahilom    camenac 

Kamk     gwetx      txi         nitx       i     Dios^      rukin         in        ...  kamenaq, 

31.  cha  ayah        chi  ruch  eb  mathalena  chi  ruch  eb  ah  valebc 

txan     a  yaj       [above  struck  out]        Mathalena ;     txi    rutx    €h   aj-gwalebj 

32.  atts      regi tores     y   cana   vinaql      y      ratin     ayah     chiruch 

•  •  •  f      regidores,  xkanagwinaqil  i  ratin        a  yaj,        txi   rutx 

33.  luis   Cal    Cana    vinac    ex     quin   tziba    y    ratin    <;e     martes 

Luis  QSal.      Kanagwinaq  ix        k'in      tsiba        i      ratin      si        martts, 

chi  9a  oxib  y  y   be  y  po  te  ciempre  mil  y  qui   ni  entos  y 



txi    s&      oxib     i        xbe 

ocheta  y  tres  anbs 

ochenta     y     tres    aHos, 

i     po        diciembre^      mil   y         quinientos         y 


or  ceo  'ma.'jof 


.  .  .  Inis 

Oxib  regidor. 

Merez  .  .  . 

de  Guzman 

.  .  .  alguacil  mayor. 

•      •      • 

Lorenzo  mayor- 

Juan  MendeZy 



Lines  i  and  2,  which  I  have  placed  as  a  heading,  are  scribbled 
on  the  back  of  the  original. 

Testamento  .  .  .  kamenaq,  '  Testament  of  Mathalena  [Magda- 
lena],  wife  of  Hernandez,  deceased.' 

di  herndtes.  The  first  word  must  be  short  for  something  Span- 
ish, d  not  being  an  Indian  sound.     In  adopting  Spanish  words, 

2/6  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Indians  turn  d  into  /;  so  the  surname  Hernandez  is  written  with  a 
/  to  imitate  Indian  pronunciation. 

3,  Se  xkaba  .  .  .  Santo,  *  In  the  name  of  God  the  Father,  God 
the  Son,  and  God  the  Holy  Ghost' 

cey  cabay.  In  neither  case  does  the  final  y  belong  to  the  word 
to  which  it  is  joined ;  the  first  represents  the  possessive  prefix  x,  to 
be  joined  to  kaba  ;  the  second  is  the  proclitic  i.  See  remarks  (4) 
on  the  spelling. 

Dios,  Indians  say  '  Tiox^ ;  and  it  is  commonly  supposed  that 
Tiox  is  a  corruption  of  Dios.  This  may  be  doubted.  The  same 
word  sometimes  means  *  pupil '  (of  the  eye).  Tiox  also  appears  in 
the  vocable  bantiox  (*  thanks '),  and  is  the  base  of  tioxi{^  be  thankful 
for ').  If  the  Greeks  had  conquered  Mexico,  it  is  likely  they  would 
have  supposed  the  Aztec  Tecotl  to  be  a  corruption  of  fleic. 

fpu  sancto.  Where  the  original  uses  a  long  j,  I  copy  it.  The 
half-Latin  spelling  of  these  words,  and,  farther  on,  the  constant 
spelling  of  *  tnissa  *  for  misa,  might  be  taken  to  signify  that  the  scribe 
had  learned  his  letters  among  clerics.  The  Indian  for  *  God  the 
Spirit'  is  Tiox Musiqbej {Jmtisiq,  'breath  of). 

4,  5,  6,  ta  in  tikib  ,  ,  .  txi  kamq^  *  I  begin,  then,  my  testa- 
ment, the  record  of  my  heart's  wish,  my  heart's  desire,  respecting 
what  is  mine,  respecting  too  what  I  have  to  leave  when  I  die.' 

4,  ta  in.  So  also  in  the  Cajabon  MS.  Modem  speech  would 
elide  the  a^  making  fin. 

retal  rajom  in  Ixol.  An  Indian  rendering  of  the  previous 
Spanish  word,  a  practice  frequent  in  the  old  compositions  called 
'  parlamentos.' 

5,  6.  in  txi  kamq.  This  arrangement  is  now  seldom  heard,  the 
txi  being  fully  assimilated  to  an  index  of  tense,  and  put  first :  tx'  in 

In  the  spelling  nac  quin,  of  the  original,  the  qu  is  merely  a  false 
repetition  of  the  final  palatal  of  naq.     Cf.  tic  quib  for  tikib^  lipe  4. 

6,  7.  Jun  pooty  .  ,  .  tx'  in  behen,  *  A  shirt,  and  a  grinding- 
stone  [are  to  pay  for]  two  masses  to  be  performed  on  my  behalf.' 
Poot  is  the  short,  loose  shirt,  without  sleeves,  which  is  the  upper 
garment  of  the  women.  It  is  of  white  cotton  among  these  Indians, 
and  frequently  embroidered  with  colors. 

BURKiTT]    A  kekchI  will  of  the  sixteenth  centur  y      277 

7,  8.  Jun  \uuq  f\ ,  dob  ...  txi  rixk.  *  A  [skirt  ?]  —  five 
tostones  I  gave  [for  it]  —  [is  to  pay  for]  three  masses  to  be 
performed  for  me  afterward.' 

uec.  Such  appears  to  be  the  spelling,  but  no  such  word  is 
known.  It  has  been  proposed  to  read  gwex  (trousers) ;  but  I  can- 
not think  the  last  letter  a  miswritten  x;  besides  the  price,  five 
tostones,  would  be  too  much.  Tostbn  was  the  old  half-dollar.  I 
think  the  word  must  be  uuq,  'skirt.'  Among  these  Indians  the 
skirt  is  a  dark  blue.  It  may  be  very  voluminous.  A  well-off 
woman  wears  as  much  as  ten  yards. 

8,  9.  ru%in  .  .  .  candela,  *  Therewith  candles  are  to  go ' ; 
i.  e.,  with  the  masses.  This  at  least  is  one  rendering,  and  perhaps 
the  best.  It  supposes  that  the  word  which  seems  to  be  written  ar 
is  meant  for  the  third  personal  pronoun  an,  enclitic  to  rukin, 

cantela  for  candela.  See  note  on  herndtez,  line  2.  An  Indian 
word  for  candle  is  Htsuuj,  though  not  much  used  in  that  sense. 

9,  ru^in  eb  pe  dob  .  .  .  hama.  *  So,  with  them,  I  ask  for  five 
additional  masses.'  That  is,  with  the  first  two  masses  and  the 
subsequent  three  she  gets  the  total  of  five ;  *  additional,'  I  suppose 
is  meant,  to  the  regular  office  of  the  dead. 

pe.  This  particle  occurs  again,  on  line  28  ;  and  both  times  it  is 
so  written  as  to  look  like  an  abbreviation,  which  it  is  not.  I  have 
rendered  pe  here  by  the  introductory  *  so.'  Better,  perhaps,  would 
be  our  *  you  see ' :  '  With  them,  you  see,  I  ask  for  five,'  etc.  These 
particles  pe  and  Hi  (especially  pe)  are  out  of  place  in  a  prepared 
statement  or  monologue ;  they  belong  to  conversation.  The  use 
of  them  is  evidence  that  the  will  was  not  a  prepared  statement,  but 
pieced  together  on  the  spot  with  fragments  of  talk ;  and  not  very 
coherently  pieced,  either,  as  further  reading  shows.  Throughout 
this  paragraph  (lines  7-9)  the  punctuation,  and  in  some  degree  the 
sense,  have  been  matter  of  dispute.  I  have  given  what  seems  to 
me  the  most  natural. 

ID,  II)  12.  These  three  lines  present  such  a  disposition  of 
doubtful  or  unrecognizable  words  that  hardly  the  drift  of  the  mean- 
ing can  be  guessed.  In  the  original,  these  lines  are  in  a  handwriting 
which  is  notably  different  from  that  of  the  rest,  and  some  have  sup- 
posed a  different  writer. 

2/8  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

10.  ma  xik.  There  is  a  particle  of  negation,  ma  ;  but  no  such 
construction  as  ma  xik.  The  least  unlikely  guess  I  can  offer  is  that 
ma  should  be  read  na,  the  present-tense  index,  which  makes  things 
intelligible  as  far  as  hal :  Na  xik  antxal .  ,  ,  le  hal^  '  The  com  also 
goes  to  the  house  of  God  * ;  i.  e.,  to  the  church,  doubtless  to  pay 
for  the  masses  mentioned  in  the  next  line.  The  proceeding  would 
be  nothing  unusual. 

ruqn^  short  for  writing  ruqiiin,  as  again  on  line  25,  where  the 
abbreviation  mark  is  written.  The  context  of  rukin  is  as  doubtful 
as  everything  else  here.  I  should  incline  to  put  a  pause  after  hal^ 
and  perhaps  translate  ruki7i  by  '  therewith,'  referring  to  the  com  as 
a  means  of  payment  This  is  one  of  the  places  where  it  is  easy  to 
suspect  something  missing,  with  the  scribe's  attention  divided  be- 
tween his  ear  and  his  pen. 

11.  ach  capupuL  This  mysterious  phrase  is  the  great  crux 
of  the  will.  It  occurs  again  on  line  16,  and  again  on  line  19; 
but  with  slight  variations :  acha  instead  of  ach^  and  ca  separated 
from  pupuL  ca  might  be  qa  (our) ;  but  more  likely  is  kA  (two). 
pupul  has  all  the  appearance  of  a  noun  formed  on  a  base  pup, 
like  lukul  from  luk,  tupul  from  tup,  etc.;  but  my  inquiries  and 
those  of  others  have  failed  to  elicit  any  pup  or  pupul  from  the 
speech  of  the  day.  Possibly  the  word  might  be  recovered  from 
the  Cajabon  MS.  One  Indian  thought  the  word  should  be  tupul, 
in  the  sense  of  '  piece,'  '  portion  ; '  but  the  spelling  is  plainly  pupul, 
thrice  over. 

As  for  ach,  or  cu:ha,  to  most  readers  it  immediately  suggests 
the  Spanish  hacha.  But  if  an  *  axe '  was  meant,  why  say  it  in 
Spanish?  Indians  always  use  their  own  word,  mdl,  and  so  does 
everybody,  talking  Indian.  Another  suggestion  is  that  the  word  is 
still  the  Spanish  hacha,  but  in  the  sense  of  'torch,'  or  'great 
candle,'  used  in  church  processions,  etc.,  and  perhaps  to  be  used  in 
the  kdib  misa,  '  two  masses,'  which  are  now  in  question.  But  then 
this  meaning  is  not  suitable  to  the  context  in  lines  16  and  19.  The 
only  thing  in  Indian,  I  know  of,  that  ach  could  be,  is  the  root  atx, 
found  in  atxab,  '  slacken,'  '  let  go ' ;  but  there  is  no  help  in  this. 

hu  hacha.  Last  letter  probably  a,  though  it  looks  more  like  ;/ 
in  the  original.     These  words  may  be  a  repetition  of  the  ////;/  ach. 


or  hun  acha,  already  discussed.  But  the  initial  h,  of  hacha,  may  be 
for  j\  and  we  might  read  jun  jatx  a  kaib  tnisa^  *  a  half  of  the  two 
masses.'  Jatx,  'fraction/  especially  'half;  a,  the.  This  would 
suggest  that  elsewhere  the  word  acA  should  be  Aach,  i.  ^,,jatx\  and 
we  should  understand  the  meaning  to  be  that  the  com,  above  men- 
tioned, and  the  other  articles  farther  on  (lines  i6,  19)  are  to  be  ap- 
portioned between  the  two  beneficiaries. 

ma  tiuma.  Such  appear  to  be  the  letters.  No  meaning.  The 
context  seems  to  indicate  a  verb.  We  might  therefore  suppose  ma 
to  be  na,  as  in  the  case  of  ma  xik  on  line  10.  As  for  tiuma,  perhaps 
a  final  n  is  suppressed  without  mark,  as  happens  elsewhere ;  we 
should  then  have  the  ending  -man,  of  the  gerundive ;  and  so  finally 
evolve  something  like  na  tiwman,  '  it  is  to  be  eaten '  {tnv,  *  bite,* 
*  eat ').  But  the  meaning  *  eat '  does  not  fit,  unless  it  referred  to  the 
com,  and  in  that  case  the  word  would  not  be  tiw,  but  ^ux, 

12.  txi  rixk  Jun  gwetx,  *  after  one  for  me ' ;  meaning,  apparently, 
'  after  one  mass  for  me.'  But  the  translation  might  be  varied,  putting 
a  pause  after  rixk. 

cAd  yah.  The  first  letter  of  the  second  word  looks  like  an  r  with 
an  accidental  *  tail ' ;  or  it  may  be  a  misshapen  y.  If  y^  then  the 
word  is  yaj\  *  sick ' ;  and  we  must  assume  the  omission  of  the  article 
' a'  Xo  complete  the  oft-recurring  phrase  txan  ayaj\  'says  the  sick 
(one),'  meaning,  of  course,  the  testatrix.  If  this  reading  is  accepted, 
then  yaj  ends  the  sentence.  The  two  dots  which  follow  are  evi- 
dently intentional,  and  may  be  meant  to  mark  a  period,  though  no 
other  period  is  so  marked. 

^U  y  bailom.  The  first  letter  cannot  be  a  capital  G,  but  is  a 
capital  I  or  J,  begun  with  a  flourish.  Both  Juan  and  jun  are  else- 
where contracted  to  ju.  Here  the  word  is  doubtless  Juan,  the 
christian  name  of  the  person  termed  bailom. 

The  latter  word,  with  the  spelling  baAilom,  occurs  three  times 
again.  From  line  1 5  it  is  seen  that  baAilom  denoted  a  person,  de- 
ceased, whose  directions  about  some  property  are  confirmed  by  the 
testatrix.  And  from  line  30  it  is  plain  that  her  baAilom  was  one 
whose  memory  she  cherished.  We  know  from  the  outset  that  she 
is  the  relict  of  one  Hernandez.  The  conclusion  is  natural  that 
ba{ft)ilom  somehow  represents  the  word  belom,  *  husband.'     I  can- 

AM.  AMTH.,  H.  S.,  7. — 19 

280  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

not  believe  that  bahUom  has  been  transmuted  into  belotn  since  the 
time  of  the  will.  The  change  would  be  too  great,  and  without  a 
known  parallel.  All  I  can  suggest  is  that  bahUom  may  have  been 
a  collateral  variant  of  the  word,  but  confined  to  local  use  and  now 

txan  a  yaj\  *  says  the  sick  (woman).'  Here  the  strange  hand- 
writing ceases,  and  I  put  a  period.  On  the  whole,  the  thing 
seems  to  mean  that  two  more  masses  are  to  be  said,  for  the  woman, 
perhaps,  or  for  her  late  husband  John  (Hernandez) ;  and  paid  for 
in  com. 

13.  ^wan  arwin  .  .  .  a  Luis  Qda/,  *  There  is  here  an  iron 
mattock,  to  be  owned  by  Lewis  Caal.' 

bdo)  In,  Here  ba  =  ban  =  gwan.  See  remarks  (i  and  6)  on 
the  spelling.  The  will  writes  no  accents,  and  the  mark  which  looks 
like  one  is  an  abbreviation-mark  tilted  up ;  hence  bi  =  bin  ;  but  no 
Indian  word  at  all  suitable  ends  in  -bin.  The  b  must  then  be  read 
«/,  or  £^  ;  the  hieroglyphic  which  looks  like  the  Greek  omega  must 
somehow  represent  the  letters  or ;  hence,  finally,  arwin  or  argwin^ 
an  obsolescent  variant  of   of  in, 

retxan.     The  usual  form  now  would  be  retxa, 

a  Luis  Qdal,  The  use  of  the  semi-demonstrative  a  shows  that 
Lewis  Caal  was  actually  present ;  as  in  fact  is  stated  further  on 
(line  33). 

13,  14.  racah  vacunac,  *  son  of  my  eldest  son.'  At  least,  this 
is  the  best  interpretation  offered.  It  supposes  that  racah  is  meant 
for  reqaj^  '  substitute  of,'  frequently  used  in  the  sense  of  '  son  of,' 
indicating  in  all  likelihood  that  the  father  is  dead.  As  for  vacunac, 
it  appears  that  in  Pokomchi  there  is  a  word  guacunac,  meaning 
*  my-eldest-son ' ;  and  the  word  was  perhaps  current  at  the  time, 
in  whatever  part  of  the  Kekchi  country  the  will  was  written.  There 
is  no  such  word  now  in  Kekchi. 

The  use  of  certain  forms  {se  for  sa^  fu^n  for  ji^in,  jetx  for  fe) 
indicate  that  the  will  was  written  either  in  Carcha  or  in  the  neigh- 
boring village  of  Chamelco  ;  more  likely  the  latter.  The  Chamelco 
district,  which  is  not  large,  lies  between  Carcha  and  the  Xukaneb 
mountains,  next  to  the  Pokom  country.  The  church  is  the  oldest 
in  these  parts,  and  has  a  chime  of  bells  said  to  be  the  gift  of  no  less 


a  person  than  the  emperor  Charles  V.  A  fantastic  effigy  of  the 
Austrian  eagles  is  still  apparent  on  the  wall.  As  the  emperor 
abdicated  in  1556,  the  church  would  have  been  built  at  least  27 
years  before  the  writing  of  the  will.  There  is  therefore  nothing 
wonderful  in  finding  an  old  Indian  woman  the  **  widow  "  of  a  Span- 
ish colonist,  and  the  Indians  already  baptized  with  christian  names. 
14,  15.  Junyokote  .  .  .  txan  ayaj.  '  One  iron  mattock  John  Yat 
is  to  own,  as  was  the  command  of  her  [husband  ?]  when  he  died, 
quoth  the  sick  (woman).'  The  Indian  txaji^  like  the  English 
*  quoth,'  is  supposed  to  report  a  speaker's  own  terms.  Hence,  if 
ba/ulotn  means  '  husband,'  we  should  expect  *  in  bahilotn*  '  my  hus- 
band,' as  we  do  find  in  line  30.  But  both  here  and  on  lines  12  and 
24  we  find  y  ba(K)Uom,  *  her  husband '  (the^  being  for  the  possessive 
prefix  X,  of  the  3rd  person).  This  confusion  of  'her'  and  *my' 
may  be  an  oversight  on  the  part  of  the  scribe ;  yet  it  is  an  over- 
sight which  could  not  occur  in  speech,  and  the  scribe  makes  the 
blunder,  it  seems,  only  in  connection  with  bahilom. 

16.  txi  retxan  .  .  .  a  yaj\  *  let  Lewis  Caal  have  it,  says  the  sick ; ' 
'  it '  being  whatever  is  meant  by  /tun  acha  ca  pupul  (see  note  on  line 

17.  Here  follows  the  signature  of  one  Balthasar,  whose  sur- 
name appears  as    ^a**  •  Hi^,  ending  with  what  seems  to  be  a  j/ 

scratched  out,  and  es  written  above  it.  The  initial  letter  is  like  a 
d,  Greek  fashion.  There  is  no  such  surname  in  Indian ;  nor  in 
Casdlian  either,  that  I  know  of.  It  has  a  Valentian  or  Catalonian 

Below  this  name  are  the  letters  emno^  preceded  by  what  looks 
like  the  arithmetical  sign  of  square  root.  This  hieroglyphic  I  take 
to  be  a  capital  T,  and  the  whole  an  abbreviation  of  TesHtnonio^  which 
in  old  Spanish  was  sometimes  used  to  mean  testigo  (*  witness '). 
A  line  is  drawn  about  signature  and  all.  It  is  evident  from  the 
space  occupied  that  the  thing  was  not  squeezed  in  afterward,  but 
written  then  and  there,  before  the  document  went  further.  The 
witness  perhaps  could  not  wait,  and  signed  his  name  at  the  stage 
then  reached ;  an  irregularity  quite  in  keeping  with  the  style  of  the 

282  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

Jun  txik,  txanky  '  Another,  says  (she).' 

precarabi.  Mere  gibberish ;  .yet  the  spelling  seems  clear,  pr 
is  not  an  Indian  sequence  of  consonants.  There  must  be  some- 
thing wrong,  or  something  missing.  The  sentence  ends  at  once, 
with  the  repetition  of  txank  a  yaj\  *  says  the  sick.' 

18.  Jun  of  kinam  xiyab^  *  a  single  kinam  (-wood)  comb.'  This 
does  not  fit  the  following  plural,  eb :  eb  txi  'keheq,  *  let  them  be 

neb^  I  read  eb,  I  cannot  understand  the  initial  »,  unless  it  be  a 
miswritten  A,  silent,  eb  txi  "kekeq^  modem  style  tx'  eb  ^eheq ;  cf.  in 
txi  kamqy  line  5. 

19.  hu  acha  ca  pupul.     See  notes  on  lines  1 1  and  1 6. 

txi  %eheq  retx,  txan  a  yaj\  *be  it  given  to  him,  says  the  sick.' 
To  whom  ?  Again  the  legatee's  name  is  omitted.  Both  on  this 
line  and  the  preceding  it  is  evident  the  sentences  are  mangled. 

20.  Jun  caja  .  .  .  yaj,  •  One  box  let  John  Yat  possess,  that  has 
a  lock,  says  the  sick  (woman).' 

coxa  =  caja.  X  and  7  were  used  alike  in  Castilian.  The  mod- 
em guttural  j  was  hardly  known  in  Castile  before  the  end  of  the 
XVIth  century,  and  was  not  general  in  the  colonies  till  the  end  of 
the  XVIIth.  To  the  Indians  a  box  was  evidently  a  foreign  contri- 
vance. To  this  day  the  word  they  use  is  a  corruption  of  caja  or  of 

ge  rosohil,  A  corruption  of  the  Span,  cerrojo,  with  the  addition 
of  the  Indian  "appropriating"  termination,  -//.  As  an  index  to  the 
scribe's  proficiency,  note  that  the  c  has  a  needless  cedilla ;  as  again 
on  line  33. 

21.  Jun  caja,  tnajl  .  .  .  yaj,  *  One  box,  no  lock  to  it,  let  Luis 
Caal  possess,  says  the  sick.' 

maji.  Modern  style  would  say  mdka,  Maji,  nowadays,  means 
*  not  yet,'  excepting  in  one  or  two  expressions,  like  Txan  naq  niaji  ? 
'  Why  not '  ?  The  Cajabon  manuscript  also  uses  majl  as  a  simple 
negative,  without  connotation  of  time. 

22.  Jun  tep  ,  .  .  yaj.  '  A  chile  field,  let  Lewis  Caal  have  it, 
says  the  sick  (one).' 

Lines  23-27  are  parenthetical ;  they  enumerate  certain  assets, 
but  make  no  bequests.     It  will  be  seen  that  these  lines  are  sepa- 


rated  from  the  rest  by  a  couple  of  scratches,  or  dashes,  reaching 
into  the  margin. 

23.  Jun  pat  in  poot  .  .  .  yah,  '  One  pat  of  shirting  of  mine 
is  on  debt  with  John  Yats/  as  we  should  say,  *  on  credit ' ;  he  owes 
her  for  the  stuff.  The  woman,  as  we  see  further  on,  was  a  weaver. 
With  the  Indians,  weaving  is  a  business  of  women  ;  sewing  and  tail- 
oring a  business  of  men,  even  to  the  embroidering  of  womens'  shirts 
(poot).     John  Yats  may  have  been  the  tailor. 

pat.  All  that  is  clear  is  that  this  was  some  unit,  in  speaking  of 
shirt-cloth.  Some  have  wished  to  read  pac,  and  render  '  a  cut  of 
shirting,'  etc.  But  the  spelling  pat  is  plain.  There  is  a  fossil  word 
pat,  whose  proper  meaning  is  uncertain,  the  word  occurring  only  in 
the  vocable  j'unpat,  ox  jumpat,  *a  moment,'  'quickly,'  etc. 

Yah,  In  the  original,  the  surname  begins  with  Y  and  ends  with 
with  z,  the  middle  of  the  word  being  obliterated.  There  would  be 
room  for  about  two  letters ;  and  Yah  (or,  as  the  scribe  would  spell 
it,  Yatz)  is  the  only  surname  that  fits. 

23,  24.  lajeeb  .  .  .  rajlankil ;  [worth]  'ten  silver  (pieces)  in 
cacao,  reckoning  them  eight  score  each.'  The  shirt-cloth,  in  other 
words,  is  valued  at  ten  pieces-of-eight ;  the  piece-of-eight,  or  silver 
dollar,  being  reckoned,  in  cacao,  as  equal  to  eight  score  seeds. 
The  real  was  therefore  worth  a  score.  Cacao  must  have  been 
scarce  or  silver  plenty.  A  few  years  ago,  before  silver  money  dis- 
appeared, the  rate  was  two  score  for  a  real^  and  old  men  tell  of  its 
being  even  four  score. 

gwaqxaq.  In  the  original,  written  bahxa  /  ^  =  gw ;  the  //  is 
due  to  mistaking  q  ior  j ;  and  the  final  palatal  is  missing  —  slurred 
over  by  effect  of  the  following  /,  of  taq, 

rajlankil ;  written  rahldq* ;  the  second  contraction-mark  tilted 
up,  as  on  lines  13  and  25. 

y  bahild,  i.  e.,  xbahilom  (see  remarks  on  bahilom,  lines  12  and 
15).  No  connection  is  traceable  between  this  and  what  goes 
before.  As  for  the  following  ixcabha,  all  I  can  say  is  that  it  does 
not  contain  xkabd  (his,  her,  its,  name),  nor  xkab  (*  secondly '),  nor 
anything  else  that  might  be  fancied  beginning  with  the  possessive 
prefix  X,  as  the  scribe jinvariably  writes^  for  that  x. 

The  next  thing  on  this  line  (24)  is  an  unintelligible  sign  which 

284  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7, 1905 

has  some  likeness  to  capital  upsilon,  standing  on  what  is  perhaps 
one  of  the  usual  dashes  marking  a  period. 

24,  25.  Jun  gwdkatx  .  .  .  txank,  'A  turkey  of  mine  which 
died  at  Caspar  Tun's,  seven  score  Til  pay  [for  it],  said  he*  — 
meaning  seven  score  of  cacao.  It  is  common  to  lend  birds  for 

gwakatx.  In  the  original,  begins  with  v  (=  gw)  and  ends  with 
ach^  the  intervening  letters  being  obliterated ;  there  would  be  room 
for  two. 

gwuq  %al.  The  original  writes  uccal^  which  most  readers  took 
for  tikal  (*  earthen  pot '),  but  an  earthen  pot  would  be  no  adequate 
payment  for  a  turkey ;  besides  there  is  no  determining  word,  such 
as  jun  (a,  one),  before  uccal.  Others  have  read  0  ial  (five  score), 
turning  the  u  into  0.  There  can  be  no  doubt  about  the  truth  of  my 
reading  ;  the  u  means  gwu  ; — g^  as  usual,  is  not  recognized  before 
the  sound  of  w.  The  sequence  wu  is  not  Spanish,  and  a  Spaniard 
is  very  apt  to  reduce  it,  in  writing,  to  a  mere  u.  gwuq  Hal  also 
accounts  for  the  cc  of  uccal.  And  last,  but  not  least,  the  meaning 
*  seven  score  '  makes  sense  of  the  remainder. 

25,  26.  ox  Hal .  .  .  kakaw.  *  Three  score  more,  price  of  dog  — 
200  additional  of  cacao.'  The  Caspar  Tun  debt,  of  7  score  and  3 
score,  makes  200  of  cacao,  additional  to  that  owed  by  John  Yats. 

ox  Hal,  In  the  original,  the  initial  hieroglyphic,  which  is  said  to 
resemble  the  algebraic  sign  of  variation,  must  be  a  sort  of  mono- 
gram of  ox. 

xisaq  hi.  Dogs  and  puppies,  even  the  most  wretched  curs, 
have  a  price,  and  are  not  given  away  by  Indians,  but  sold. 

26,  27.  Ox  petet  ...  a  yaj,  *  Three  spindles  (-full)  more  of 
cotton  I  have,  (which)  in  case  that  I  get  well  I  mean  to  weave,  says 
the  sick  (one).*  —  The  ruling  passion  strong  in  death. 

gwey,  represented  in  the  original  by  ve, 

naq,  like  the  English  'that,'  is  here  superfluous. 

in  txi  Hiraq.  Modern  style,  tx*  in  Hiraq.  Cf.  in  txi  kamq 
(lines  5,  6),  and  eb  txi  Heheq  (line  19).  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  y  of  the  original  represents  txi  in  the  present  instance. 
There  was  frequent  confusion  of  the  letters  y,  i,  and  x. 

28,  29.  A  ut .  .  .  tern.     *  And  as  for  my  land,  why,  let  them 


possess  [it  ?] ,  together  also  with  my  plantation  ;  granadUlas,  plan- 
tains, alligator-pears,  guavas,  peaches,  koyaws,  tents,* 

*  le  in^  modern  /'  in^  eliding  the  vowel  of  the  article. 

pe^  *  why '  or  *  well/  etc.     See  note  on  pi,  line  9. 

etxanq.  If  there  is  nothing  wrong  with  this  word,  it  would  be 
proper  to  supply  retx,  answering  here  to  the  English  *  it'  Here 
again,  as  in  line  19,  the  instrument  omits  to  name  the  beneficiaries ; 
doubtless  John  Yat  and  Lewis  Caal. 

gwawitn.  Written  vauib.     Final  b  and  tn  are  easily  confounded. 

camicas.  Corruption  of  granadUlas,  a  fruit  I  know  only  under 
its  Spanish  name. — turazno,  t  for  d. — koyow,  tern ;  I  have  no  Euro- 
pean names  for  them.  —  The  names,  except  the  last  two,  are  sep- 
arated in  the  original  by  vertical  scratches,  meant  as  commas. 

30-33.  Kamk  gwetx . . .  Luis  Qdaly  *  I  am  about  to  die  before 
God,  with  my  dead  [husband  ?] ,  says  the  sick  (one)  Magdalen ;  in 
presence  of  their  worships  [attesting?],  regidores,  witnesses  to  the 
words  of  the  sick,  in  presence  of  Luis  Caal.' 

Kamk,  written  Com,  Final  k  not  distinguished  from  the  follow- 
ing g\  o  ^  miswritten  a. 

bahUom,  See  under  lines  12  and  15. 

31.  chi  ruch  eb  is  scratched  out,  the  first  time,  to  put  in  the 
woman's  name.  — ah  valebc ;  the  final  c  should  bey.  For  a  contrary 
mistake  see  line  24. 

32.  atts.  A  person  acquainted  with  law  papers  of  the  period 
might  know  what  this  meant.  I  suppose  it  is  an  abbreviation  for 
atestados,  or  something  similar.  Cf  atto  and  att,  after  two  of  the 
signatures  below. 

regitares :  /  for  d.  But  the  imitation  of  Indian  goes  only  part 
way ;  the  plural  ending  should  be  struck  off,  as  it  is  in  '  oxib  regi- 
dor  farther  on.  Regidor  means  a  sort  of  town  officer,  like  inspector 
of  roads,  or  of  police,  of  public  works,  etc. 

xkanagwinaqil.  See  kanagwinag,  next  line.  For  the  scribe's 
abbreviation  of  the  last  syllable,  cf.  rixaqil,  line  2,  and  rajlajikil, 
line  24. 

txi  rutx  Luis  Qdal,  I  connect  this  with  what  goes  before  it,  and 
so  end  the  sentence.  This  punctuation  makes  as  good  sense  as 
any,  and  seems  to  be  authorized  by  the  capital  C  of  the  next  word. 

286  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7, 1905 

As  the  Other  legatee,  John  Yat,  is  not  mentioned  here,  it  is  probable 
he  was  not  present. 

33,  35.  Kanagwinaq  ex .  .  ,  afios,  *  Ye  are  witnesses,  I  have 
written  her  words  on  Tuesday,  upon  the  third  of  the  month  Decem- 
ber, a  thousand  and  five  hundred  and  eighty  three  years.' 

Kanagwinaq,  The  original,  Cafia  vinac^  was  long  a  puzzle. 
Some  Indians  proposed  kanajenaq  (•  remaining ')  ;  others  qajenaq 
(*  departed  *) ;  and  what  not.  I  discovered  the  word,  under  the 
form  canaguenac^  in  reading  an  old  composition  which  also  gave 
the  translation  *  testigo'  The  word  is  nearly  obsolete.  It  was  only 
lately  that  I  found  an  Indian  who  knew  it  —  a  man  from  Cajabon. 
There  is  a  similar  word  for  *  witness '  in  the  Kiche-chi. 

se  martes,  I  have  not  examined  whether  the  day  of  the  week 
agrees  or  not  with  the  rest  of  the  date. 

txi  sd.  After  txi,  the  sa  must  be  accented  ;  and  the  fact  of  its 
being  written  with  a  shows  that  it  was  accented.  Otherwise  the 
word  becomes  s'e^  in  the  style  of  the  will ;  and  also  in  the  style  of 
Carcha  and  Chamelco  to  the  present  day. 

i  xbe  i  po.  Modem  style  would  reduce  this  to  either  i  be  i  po 
(in  Cajabon),  or  ;ri^^ // /^  (Coban) ;  literally,  'the  moon's  course.' 

diciembre,  written  *  te  ciempre'  These  Indians  had  a  native 
almanac,  with  twenty  months  in  the  year ;  and  the  names  of  them 
are  still  to  be  found  in  medicine-talk. 

mil y  quinicntos,  etc.     All  this  might  as  well  have  been  Indian. 

The  signature  which  comes  first  is  Gonzalo  Meres,  The  next  I 
guess  to  be  In^s  de  Guzman,  In  the  original,  the  part  ifies  is 
underlined ;  as  for  tecuzma  I  suppose  the  /  and  the  c  to  be  meant 
as  Indian  imitations  of  d  and  g,  respectively,  as  happens  elsewhere  ; 
and  final  n  is  often  dropped ;  so  I  arrive  at  *  de  Guzman.*  The 
part  *  do  dom '  I  cannot  make  out,  though  it  looks  as  if  it  might 
somehow  involve  *  Dofla,' 

As  for  atto  and  att,  see  note  on  atts^  line  32. 

The  third  group  contains  one  Indian  word,  oxib  (three).  The 
di  before  alguazil,  is  likely  the  same  as  the  di  before  Hernandez^  in 
line  2,  q.  v.  *  lorSco '  must  be  read  Lorenzo  ;  the  c  should  have  a 
cedilla ;  cf.  the  Portuguese  spelling  Lotire^igo,  This  Lorenzo 
(*  majordomo  '  of  the  cabildo,  most  likely)  seems  to  have  signed  for 

BURKiTT]    A  kekchI  will  of  the  sixteenth  century      287 

the  three  regidores  and  for  the  alguacil  mayor.  All  the  signatures, 
of  course,  are  adorned  with  those  flourishes,  however  clumsy, 
which  these  people  consider  to  be  as  essential  as  the  name. 

Last  of  all,  at  the  bottom,  is  the  name  Juan  M6ndez^  so  I  read 
it ;  aj'isib,  *  scribe.* 

I  have  supposed  throughout  that  the  reader  is  not  new  to  the 
language.  Be  that  as  it  may,  there  will  be  interest,  and  perhaps 
help  for  him,  in  the  following  short  glossary.  It  embraces  all  the 
Indian  of  the  will  that  has  been  read  with  confidence — the  Indian 
of  the  interlinear.  Meanings  are  given  with  the  least  amount  of 
grammar ;  and  no  secondary  meanings  of  a  word  are  mentioned 
unless  they  conduce  to  the  text. 

It  is  well  to  say,  that  many  words  as  they  occur  in  speech,  or  in 
the  will,  begin  with  gw,  with  r,  or  with  x ;  and  yet  will  not  be  found 
here  under  those  headings.  When  that  happens,  those  sounds  are 
merely  inflexional  prefixes  ;  and  removing  them,  let  the  reader  look 
for  what  remains.  Thus,  not  finding  gwawint^  or  rotxotx^  or  xisaq, 
let  him  look  for  azvim,  otxotx,  isaq.  See  gwj^  r/,  and  x/,  which  I 
have  entered,  for  explanation's  sake,  as  if  they  were  separable  words, 
like  the  prefix  in. 

No  regular  derivatives  will  be  entered  independently ;  they  will 
be  noticed  each  under  the  entry  of  its  principal  part ;  although  the 
latter  may  not  be  used  in  the  will.  So  Jajlankil  will  be  found 
under  ajla,  ^ajolbej  under  l^ajol,  oxib  under  ox. 

Various  forms,  as  jajlankil^  {^(ijol^  j^abd,  jixaqily  will  be  found 
with  a  line  drawn  before  them  ;  which  signifies,  that  owing  to  the 
nature  of  their  meaning,  they  can  be  used,  in  general,  only  with  a 
possessive  prefix.  I  sometimes  speak  of  them  as  *  appropriating ' 
forms.  —  Certain  English  words  may  be  followed  by  (v.) ;  which 
means  that  they  are  to  be  taken  as  verbs,  not  as  nouns. 

Accent  will  not  be  written,  unless  in  a  few  cases  :  to  distinguish, 
for  instance,  the  tonic  sd,  belly,  etc.,  from  the  proclitic  sd,  in.  By 
accent  I  mean  capacity  for  stress.  The  Indian  syllable  of  accent  is 
always  the  last  —  often,  of  course,  the  only  syllable.  For  effects 
of  accent,  an  enclitic  word  is  the  last  syllable  to  its  principal ;  a 
proclitic,  a  first  syllable. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

a,  proclitic ;  one  of  the  two  defi- 
nite articles  (the  other  being  li  or 
le),  the^  this^  thaty  unemphatic ;  Fr. 
ce.     See  note  on  line  13. 

a,  prepositive ;  particle  of  intro- 
duction ;  may  sometimes  be  ren- 
dered by  buty  as  for,  line  28. 

aj-y  prefix  of  correlative  person, 
frequently  agent,  aj-tsib,  he  of 
writings;  seetsib. 

ajy  particle  postpositive  to  nu- 
meral expressions,  in  the  sense  of 
onlyy  just,  etc.:  jun  aj.  Just  one 
.  ,  .  ,  a  single  .  .  .,  line  18. 

ajy  ajok|  etc.,  wish,  desire  (v.). 
/ajom^appropriating  subve. ,  (one^s) 
wish,  wish  {pfY  rajom  in  txfA^  my 
hearfs  wish,  line  4. 

ajgwalebj,  person  of  worship  or 
authority,  headman,  etc. 

ajla,  ajlanky  etc.,  count,  reckon. 
/ajlankily  appropriating  instrumen- 
tal, count  {of),  reckoning  {of), 
line  24. 

akatX|  turkey. 

antxaly  postpositive,  also,  withal, 
besides,  in  cuidition,  etc. 

aq,  enclitic  ;  energizing  or  dram- 
atizing particle,  without  English 
equivalent.  Attached  to  verbs,  as  in 
lines  25  (toj&q)  and  27  (kem  &q), 
its  effect  is  to  put  the  action,  as  it 
were,  in  sight. 

arwin,  or  argwin,  obsolescent, 
the  usual  word  now  being  either 
arin  (in  Coban),  or  ahi,  here. 

&tin,  word,  speech. 

/ftwa,  or  leigweijfather  {of),  but 
only  in  figurative  senses.  [Not  con- 
nected, apparently,  with  the  ordi- 

nary gwa,  father.]  awabej,  or  ag- 
wabej,  ditto,  undetermined, /iM^r, 
ruler,  governor  of  a  country,  etc. 

awim  [irregular,  of  root  aw, 
sow  ;  cf  ajom  and  aj] ,  that  is  sown 
or  planted,  crops,  plantation.  Span. 

be^  pcUh,  rocui,  course. 

/behen  (in  Cobin  /been  or /b€n), 
top  {of).  Chiefly  in  prepositional 
phrases,  following  sa  or  tzi:  tzi 
/behen,  *  on  top  of,  ^  in  more  or  less 
figurative  senses ;  over,  above ;  on 
behalf  of  \  cf.  drip  with  gen.  tx'  in 
t>ehen|  over  me,  on  my  behalf,  line  7. 

bi|  postpositive  particle  of  re- 
sponse, real  or  constructive,  indi- 
cating assent  or  corroboration. 
May  sometimes  be  rendered  by 
'  why  yes, '  ^  tobe  sure,  *  '  then, '  etc. , 
or  oftener  perhaps  by  the  Span. 
'pues.'  ta  in  tikib  bi  .  .,  I  begin 
'  then ' .  .  .  ,  line  4.  Attempts  at 
direct  translation,  however,  are  apt 
to  be  clumsy  or  trivial.     See  p€. 

eb|  proclitic  and  enclitic;  pro- 
noun indicative  of  the  3d  pers.  pi. : 
they,  them;  but  often  to  be  ren- 
dered by  merely  pluralizing  some 
word  in  the  translation. 

el|  elk,  elq,  etc.,  go  out,  come 
out,  Sp.  salir. 

etal|  sign,  token,  record. 

/6tx  (in  Coban  /e),  primitively, 
mouth  of',  (2)  that  is  of,  for,  or 
to;  {one's)  *have\'  the  translation 
is  usually  effected  by  a  possessive 
pronoun  ;  or  by  a  preposition,  of, 
for,  to,  followed  by  a  noun  or  pro- 
noun :  gwetZy  mine ;  of  me,  to  me. 


far  me :  retx  his  {hers^  itSy  theirs)] 
for  him,  for  .  , ,,  etc. 

etxa  [etx  +  formative  vowel  a] , 
etxank,  etzanq,  etc.,  oum,  possess: 
tzi  retxa,  /ef  him  possess  (if)  ;  in 
the  will,  tzi  retzaoi  with  n-aug- 
ment.     See  note,  line  13. 

exy  proclitic  and  enclitic ;  indic- 
ative pronoun,  2nd  pers.  pL,  ye. 

gw/,  possessive  prefix,  ist  person 
sing.,  to  names  beginning  with  a 
vowel ;  my,  etc. ;  see  in.  gwawim, 
my  plantation,  see  awim.  gwetz, 
my  ^  have,^  mine,  see  /etx.  jtin 
gwakatZi  '  one  my  turkey,^  i.  e.,  a 
turkey  of  mine, 

gwan,  predicate  of  passive  being, 
as  yo  is  of  active  being ;  existing,  in 
being,  present,  situated  somewhere 
or  somehow.  Translation  usually 
involves  some  part  of  the  verb  be  : 
gwan  arwin  jtin  yokotC,  {there)  is 
here  a  mattock,  line  1 3.  But  gwan 
often  disappears  in  translation ;  e.  g. 
when  followed  by  a  noun  with  a  pos- 
sessive prefix:  gwan  x-cerrojo-il, 
having  a  lock,  with  a  lock,  line  20 ; 
more  literally,  ^ {there)  is  its  lock,' 

This  predicate  gwan  is  not  to  be 
confused,  grammatically,  with  the 
verb  gwan,  gwank,  gwanq,  accom- 
panied by  indices  of  tense. 

gwaqxaq,  eight. 

gwey,  if,  in  case. 

gwiiq^  seven. 

haly  Indian  com  in  the  ear. 

iy  proclitic ;  an  early  *  construc- 
tive '  demonstrative,  similar  to  the 
definite  article,  but  now  disused, 
excepting  in  the  Cajab6n  style  or  in 

certain  traditional  phrases.  Where 
it  occurs  in  the  will,  modem  style 
would  either  drop  it  altogether  as 
superfluous,  or  replace  it  by  a  more 
specialized  form  —  U^  the  ;  or  txi, 
q.  V.  :iDio8sliDio8;ixbeipOa 
xbe  li  po ;  kaib  i  misa  »  kaib  txi 
misa  {two  *  of  masses). 

iky  chile  (peppers). 

in,  proclitic ;  denoting  possession 
by  the  ist  pers.  sing.;  my,  of  mine  : 
in  &oly  my  heart,  line  3.  When 
attached  to  a  verb,  however,  the 
possessive  prefix  is  no  longer  trans- 
lated explicitly,  but  by  means  of  the 
respective  English  pronoun:  ta 
in  tikiby  /  shall  begin  {it)  ;  more 
literally,  (//)  will  be  *  my  begin,' 
line  4.  Before  names  which  be- 
gin with  a  vowel,  in  is  replaced  by 
the  prefix  gw/,  q.  v. ;  see  also  'n. 

in  (identical  in  form,  though  not 
in  meaning,  with  the  preceding 
word ;  cf.  the  Sp.  mi,  which  means 
both  my  and  me),  proclitic  and 
enclitic  pronoun,  ist  pers.  sing.,  /, 
me :  in  txi  kamq,  line  5  ;  in  txi 
kiraqi  line  27. 

/ixaqil  [irregular  appropriating 
of  ixq,  woman"],  wife  {of). 

/ixk  (more  commonly  /ix),  skin 
{of),  exterior  {of)  ;  txi  /ixk, 
'  at  skin  of,  *  hence  outside,  behind, 
about,  respecting,  etc.  :  txi  rixk 
le  gwetx,  respecting  what  I  have, 
line  5. 

jogwi,  likewise  ;  as  also  ;  as. 

jun,  one  ;  a,  an. 

k%  for  the  aorist  index,  ki,  before 
any  proclitic  beginning  with  a  vowel. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

ka,  grinding'Stone  (for  grinding 

kki  kiiib|  /z^/^. 

/kabiiy  /lam^  (0/)  ;  sake  {of^, 

/kajoly  offspring  {of),  son'  {of), 
kajolbej,  ditto  undetermined,  son^ 
offspring,    Cf.  /awa  and  awabej. 

kakaW|  cacao, 

£al|  J^^r^  ;  OX  kaly  Mr^^  J^<7r^. 

kaniy  kamky  kamq,  etc.,  die: 
kamk  gwetz  ( *  dying  is  mine ' ) ,  / 
am  about  to  die,  line  30 ;  kame- 
naq^  dead, 

kanaby  kanabank,  etc.,  leave 
(v.);  middle  irreg.,  kana,  etc. 
kanabahem  (or  kanabaem),  ir- 
reg. appropriating  of  kanab^  that 
one  has  to  leave,  e.  g. ,  to  one's  heirs. 

kanagwinaq,  that  assures,  wit- 
ness; kanagwinaqily  ditto,  appro- 
priating, witness  (to).  See  note, 
line  33. 

kaS|  debt, 

ke,  keoky  etc. ,  give ;  put ;  pas- 
sive, ke€,  etc.,  with  q-augment 
Seeq.  keheq  for  keeq,  with  in- 
trusive h,  style  of  Carcha. 

kem,  kemok,  etc.,  weave, 

kiy  proclitic,  index  of  aorist  tense. 
See  k'.  Occasionally  Indian  uses 
the  aorist  where  English  prefers  the 
perfect,  as  in  line  33. 

kinam,  a  certain  tree,  and  its 
wood,  of  which  combs  are  made. 

kira,  kirak,  kiraq  (independent 
neuter,  though  formed  like  an  irreg. 
middle  of  the  reduplicating  conjuga- 
tion, cf.  \uJl!Bi)ygetweiiy  convalesce, 

koyow,  a  fruit-tree,  much  like  the 

laje,  lajeeby  ten, 

le,  proclitic,  the.  This  variant  of 
11  is  now  confined,  so  far  as  I  know, 
to  Cajab6n  style.  The  Indian  def. 
art.  may  of  course  disappear  in  Eng- 
lish :  le  gwetz,  what  is  mine. 
Span,  lo  mio,  line  5  ;  le  In  tzotx, 
my  land,  ^  the  land  I  have,^  Ital. 
ii  mio  terreno,  line  28. 

maji|  not  yet ;  not.  See  note, 
line  21. 

*n,  in  Carcha  style,  for  the  pos- 
sessive in,  by  elision  of  its  vowel 
afler  the  tense  indices  na  and  o. 
Thus  na  'n  «=  na  in  ;  0  'n  s  0 

na,  proclitic,  index  of  present 

naq,  proclitic,  when  (the  con- 
junctive adverb),  that  (conjunc- 
tion, not  the  relative  or  demonstra- 
tive pronoun),  as:  naq  in  txi 
kamq,  when  I  die,  as  I  die,  line  5. 

noq,  cotton, 

0,  (style  of  Carcha  or  Chamelco, 
and  somewhat  old-fashioned  for  x) 
proclitic,  index  of  perfect  tense. 
Indian,  like  French,  uses  the  per- 
fect incessantly,  where  English 
would  usually  have  the  aorist :  naq 
0  kamk,  Fr.  iorsqu'ii  est  mort,  but 
English,  when  he  died,  line  15. 

0,  alligator-pear.  Span,  aguacate. 

0,  ooh^five, 

Otuk,  tiao  hundred,  [The  word 
is  a  compound  of  0  and  tuk,  as  is 
proved  by  interposition  of  taq :  0- 
taq-tuk,  200  each.  The  0  is  prob- 
ably five;  but  of  the  part  tuk  there 
is  no  certain  explanation  ;  it  has  no 


meaning  alone,  and  occurs  only  as 

OtzotXi  dwelling  house,  lodge. 

OXy  oziby  three :  OX  kal,  j  score  ; 
oxib  i  misa,  3  masses,  line  7 ;  ox 
petety  J  spindlefuls  (of  cotton), 
line  26,  not  oxib  petet,  because 
here  petet  is  taken  as  a  mere  unit  of 
reckoning,  like  kal,  the  real  object 
in  mind  being  the  cotton.  In 
other  words,  the  use  of  ox,  and 
not  oxib|  implies  the  translation  of 
petet  by  *  spindleful,'  not  spindle. 
Similar  remarks  would  apply  to  0 
and  <x>by  ka  and  kaib,  laje  and  la- 
jceb,  q.  V. 

pata,  guava, 

p€,  particle  (either  postpositive 
or  prepositive)  indicating  surprise ; 
which,  however,  may  be  purely  con- 
structive. It  may  sometimes  be 
rendered  by  such  expressions  as 
'Dear  me!'  'But/'  'See/' 
'  There  now/'  '  Why/'  'So,'  etc. 
But  these  are  clumsy  and  vague. 
p€,  like  bl,  is  best  rendered  by  suit- 
able inflexion  of  the  voice ;  or  by 
a  corresponding  gesture;  with  bl, 
a  confirmatory  nod  or  toss  of  the 
head ;  with  pC,  perhaps,  raising  the 
eyebrows.     See  bi,  and  note  to  line 


petet|  spindle;  spindle fuL 

po,  moon;  lunar  month,  loosely, 

poot,  Indian  woman's  'shirt' ; 
cotton  'shirting'  for  making  it. 
See  note  on  pdot,  line  6. 

Qaal|  an  Indian  surname,  one  of 
the  commonest. 

r/,  possessive  prefix,  of  the  3rd 
person;  Span.  j«(j);  Eng.  his^ 
her,  its,  their,  as  the  case  may  be. 
rixaqily  his  wife  (see  /ixaqil), 
ratlBi  her  words  (see  &tin). 

The  possessor's  name  follows,  if 
mentioned :  rixaqil  11  gwinq,  the 
man's  wife ;  ratin  a  yaj,  words  of 
the  sick  one,  the  sick  one' s  words, 
line  32 ;  and  direct  translation  of 
the  prefix  has  to  be  abandoned.  So 
in  many  other  cases :  txl  keheq  retx 
{be  it  given,  'his  have,'  i.  e.),  be  it 
given  to  him,  line  19.  See  /etx, 
/ixky  /iiiin. 

When  the  prefix  is  attached  to 
the  stem-form  of  a  verb,  the  In- 
dian '  possessor  '  turns  up  in  trans- 
lation as  the  '  subject '  of  the 
verb:  txl  retxa(n)  a  Luis  O&al, 
let  Lewis  Caal  possess  it  (Indian 
idea :  be  it  Lewis  CaaPs  'possess'), 
Cf.  under  In. 

Before  a  consonant,  r  is  trans- 
muted into  Xy  q.  v.  The  change  is 
merely  euphonic. 

/sa,  belly  {of)  ;  hence,  inside 
{of)',\j±si  (for  txl  xsa),  on  {its) 
inside ' ,  within  {it)  ;  upon  (a  certain 
day,  line  34) .  In  modem  style  the 
full  phrase,  txl  sa,  is  used  only 
when  emphatic,  or  final  (cf.  the  Fr. 
dedans)  ;  when  the  name  of  the 
thing  follows,  txl  sa,  is  cut  down  to 
sH  alone  (Fr.  dans)  ;  thus  the  noun 
sH  becomes  a  preposition ;  and  it 
can  bear  no  emphasis.  For  this 
unaccented  sa  the  style  of  Carcha, 
and  of  the  will,  employs  the  variant 
s6,  q.  V. 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

sC  (in  Cobin,  8&)  proclitic  (cf. 
Gr.  Iv),  in;  at^  otiy  etc.  If  the 
meaning  of  the  preposition  is 
to  be  emphasized,  tzl  8^  must  be 
used  instead.     See  /8&. 

ta,  proclitic,  index  of  future 
tense.  The  Indian  'future/  how- 
ever, has  a  variety  of  uses  out  of 
keeping  with  the  English  tense  of 
that  name ;  on  line  4,  <  ta  in  tikib ' 
is  better  rendered  by  an  Eng.  '  pres- 
ent ' :  /  begifiy  I  am  beginning. 

taq,  atonic  interpositive  particle, 
signifying  that  the  numeral  with 
which  it  is  combined  is  to  be  taken 
in  a  distributive  sense.  The  trans- 
lation, usually,  involves  such  words 
as '  apiece\  '  each  \  '  every\'gwBX\r 
zaq  taq  Ibd,  eight  score  each^  line 

tern,  a  certain  tree,  planted  in 
gardens  for  shade. 

tfip,  body^  lot  (of  anything); 
precinct^  field, 

tikib|  tikibanky  etc.,  begin. 
Middle,  tikia,  etc. 

toj,  tojoky  eiz.,  pay  (v.). 

ts&ma,  ts&manky  etc.,  begy  ask 

tsaq^  price,  worth. 

tsl,  dog. 

tsib,  *  scripture  *  —  writing  or 
drawing,  aj-tsib,  writer,  draughts- 
man; scribe,  especially  scrivener. 
See  aj-. 

tsiba^  tsibanky  etc.,  write ;  neu- 
ter, tsibaki  etc. 

tul,  plantain. 

tumin,  silver  ;  silverpiece  ;  money. 

Tun,  an  Indian  surname. 

tx  %  for  tzly  before  any  proclitic 
beginning  with  a  vowel. 

txan,  or  with  k-augment,  tzank, 
answers  the  purpose  of  our  ^ says\ 
*  said\  *  quoth  ';  and  like  them,  it 
immediately  follows  the  language  it 
reports.  —  Notwithstanding  this  ap- 
parent congruence  of  txan  and 
'  says ',  yet  tzan  is  not  a  verb,  and 
does  not  of  itself  mean  say.  Its 
initial  meaning,  as  examples  in 
another  syntax  would  show,  is  what 
like  ;  how  ;  or  as. 

txaqrabi  commandment,  orders. 

tzly  proclitic,  at,  to;  on;  etc. 
Txi  /behen,  txl  /Izk,  tzi  /sk,  tzi 
/utz ;  see  /behen,  etc.  The  closest 
parallel  to  these  expressions,  and 
often  a  convenient  translation  of 
them,  is  found  in  those  words  of  ours 
which  are  formed  with  the  prefixes 
be-,  a-,  or  with-]  as  behind,  before  ; 
within,  without;  ahead,  astern;  etc. 
These  prefixes  are  the  just  counter- 
part of  tzl ;  not  merely  in  situation, 
and  in  want  of  accent  (for  they 
cannot  be  emphasized);  but  also  in 
meaning,  being  a  mixture  of  at  and 

tzi  answers  to /Vi,  ox  of,  in  expres- 
sions like  5tuk  ...  tzi  kakaw, 
200  in  cacao,  line  26. 

The  uses  of  tzi  are  multiferious ; 
in  a  way  which  might  be  explained 
as  elliptical,  tzi  has  come  to  be  con- 
strued like  an  index  of  tense,  taking 
the  same  verbal  forms  with  it  as  the 
future  index  ta.  The  effect  of  this 
tzi  may  often  be  rendered  by  the 
Span.  *  present  subjunctive ',  or  by 


some  sort  of  'imperative/  or  other 
future  expression  of  purpose  or  ex- 
pectation, to  which,  as  it  were,  the 
mind  is  stretched :  txl  uxq,  (Sp. ) 
que  se  hagan,  line  6  ;  tzi  £eheqi  be 
it  given  f  let  it  be  given^  it  is  to  be 
given  J  etc.,  line  19 ;  .  .  .  noq 
.  .  .  tx'inkeniy  .  .  .  cotton  ,  .  . 
/or  me  to  weave,  or  which  I  mean 
to  weave,  line  27  ;  naq  in  tzl 
kamq  (s  naq  tz'in  kamq),  as  I 
{look  to)  die,  line  6.  This  td 
may  be  termed  the  index  of  '  eth- 
ical '  future,  or  '  future  of  in- 
terest.* The  difference  between 
this  txl  and  ta  may  sometimes  be 

tjdk,  postpositive,  more,  else, 
other,  besides,  too,  etc.  :  jun  tJdk, 
another,  line  17. 

^^tx  metal,  especially  iron, 

/txOl  heart ;  figuratively,  heart, 
breast;  mind. 

tzotZy  earth,  land. 

/tzum     (obsolescent),     desire, 
fancy,  whim  {of), 

/tt&n  (in  Cobdn  /ikin),  with; 
at  (so  and  so' s),  Fr.  chez)  together 
with  ;  etc.  :  vaSdn^  with  {him,  it, 
etc.),  therewith;  rukin  Caspar 
Tun,  with  Caspar  Tun,  at  Caspar 

Tun^s,  line  25.  Though  translated 
by  prepositions,  /uldn,  like  86,  is 
by  rights  a  noun. 

ut,  sometimes  postpositive  (cf. 
Latin  que)  ;  particle  of  continua- 
tion, generally  translatable  by '  and. ' 

/titz  (in  Cob^,  and  generally, 
/u),  face  {of),  front  {of),  txi 
/utx,  in  front  of,  before,  in  pres- 
ence of;  etc. 

tix,  uxky  tixq,  be  done,  be  exe- 
cuted, take  place. 

x/,  for  r/,  q.  v.,  before  a  conso- 
nant :  8^  xkab&i  in  his  name,  line 
3  ;  xtzum  in  txol  ( '  its  desire  my 
heart^),  my  hearfs  desire,  line  4. 

zik,  go.  —  The  final  k  is  not  a 
palatal  augment,  but  part  of  the 
stem,  zik  is  irregular  in  having  no 
imperative  of  its  own ;  and  is  not 
used  in  past  tenses. 

xiyab,  comb.  — The  verb  is  quite 
different :  t^,  tCok. 

yaj,  sick. 

Y&t|  an  Indian  surname,  nearly 
as  common  as  Q&al. 

Yat8,  another  Indian  surname. 

yokotC  ['  wooden  crook  */  yoko8| 
crooked;  tC,  obsolete  variant  of 
txC,  wood'\,  mattock  (for  hoeing 
com,  etc.). 

It  is  320  years  since  the  writing  of  the  will;  and  considering 
the  bad  penmanship,  the  vacillating  spelling,  stupid  abbreviations, 
omissions,  want  of  punctuation,  and  what  not,  the  wonder  is  not 
that  parts  of  the  document  should  be  obscure,  but  that  so  much  of 
it  should  be  clear.  Not  counting  repetitions,  the  known  words 
established  in  it,  surnames  and  all,  are  about  112  Kekchi  and  36 
Spanish.  Inspection  of  the  dubious  words,  or  groups  of  letters, 
shows  that  some  10  or  11  of  them  may  be  set  down  to  Kekchi, 

294  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

and  4  or  5  to  Spanish.  The  proportions  are  small,  and  favorable, 
if  anything,  to  the  Indian. 

It  has  been  affirmed  that  barbarian  languages  are  unstable ;  and 
even  change  so  fast  that  a  boy  and  his  grandfather  may  hardly  under- 
stand each  other.  The  merit  of  the  will  is  its  violent  testimony 
to  the  contrary.  If  "Juan  Mendez,  scribe,"  had  been  a  better 
scribe,  there  would  be  little  but  the  date  to  show  that  his  Indian 
was  not  written  yesterday. 

Senahu,  Guatemala,  1904. 




During  the  previous  autumn  (Oct-Nov.,  1904)  excavations  of 
Indian  burial-sites  were  made  in  two  places  along  the  east  bank  of 
Connecticut  river,  one  under  the  auspices  of  Smith  College,  the 
other  by  Amherst  As  both  were  successful  in  finding  well-pre- 
served skeletons,  a  brief  account  of  the  results  may  be  of  interest, 
especially  since  little  seems  to  have  been  recorded  concerning  the 
mortuary  customs  of  the  Indians  of  this  locality. 

The  Smith  College  excavations  were  carried  on  between  Oct.  i 
and  I S  at  North  Hadley,  on  the  spot  indicated  by  the  accompanying 
map  (figure  14).  The  northwestern  portion  of  the  town,  including 
the  branch  road  running  northward,  is  situated  on  a  level  sandy 
plain,  the  bottom  of  the  post-glacial  "  Hadley  lake,"  and  this  for- 
mation is  prolonged  into  the  bend  of  the  river  where  it  forms  a  rec- 
tangular field,  the  burial  site.  About  this  the  land  slopes  down 
abruptly  to  the  lower  level  of  the  present  river-meadows.  Almost 
continuous  with  the  northwest  curve  of  this  is  a  rectangular  knoll 
300  to  400  feet  across,  which  is  probably  not  a  farther  continuation 
of  the  lake-bottom  plateau,  but  a  sand  dune,  or  drumlin.  Local 
tradition  locates  here  an  Indian  settlement,  and  although  this  knoll 
has  been  under  cultivation  for  years  and  is  now  covered  with  a  crop 
of  clover,  we  were  able  to  pick  up  on  the  surface  several  potsherds 
and  a  broken  quartz  arrowpoint,  confirmatory  indications  of  the 
truth  of  the  tradition.  At  the  present  time  the  river  lies  at  some 
little  distance  from  both  the  village  and  the  burial  sites,  except  on 
the  north,  but  as  the  bed  of  the  river  at  this  place  has  been  the 
scene  of  repeated  changes,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  traces  of  several 
ox-bows  to  the  west,  it  is  probable  that  at  the  time  of  the  Indian 
occupancy  the  water  came  to  the  foot  of  the  terraces,  thus  enclosing 
the  knoll  and  the  plateau  on  three  sides,  and  giving  the  site  an 
exceptional  location,  with  an  open  prospect  both  up  and  down  the 

AM.  ANTH.,  N    S.,  7— 90  295 


AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [h.  s.,  1,  1905 

Fig.   14. — Map  of  North  Hadley,  Mui.,  showing  site  of  aboriginal  Tillage  and  butial- 


river.  It  had  long  been  known  that  there  was  an  aboriginal  burial 
site  somewhere  in  this  vicinity,  but  the  exact  locality  had  become 
lost,  and  was  rediscovered  the  previous  spring  (1904)  by  the  chance 
plowing  up  of  some  bones  near  the  northern  edge  of  the  rectangular 
field.  The  northwest  comer  of  this  field  was  almost  immediately 
excavated  by  a  representative  of  the  Peabody  Museum  of  Harvard 
University,  who  found  there  the  skeletons  of  two  adults  and  a  child 
of  six  or  seven  years.  The  right  to  dig  in  the  remainder  of  the  field 
was  then  granted  by  Mr  L.  P.  Bullard,  its  owner,  to  the  Smith 
College  authorities,  who  located  a  claim  along  the  northern  side, 
adjacent  to  that  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  but  postponed  the  actual 
excavation  until  after  the  summer  vacation. 

The  burial  site,  where  these  excavations  were  made,  is  now  a 
cultivated  field,  planted  with  tobacco.  The  field  is  covered  with  a 
brown  surface  loam,  14  to  16  inches  thick  on  a  level,  below  which 
lies  a  compact  yellow  sand  of  unknown  depth.  The  skeletons  oc- 
curred in  this  latter  formation,  their  highest  parts  not  more  than  4 
to  6  inches  below  its  surface,  or  18  to  22  inches  from  the  top.  As 
the  color  contrast  between  the  brown  surface  loam  and  the  yellow 
sand  is  a  marked  one,  and  as  the  top  soil  is  very  mellow  from  long 
cultivation,  it  was  possible  to  scrape  the  loam  into  heaps  with  a  two- 
horse  road  scraper,  leaving  about  an  inch  over  the  sand,  and  then 
dig  over  the  territory  thus  uncovered  with  spades.  Although  the 
depth  thus  reached  was  sufficient  to  disclose  the  skeletons,  the  chief 
reliance  was  placed  upon  the  mixture  of  the  two  colors  of  earth 
which  necessarily  occurred  over  each  grave,  a  point  which  could  be 
easily  determined  by  watching  the  cuts  made  by  the  sharp  spades. 
In  each  case  the  mixed  earth  formed  an  approximately  circular  area 
about  three  feet  in  diameter,  the  more  superficial  portion  strewn  with 
pieces  of  charcoal  much  mixed  up  by  the  years  of  cultivation  to 
which  the  field  had  been  subjected. 

In  this  way  a  fairly  large  area  was  thoroughly  searched,  result- 
ing in  the  discovery  of  two  skeletons  in  good  preservation.  In  five 
or  six  other  instances  there  were  uncovered  the  characteristic  areas 
of  mixed  earth  with  pieces  of  charcoal,  but  with  no  trace  of  either 
bones  or  teeth,  although  in  every  such  case  the  earth  was  excavated 
to  a  considerable  depth,  and  careful  search  made.     Whether  these 

298  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7, 1905 

spots  indicated  graves  from  which  all  traces  of  the  human  remains 
had  disappeared,  or  had  been  caused  by  the  uprooting  of  ancient 
trees,  we  have  been  unable  to  decide,  as  their  exact  similarity  to  the 
actual  graves  points  to  the  one  conclusion  while  the  entire  absence 
of  remains  suggests  the  other. 

The  first  of  the  skeletons  found  is  shown  in  the  accompanying 
photograph  (plate  xxiii,  2).  The  sand,  at  the  time  of  the  excavation, 
was  moist  from  recent  rains,  and  held  the  bones  well  in  place,  and 
the  skeleton  was  prepared  for  the  photograph  by  removing  the  sand 
from  above  bit  by  bit,  allowing  the  bones  to  remain  absolutely  undis- 
turbed. The  only  bones  which  had  been  moved  before  the  photo- 
graph was  taken  were  the  tarsal  and  other  bones  of  the  feet,  which 
are  seen  lying  upon  a  piece  of  burlap  at  the  right  of  the  figure,  and 
the  right  tibia  and  patella,  which  became  accidentally  loosened 
during  the  removal  of  the  sand,  but  were  exactly  replaced  in  their 
former  position.  In  taking  the  photograph  the  camera  was  placed 
at  the  edge  of  the  excavation,  standing  perhaps  a  foot  above  the 
highest  level  of  the  bones,  and  was  pointed  almost  directly  down- 
ward, so  that  the  photograph  must  be  held  nearly  horizontally  to 
reproduce  the  exact  relationship. 

It  is  shown  by  this  that  there  had  been  some  change  in  the  orig- 
inal position  of  the  bones  prior  to  the  excavation,  due  probably  to 
such  various  causes  as  the  action  of  water,  earthworms,  and  the 
growth  of  roots.  Thus  the  bones  of  the  hands  had  wandered  from 
their  original  position  and  were  found  at  various  depths  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  the  head,  some  not  being  recovered  at  all.  The  bones  of  one 
entire  finger  were  firmly  imbedded  in  the  earth  that  filled  the  cran- 
ial cavity  and  came  to  light  when  the  skull  was  cleaned  in  the  lab- 
oratory several  days  later.  This  dislocation  of  parts,  especially  of 
the  smaller  bones,  which  must  have  occurred  long  after  burial,  leads 
one  to  be  cautious  in  drawing  sweeping  conclusions  concerning  the 
original  disposal  of  the  limbs  when  in  the  flesh,  although  the  reten- 
tion of  the  natural  relationships  of  the  larger  bones  assures  us  that 
the  shifting  of  position  of  the  limbs  as  a  whole  could  have  been  but 
slight,  as  for  example,  a  possible  dropping  of  the  knees  from  a  more 
upright  original  position.  It  is  thus  sufficiently  clear  that  the  body 
was  buried  with  its  arms  and  legs  folded  up,  the  hands  about  the 



head,  and  the  knees  close  to  the  body.  This  is  the  Hockerstellung 
of  German  archeologists,  and  may  be  interpreted  as  an  intentional 
symbolism,  referring  to  a  second  birth,  the  position  being  similar  to 
that  of  the  child  in  the  womb.  The  skeleton  was  headed  almost 
due  east,  as  shown  by  a  compass,  the  face  being  to  the  north.  The 
body  lay  upon  its  right  side.  A  later  examination  of  the  pelvis 
showed  that  the  skeleton  was  undoubtedly  that  of  a  man,  and  the 
sutures  of  the  skull  indicated  that  he  was  probably  between  20  and 
30  years  of  age.  The  length  and  breadth  measurements  of  the  skull, 
182  X  135.5  mm.,  give  a  cephalic  index  of  74.45. 

The  excavation  of  the  second  skeleton  was  not  quite  as  success- 
ful, owing  in  part  to  a  somewhat  deeper  burial  and  in  part  to  the 
&ct  that  the  bones  were  smaller  and  more  fragile.  This  skeleton 
was  that  of  a  small  aged  person,  with  a  lower  jaw  of  the  extreme 
senile  type,  and  showing  but  two  stubs  of  teeth,  besides  two  other 
alveoli  nearly  filled  ^-ith  bone  substance.  The  general  position  was 
similar  to  the  first,  that  is,  it  was  doubled  up  with  the  knees  close 
to  the  chest,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  cast  into  the  grave  with  but 
little  care,  as  the  face  was  directed  downward.  It  lay  upon  its  left 
side,  with  the  head  directed  nearly  to  the  south. 

No  implements  or  utensils  of  any  kind  were  found  in  connection 
with  these  skeletons,  but  the  field  has  yielded  an  abundance  of  arrow- 
points  for  many  years,  and  it  is  at  present  plentifully  bestre\*Ti  with 
flint  flakes.  Baking  stones,  reddened  by  heat  and  often  cracked  or 
split,  were  found  here  and  there  in  the  soil,  especially  in  the  ucinit}- 
of  the  spots  of  disturbed  earth  ;  these  were  rendered  conspicuous 
from  the  feet  that  the  soil,  owing  to  its  formation,  is  naturally  with- 
out stones  of  any  kind. 

The  Amherst  College  excavations  were  conducted  a  few  weeks 

later  by  Dr  Edward  Hitchcock.     These  were  also  on  the  east  bank 

of  the  Connecticut,  but  about  six  miles  farther  south  by  the  road,  or 

double  that  distance  along  the  windings  of  the  river,  at  a  well-known 

locality  between  Hadley  and  South  Hadlcy.  where  skeletons  and 

utensils  have  been  obtained  in  the  past.     The  spot  is  known  locally 

as  "  Indian  Hill,"  the  name  being  applied  to  a  low  ridge  of  sand,  the 

longer  axis  of  which  runs  approximately  east  and  west,  at  right  angics 

to  the  river  bank.     Its  southern  slope  is  abrupt,  but  its  norther^. 


head,  and  the  knees  close  to  the  body.  This  is  the  Hockerstellung 
of  German  archeologists,  and  may  be  interpreted  as  an  intentional 
symbolism,  referring  to  a  second  birth,  the  position  being  similar  to 
that  of  the  child  in  the  womb.  The  skeleton  was  headed  almost 
due  east,  as  shown  by  a  compass,  the  face  being  to  the  north.  The 
body  lay  upon  its  right  side.  A  later  examination  of  the  pelvis 
showed  that  the  skeleton  was  undoubtedly  that  of  a  man,  and  the 
sutures  of  the  skull  indicated  that  he  was  probably  between  20  and 
30  years  of  age.  The  length  and  breadth  measurements  of  the  skull, 
182  X  135.5  mm.,  give  a  cephalic  index  of  74.45. 

The  excavation  of  the  second  skeleton  was  not  quite  as  success- 
ful, owing  in  part  to  a  somewhat  deeper  burial  and  in  part  to  the 
fact  that  the  bones  were  smaller  and  more  fragile.  This  skeleton 
was  that  of  a  small  aged  person,  with  a  lower  jaw  of  the  extreme 
senile  type,  and  showing  but  two  stubs  of  teeth,  besides  two  other 
alveoli  nearly  filled  with  bone  substance.  The  general  position  was 
similar  to  the  first,  that  is,  it  was  doubled  up  with  the  knees  close 
to  the  chest,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  cast  into  the  grave  with  but 
little  care,  as  the  face  was  directed  downward.  It  lay  upon  its  left 
side,  with  the  head  directed  nearly  to  the  south. 

No  implements  or  utensils  of  any  kind  were  found  in  connection 
with  these  skeletons,  but  the  field  has  yielded  an  abundance  of  arrow- 
points  for  many  years,  and  it  is  at  present  plentifully  bestrewn  with 
flint  flakes.  Baking  stones,  reddened  by  heat  and  oflen  cracked  or 
split,  were  found  here  and  there  in  the  soil,  especially  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  spots  of  disturbed  earth ;  these  were  rendered  conspicuous 
from  the  fact  that  the  soil,  owing  to  its  formation,  is  naturally  with- 
out stones  of  any  kind. 

The  Amherst  College  excavations  were  conducted  a  few  weeks 
later  by  Dr  Edward  Hitchcock.  These  were  also  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Connecticut,  but  about  six  miles  farther  south  by  the  road,  or 
double  that  distance  along  the  windings  of  the  river,  at  a  well-known 
locality  between  Hadley  and  South  Hadley,  where  skeletons  and 
utensils  have  been  obtained  in  the  past.  The  spot  is  known  locally 
as  '*  Indian  Hill,"  the  name  being  applied  to  a  low  ridge  of  sand,  the 
longer  axis  of  which  runs  approximately  east  and  west,  at  right  angles 
to  the  river  bank.     Its  southern  slope  is  abrupt,  but  its  northern 

300  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7, 1905 

dips  gradually  into  the  surrounding  level.    The  east  bank  of  the 
river  at  this  place  is  apt  to  be  undermined  by  the  action  of  the  spring 
freshets,  and  it  is  reported  locally  that  this  action  once  disclosed  a 
skeleton  which  was  seen  protruding  from  the  cut  section  of  the  bank. 
In  the  spring  of  1900  the  washout  included  the  highway,  which  ran 
near  the  river  bank  at  this  place,  necessitating  the  construction  of  a 
new  highway  some  distance  farther  east ;  and  in  the  cut  which  was 
made  through  the  ridge  for  this  purpose  parts  of  five  skeletons  were 
found  at  that  time,  together  with  a  number  of  stone  implements, 
variously  interpreted  as  hoes,  hatchets,  and  gouges.     It  thus  seems 
probable  that  the  entire  ridge  was  used  by  the  Indians  for  burial 
purposes,  and  as  little  of  the  ground  has  been  dug  over  it  is  to  be 
expected  that  the  ridge  still  contains  considerable  material.     The 
ground  is  unbroken  and  covered  with  sod,  and  no  excavation  on  a 
large  scale  has  ever  been  attempted.     In  the  course  of  the  present 
investigation  two  finds  were  made,  both  upon  the  east  side  of  the 
new  cut     One  of  these  was  that  of  a  child  of  twelve,  the  other  a 
double  grave  containing  two  adults,  lying  side  by  side,  with  their 
limbs  entwined.     This  find  is  of  so  unusual  a  nature  that  a  photo- 
graph of  it,  given  me  by  Dr  Hitchcock,  is  here  reproduced  (plate 

XXIII,    i). 

As  will  be  seen,  the  photograph  was  taken  in  strong  sunlight, 

and  with  the  camera  pointed  almost  directly  downward,  as  in  the 

other  case.     The  skeletons  lay  with  their  heads  to  the  south  and 

facing  west     No  utensils  or  charcoal  were  found  in  connection  with 

either  grave,  although,  as  stated  above,  many  stone  implements  were 

discovered  with  the  bones  found  four  years  ago  in  excavating  the 

cut  for  the  highway,  the  edge  of  which  was  but  eight  feet  from  the 

double  grave.     The  relation  of  these  implements  to  the  skeletons 

does  not  seem  to  have  been  recorded. 
Smith  College, 

Northampton.  Mass. 



By  R.  H.  MATHEWS 

In  1900  I  contributed  to  the  Anthropological  Society  of  Wash- 
ington an  article  entitled  "  The  Wombya  Organization  of  the  Aus- 
tralian Aborigines,"  ^  accompanied  with  a  map  showing  the  geo- 
graphic limits  of  the  territory  within  which  it  prevails.  The 
WomhyB.  or  Wombaia  type  of  organization  is  distinguished  by  the 
tribe  being  divided  into  eight  sections,  which  intermarry  one  with 
the  other  in  conformity  with  certain  laws.  This  type  is  in  force  in 
the  northwest  comer  of  Queensland,  the  northern  comer  of  West 
Australia,  and  over  the  greater  part  of  the  Northem  Territory. 

Since  presenting  the  article  referred  to,  I  have  made  further 
investigations  respecting  the  laws  of  intermarriage,  and  have  thought 
it  right  to  report  the  result  of  my  work  for  the  information  of  the 
ethnologists  of  America  and  Europe.  The  Chingalee  tribe  will 
again  be  taken  as  our  example  and  a  table  used  to  illustrate  the 
intermarrying  divisions.  The  names  in  this  table  are  the  same  as 
those  given  in  the  table  accompanying  my  former  article,  excepting 
that  I  have  omitted  the  termination  'in/ah,  which  is  common  to 
nearly  all  of  them,  in  order  that  they  may  occupy  less  space. 

I  have  also  found  it  convenient  to  alter  somewhat  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  sections  constituting  the  two  phratries,  A  and  B,  each 
phratry  comprising  four  sections.  The  table  shows  the  husband, 
wife,  son,  and  daughter  belonging  to  each  of  the  eight  divisions,  on 
the  same  line  across  the  page. 

If  we  take  the  first  name  in  the  table  it  will  serve  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  all  the  rest.  Chimitcha's  tabular  or  direct  wife  is  Nungalee, 
which  we  shall  call  No.  I.  He  can,  in  certain  cases  marry,  Nala, 
which  we  have  denominated  his  altemative  wife,  or  No.  II.  Or  he 
can,  subject  to  prescribed  restrictions,  take  a  Nana  as  his  wife,  which 

^  American  Anthropologist^  N.  s.,  n,  pp.  494-501,  with  map. 




[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

we  shall  distinguish  as  No.  III.     Moreover,  Chimitcha  may  occa- 
sionally espouse  a  Namitcha  maiden,  whom  we  shall  set  down  as 

No.  IV. 

Table  I 


r       HUSBAND 

r  Chimitcha 
















'  Chemara 













No.  I  is  the  normal  or  usual  wife  of  Chimitcha,  and  is  the  one 
most  generally  married.  No.  II  is  the  next  most  frequently  allotted 
wife.  Nos.  Ill  and  IV  are  not  of  such  common  occurrence,  although 
quite  in  accordance  with  the  aboriginal  law. 

Again,  Chuna  marries  Nala  as  his  tabular  wife,  or  No.  I ;  he 
takes  Nungalee  as  his  alternative  spouse,  or  No.  II ;  he  mates  with 
Namitcha  as  No.  Ill ;  and  he  can  marry  a  Nana  woman  as  No.  IV. 

Similarly,  Chula  and  Chungalee  can  marry  either  of  the  women 
opposite  their  respective  names  in  Table  I  as  their  No.  I  and  No. 
II  wives.  Or  they  can  take  a  Nala  or  a  Nungalee  as  their  No.  Ill 
and  No.  IV  wives.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  any  man  of 
Phratry  A  can  marry  any  one  of  the  four  women  mentioned  in  that 
portion  of  the  table,  subject  to  the  modifications  stated  above. 

Everything  that  has  been  said  respecting  the  people  in  Phratry 
A  applies  to  the  marriages  of  the  men  and  women  in  Phratry  B^ 
mutatis  mutandis. 

In  all  cases  the  section  name  of  the  progeny  is  determined 
through  the  mother.  If  Chimitcha  marry  Nungalee,  his  children  are 
Taralee  and  Naralee ;  if  he  take  a  Nala,  they  are  Tungaree  and 
Nungaree ;  if  he  choose  a  Nana,  they  are  Chemara  and  Nemara ; 
and  if  he  be  allotted  a  Namitcha,  his  children  will  be  Champachina 
and  Nampachina. 

Space  will  not  permit  the  use  of  genealogical  tables  and  expla- 
nations for  exhibiting  how  intermarriages  are  regulated,  hence  this 



matter  must  be  passed  for  the  present  By  means  of  trustworthy 
correspondents  residing  in  the  territory  of  the  Chingalee  tribe,  I 
have  been  trjang  for  some  years  to  ascertain  definitely  how  the  to- 
tems descend  —  whether  through  the  men  or  through  the  women  ; 
but  I  am  not  yet  satisfied.  In  describing  the  organization  of  kin- 
dred tribes  in  adjacent  districts,  Spencer  and  Gillen  have  endeavored 
to  show  that  descent  is  through  the  men,  but  I  am  equally  dissatis- 
fied with  their  conclusions. 

One  of  my  most  valued  and  careful  correspondents  has  sent  me 
the  following  tabulated  list  of  sixteen  members  of  the  Chingalee 
tribe,  in  which,  at  my  request,  he  has  given  me  the  English  name, 
together  with  the  section  and  totem,  of  each  individual ;  the  totem  of 
his  or  her  father  ;  the  totem  of  his  or  her  mother,  and  the  totem  of 

the  offspring. 

Table  II 


Individual  (man  and 


Totem  of 



Toiem  of 



Totem  of 





AIiaiTKlUKl  ■ 



Lucy  (wife) 


Black  striped 

Native  bee 

Black  Striped 


Native  bee 

)  Black 
V     striped 
j      snake 





Black  striped 


V  Iguana 





Sulky  snake 


\         No 
j     children 


Old  Dad 
His  wife 


Stone  knife 

Stone  knife 


1  Sleepy- 
/     lizard 




Water  snake 
Honey  and 


Ground  honey 
Tree  honey 

>-  Water  snake 


His  wife 





V  Kangaroo 


His  wife 



Water  snake 


V  Honey 




Streculia  and 



V  Streculia 

In  the  above  table,  Nos.  i ,  2,  6,  and  7  are  married  to  the  normal 
or  **  direct "  wives,  whom  we   previously  distinguished  as  No.  I. 

304  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

No.  5  in  the  table  has  an  "alternative"  or  No.  II  wife.  No.  8  is 
married  to  a  No.  Ill  woman,  which  may  be  called  "  rare."  Nos. 
3  and  4  are  united  to  "  exceptional "  or  No.  IV  wives. 

According  to  Table  II  the  children  of  Nos.  i,  4,  5,  6,  and  7 
have  the  same  totem  as  the  father.  Nos.  2  and  8  take  the  totem  of 
the  mother.  Again,  on  examination  of  the  totems  in  the  fourth, 
iifUi,  and  sixth  columns,  it  is  seen  that  some  of  them  follow  the 
father,  some  the  mother,  and  some  follow  neither  parent.  Other 
individuals  have  two  totems. 

In  other  instances  not  included  in  this  table,  I  have  discovered 
that  even  among  the  offspring  of  the  same  parents  there  is  consider- 
able irregularity  —  some  of  the  children  having  one  totem  and  some 
another.  I  am  inclined  to  think,  however,  that  if  one  could  prepare 
genealogies  showing  tw6  or  three  generations,  taking  into  account 
all  the  ramifications  caused  by  the  marriages  I  have  numbered  I,  II, 
III,  and  IV,  the  laws  of  descent  might  be  found  more  regular  than 
at  present  appears. 

It  may  be  stated  that  I  am  the  only  student  up  to  the  present 
who  has  reported  the  marriages  herein  referred  to  as  No.  Ill  and 
No.  IV  among  the  Wombya  or  any  kindred  tribe ;  and  no  author 
has  before  attempted  to  arrange  the  sections  composing  the  phratries 
as  they  now  appear  in  Table  I.  The  present  article  is  necessarily 
very  brief,  but  it  is  believed  that  it  will  result  in  shedding  new  light 
on  the  social  organization  of  Australian  tribes  and  enable  investi- 
gators to  start  anew. 


New  South  Wales. 



IX.  —  Verbal  Directive  and  Locative  Particles 

1.  Magi,  or  mage.  —  This  particle,  which  corresponds  to  mai 
of  the  Sawaiori  languages,  is  used  to  express  motion  toward  the 
speaker;  as  Chule  mAgi  i  hdnont^  bring  hither  the  water;  tnauudai 
hoc  magi  ?  were  you  carried  hither  ?  (did  you  ride  hither  ?).  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  whereas  in  Polynesia  the  particle  men  is  used 
also  as  a  preposition  '  from  '  {nud^hea^  Hawaiian,  from  where),  this 
is  not  the  case  in  the  Chamorro  language  {gine-mano^  from  where), 
in  which  it  is  used  only  as  a  directive  particle  having  the  sense  con- 
veyed by  hither  (German  h€r\  It  is  possible  that  the  verb  maila, 
to  come,  is  connected  in  some  way  with  the  particle  tnagi^  but  I 
have  been  unable  to  trace  the  connection. 

2.  Goatu,  or  guato.  —  This  particle  corresponds  to  atu  of  the 
Sawaiori  languages ;  it  is  used  to  express  motion  away  from  the 
speaker  (German  hin) ;  as  chule  guato  /  hanom^  take  hence  the  water. 
Guato  gi  manchagb  na  tano^  forth  to  distant  lands.  It  is  not  used 
as  a  preposition,  but  is  simply  a  verbal  directive.  From  it  is  formed 
a  verb  gudguato^  to  go  to  (German  hingehen), 

3.  Directive  Particles  Absent  from  Philippine  Dialects.  — 
So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn,  these  particles  are  absent  from 
the  dialects  of  the  Philippines.  They  are  essentially  Polynesian, 
playing  a  far  greater  part  in  the  eastern  Pacific  groups  than  in 
Guam.  In  Samoan  we  have  au  mai,  bring  hither;  az/atu,  take 
hence  ;  o  mai  ia  te  a' My  come  hither  unto  me ;  o  atu  ia  losefa,  go 
hence  unto  Joseph.  In  Hawaiian  we  have,  e  awe  mai,  bring  hither ; 
e  awe  aku,  take  hence  ;  e  hele  mai,  come  hither ;  e  helo  aku,  go 
away.  I  have  found  nothing  corresponding  to  this  in  the  Philippine 
dialects,  but  the  identity  of  the  Polynesian  and  Guam  directives  is 

4.  Nae,  or  nai. — In  addition  to  the  above  particles,  which  indi- 


306  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

cate  the  direction  toward  which  ox  from  which  an  action  tends,  there 
is  another  particle  very  much  used  in  the  Chamorro,  indicating  the 
place  or  time  at  which  the  action  of  the  verb  is  performed.  This 
may  be  called  a  locative  particle.  It  corresponds  to  the  English  at 
or  on  (French  i,  German  an),  in  the  adverbial  phrases,  at  what 
place,  at  what  time,  on  Monday,  at  evening.  Its  use  does  not  ac- 
cord, however,  with  the  rules  of  English  grammar,  since  it  is  used 
with  adverbs  of  place  and  time ;  as  mano  nae  gaege,  where  at  is  he  ? 
ngaian  nae  mato  hao  ?  when  at  did  you  come  ?  pago  nae,  at  now  — 
phrases  which  become  proper  in  our  language  when  changed  to,  *  at 
what  place  is  he  ?  at  what  time  did  you  come  ?  at  present'  This 
particle  is  applied  even  to  Spanish  words  which  have  found  their 
way  into  the  Chamorro,  as  este  nae,  here,  at  this  place ;  nunka  nae, 
never,  at  no  time.  It  is  also  combined  with  the  adverbial  conjunc- 
tions an,  gin,  when  or  where,  used  to  join  a  subordinate  to  a  principal 
clause  in  complex  sentences,  forming  anae,  ginae,  etc. 

X. — Adverbs 

I.  Adverbs  of  Place  and  Motion. — The  common  adverbs 
of  place  and  motion  are  in  reality  abbreviations  of  phrases  composed 
of  the  demonstrative  pronouns  preceded  by  the  preposition  gi,  ^  or 
to.  They  correspond  with  the  demonstratives  very  much  as  the 
French  adverbs  id,  la  (here,  there)  correspond  with  the  demon- 
stratives celui'ci,  celui4a  (this,  that),  although  in  Guam  it  is  the 
demonstrative  which  is  the  primitive  word  and  the  adverb  the 
derivative.     Thus  we  have : 

guinl|  here,  from  gi yini,  at  this  (place)  ; 
guenaOi  there,  ixora  gi yenao,  at  that  (place)  ; 
guihCi  yonder,  from  gi yuhe,  at  yon  (place)  ; 

From  the  names  of  directions  are  derived  adverbs  preceded  by 
iya,  or  by  the  prefix  san-,  the  latter  of  which  has  the  effect  of 
modifying  the  radical  vowel  as  in  the  case  of  the  article  L 

Primitive  word  With  Iya  With  San 

huld^  up  iya  hulo,  on  top  sanhilo,  above 

papd,  down  iya  papd,  at  the  bottom  sanpdpd,  below 

halotn,  in  iya  halom,  inside  sanhdlom,  inward 

huyong,  out  iya  huyongy  outside  sanhiyongy  outward 




Primitive  word 

tate^  after 
lago^  north 
haya^  south 
katatif  east 
luchafif  west 


santitCy  on  the  rear 
sanl&gOy  on  the  north 
sanhdya,  on  the  south 
sank&tatiy  on  the  east 
sanlichany  on  the  west 

gi  i&gO'kOy  on  my  north  ; 
gi  hctya-moy  on  thy  south ; 
gi  kdtan-Ha  on  his  east ; 
gi  lichan-tay  on  our  west ; 
entaloy  among,  between; 

With  iya 
iya  tatCy  behind 
iya  lagOy  in  the  north 
iya  hayay  in  the  south 
iya  kataUy  in  the  east 
iya  luchatiy  in  the  west 

In  indicating  the  direction  of  an  action  the  above  words  are  pre- 
ceded by  the  prepositions  falag,  toward ;  gine,  from,  as  — 

falaghuldy  upward ;       ginehuldy  from  above ;    falagluchaUy  to  the  west. 
falagpapdy  downward ;  ginipapdy  from  below  ;   ginikatariy  from  the  east. 

The  use  of  the  possessive  suffixes  with  these  adverbs  has  already 
been  noticed,^  as  — 

gi  hiid-mame ;  on  our  upper  side,  above  us ; 
gi pdpd'tniyoy  on  our  lower  side,  below  us ; 
gi  menan-nihay  on  their  front,  before  them ; 
gi  tdten-fUhay  in  their  rear,  behind  them. 
gi  tntalo-miyoy  in  your  midst,  among  you. 

Adverbs  used  with  locative  and  directive  particles  : 

mano  nae,  mano  nai,  where  ?  at  what  place  ?  where  at  ? 

enao  nae,  there,  at  that  place ; 

ajni  naCi  ayo  nai,  yonder,  at  yonder  place ; 

guaha  naCi  at  any  place,  anywhere  ;  somewhere ; 

taya  nae,  at  no  place,  nowhere ; 

este  *  nae,  at  this  place,  here. 

este  magi,  guini  magi,  in  this  direction,  hither ; 

este  magi  nae,  at  this  place,  to  this  place  (toward  me); 

guenao  guato,  in  that  direction,  thither ; 

enao  guato  nae,  in  that  place  (away  from  here); 

ajru  guato  nae,  ayo  guatu  nai,  in  yonder  place  (away  from  here); 

todohft  nae,  in  every  place,  at  all  times ; ' 

iya  guiya  nae,  with  it,  therein. 

Suffix  -naion,  or  -naehon.  —  This  suffix  often  has  the  force  of 
the  adverb  *  away ' ;  as  Mnfakvas^on  i  guina/ia-fno  gi  fantaguon-mo, 
thou-dividedst-^ra/tfj/  thy  property  among  thy  children.* 

^  Am.  Anthr.y  vol.  V,  p.  512  ;  p.  29  of  the  reprint. 

•  Este^  adopted  from  the  Spanish,  is  gradually  superseding  the  Chamorro  iif  1,  this. 

•  From  Spanish  todoy  every,  all,  and  the  Chamorro  A<3,  indeed,  really. 
*See  Verbal  Suffixes,  Am,  Anthr.,  vol.  vi,  p.  113  ;  p.  6$  of  reprint. 

308  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

2.  Adverbs  of  Time  and  Succession  : 

pdgo^  now,  today ;  pagd  na  haane^  this  day ; 

pdgohdy  pdgogohdf  right  now,  only  today,  just  now ; 

naya,  formerly,  in  olden  times ; 

hagas^  formerly,  once  on  a  time;  as  hagas  magalahe  hao^  formerly 
you  were  governor. 

Idmona^  presently,  later  (literally,  more  ahead)  ; 

monhayariy  monhan^  already  (before  a  past  act)  ;  ^ 

agupay  tomorrow; 

agupahdf  repeatedly,  day  after  day ; 

inagpaHaj  day  after  tomorrow ; 

nigady  yesterday ; 

inigabHaj  i  halacha,  day  before  yesterday ; 

tafiafy  early ; 

taloancy  late,  tardy,  tardily  (when  spoken  in  the  morning); 

poeHge,  puefige^  late,  tardy,  tardily  (when  spoken  in  the  afternoon)  ; 

am-anty  behind-hand,  tardy,  a  long  time ; 

ti  am-amy  not  long ;  a  short  time ; 

ti  am-arnhdy  quite  a  short  time ; 

seso^  sesuy  frequently,  often ; 

lachay  onct ]  fahaguay  twice;  fafatUy  three  times,  etc.,  are  now 

taplungy  frequently; 

ikaiagy  ekdkaiagf  rarely,  seldom ; 

halagy  rarely,  seldom; 

taloy  again,  once  more  (French,  encore)  ; 

//  talOy  not  again,  nevermore  :  ti  hu-isao  talOy  I  will  not  sin  again ; 

fininanay  firstly,  in  the  first  place ; 

/  mina-doSy  secondly,  in  the  second  place,*  etc. 

With  Locative  Particle  nae,  or  nai : 

figalan  nae  ?  when  ?  at  what  time  ? 

ayo  nae,  ajru  nai,  at  that  time ; 

pagO  nae,  now,  at  this  time ; 

taya  nae,  tat  nae,  never,  at  no  time. 

guaha  naCi  at  some  time,  at  times,  at  any  time. 

Adopted  from  the  Spanish  : 
siemprey  siemprehdy  always,  ever; 

*  Sec  vol.  VI,  p.  510 ;  p.  80  of  reprint. 

'  From  the  Chamorro  minay  and  the  Spanish  dosy  two. 


nunka  nae,  never ; 
kddaratOf  frequently,  many  times ; 

kadadia^  tolosdiasy  every  day,  daily ;  kadadia  hu-gdgagao  si  Vuus,  I 
beg  God  daily ; 

yes/a,  fradia,  already; 

fradia,  (in  a  reply,  like  Spanish  todavia)^  not  yet ; 

untirOf  unabtSy  un  biahe^  once ;  dos  beses^  dos  biahes  twice. 

untirohd,  dereptnte^  suddenly,  all  at  once. 

atrasdo,  tardy,  behind-hand. 

entbnseSf  then ;  antes^  before,  already ;  despues^  afterward. 

3.  Adverbs  of  Manner  and  Quality. —  To  express  the  manner 
or  quality  of  an  action  the  Chamorros  use  either  a  prefix  to  the 
verb  or  adjective,  an  illustrative  adverb  like  taiguini  (thus),  or  a 
phrase  formed  by  the  preposition  kalang  (like)  and  an  object ;  or 
they  may  use  an  adjective  or  denominative  verb  to  describe  an 
action,  placing  the  verb  indicating  the  action  in  the  infinitive  form. 
Thus,  *  The  crow  flies  swiftly '  is  rendered  Sahyao  gumupo  i  dga, 
which  is  literally  *  Swift  to  fly  is  the  crow,'  or,  in  better  English, 
*  The  crow  is  swift  in  flying.'  In  the  same  way  nearly  all  derivative 
adverbs  ending  in  English  in  -iy  (Spanish  -mente,  French  -meftt,) 
may  be  used  as  adjectives  or  denominative  verbs. 

Adverbial  Prefixes : 
well,  g6f-,  g6f-,  g6s-; 
ill,  chat-  (from  the  Malayan  jahat^  ill). 
Nearly,  almost,  on  the  point  of,  katna-,  k6-. 
Easily,  readily,  liable  to,  prone  to,  gus^-. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  formation  of  many  words  in 
Chamorro  can  readily  be  traced  to  the  use  of  some  of  these  parti- 
cles prefixed  to  verbs.  Thus  from  gof,  well,  and  /«,  see,  we  have 
the  verb  goflii^  or  as  it  is  usually  written  gufliiy  '  to  love,'  literally, 
'to  see  well.'  From  this,  by  the  interposition  of  the  particle  in 
before  the  radical  vowel  (which  has  the  effect  of  modifying  it  to  / ), 
we  have  the  noun  love,  giniflii.  By  prefixing  the  particle  a-,  which 
has  a  reciprocal  sense,  we  have  aguflii,  friend,  friends  being  those 
who  look  well,  or  kindly,  at  one  another.  In  the  same  way  a  great 
many  words  are  plainly  traced  to  the  prefix  chat,  ill  or  bad,  and  Hi, 
to  see ;  chatlii,  to  hate,  literally,  *  to  look  ill '  at  some  one ;  and  from 

3 1 0  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

it  are  formed  chinatlU,  hatred,  and  other  derivatives.  In  a  similar 
way  from  halom^  in,  and  the  prefixes  gef  and  chat  are  formed  the 
"wor^s  gefhinalom,  generous  ( *  kind-interior ' ),  and  chathinalom^  mean 
(*  bad-interior ').  The  possibility  of  tracing  many  words  to  their  origi- 
nal sources  is  an  interesting  feature  of  the  Chamorro  langruage, 
showing  clearly  that  the  words  were  formed  by  the  Chamorros 
themselves,  who  use  them  in  their  primitive  sense.  This  is  a  sharp 
contrast  to  our  use  in  English  of  such  words  as  benevolent,  mal- 
evolent, benediction,  malediction,  benefactor,  malefactor,  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  component  parts  of  which  are  seldom  brought  to  the 
mind  of  the  speaker. 

Comparison.  —  In  answering  the  question  *  How  ? '  the  Chamor- 
ros have  a  series  of  adverbs  formed  by  the  prepositional  prefix  tai^ 
like,  and  the  adverbs  of  place  here,  there,  yonder,  forming  words 
which  are  all  rendered  by  the  English  *  thus '  — 

haf taimano  ?  how  (literally,  what-like-which)  ? 
taigttiniy  thus,  like  this  (here)  ; 
taigenao,  thus,  like  that  (there)  ; 
taiguihCy  thus,  like  that  (yonder)  ; 
taiguineh&i  just  like  this. 

Examples :  Umafatinas  i  pinto-mo  gi  tano  taiguihe  i  Langit. 
Thy  will  shall  be  done  on  earth  like  (yonder)  in  Heaven. 

4.  Adverbs  of  Measure  and  Degree. — The  measure  or 
degree  of  an  action  or  quality  are  usually  expressed  by  prefixes,  as 
has  been  shown  in  treating  of  the  verb  and  the  adjective.  The 
most  common  of  these  prefixes  are  : 

sen-,  very,  most ;  taotaohdy  truly  human  ; 

sesen-,^  exceedingly;  magahethd,  quite  true; 

ch^-i  equally ;  Id-,  more,  a  little  more ; 

achd-|  equally ;  chat-,  incompletely,  imperfectly ; 

'hd  (suffix),  truly  quite ;  pindt-,  excessively,  too  greatly ; 

-fia  (suffix J,  more. 

Among  the  independent  adverbs  of  this  character  are  : 

^Sen  and  sesen  are  in  all  probability  identical  with  the  Nahuatl  cen  (i^»)  and  cecen 
(zezen)f  introduced  in  early  times  by  priests  or  soldiers  from  Mexico.  Thus  we  have 
in  Nahuatl  kualli,  good ;  zen  kualli^  very  good ;  %nen  kualli^  exceedingly  good. 


megce,  or  megai^  greatly,  much ;         kdtnahdy  nearly,  almost ; 
dtdidiy  or  dtdidiy  a  little ;  mampos^  excessively,  too  much ; 

achat guay  equally ;  taloy  more  (repetition)  ; 

nahongy  sufficiently,  enough ;  lokuCy  besides,  also ; 

paloy  the  rest,  the  remainder. 

Adopted  from  the  Spanish  are  :  mas,  more ;  menoSy  less ;  dema- 
sido,  too  much. 

5.  Adverbs  of  Modality: 

magahety  truly,  certainly ;  siftay  possibly ; 

magahethdy  very  truly,  quite  certainly ;  siHahdy  quite  possibly ; 

sen-  (prefix),  truly;  tisifiay  impossibly; 

buentey  perhaps,  //,  not; 

huguatiy  doubtfully ;  sentiy  not  at  all ; 

enao-mindy  therefore ;  gin  siftay  if  possible. 

6.  Affirmation  and  Negation  : 

hunggatiy  yes;  ahiy  no; 

hiioy  yes ;  senahiy  no  indeed ; 

hikudy  I  don't  know ;  tisifiay  it  is  impossible ; 

siflay  it  may  be  so ;  chamo  /  (precative)  do  not ! 

magahety  it  is  true ;  timagahety  it  is  not  true ; 

mandagCy  it  is  false ;  semnandagCy  it  is  quite  false ; 

tayay  nothing ;  sentayahdy  absolutely  nothing  at  all. 

Interrogatives.  —  Several  of  the  interrogatives  used  by  the 
ancient  Chamorros  have  become  obsolete ;  among  them  fiay  how 
many,^  used  in  asking  questions  of  time,  as  *  how  many  days  ? ' 
fafia,  how  many,  in  asking  questions  as  to  the  number  of  living 
things ;  and  fiiyaiy  how  many,  in  asking  questions  as  to  measure- 
ments, as  *  how  many  fathoms,  or  arm-lengths  ? '  In  the  same  way 
fahafay  how  many  times,  is  no  longer  used.  These  words  have 
been  supplanted  by  kuantoSy  how  many ;  and  kuantos  bcseSy  kuantos 
bialteSy  kuantos  tiros,  how  many  times,  how  many  trips,  how  many 
shots,  adopted  from  the  Spanish.  The  Spanish  porquiy  'why,'  is 
also  used. 

In  many  cases  the  interrogative  is  followed  by  the  locate  parti- 
cle 7iae  (or  nai^ : 

1  Identical  with  the  Samoan  fia,  Tongan  fihuy  New  Zealand  hiay  how  many.  See 
Am.  Anthr,y  vol.  v,  p.  526;  reprint,  p.  43. 

AM.  ANTM.,  N.  S.,  7 — 21. 

I  I 

3 1 2  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

ngaian  nae  ?  when  ?  at  what  time  ? 

mano  nae  ?  where  ?  at  which  place  ? 

mano  ?  whither  ?  to  which  place  ? 

guafia  ?  is  it  true  that  ? 

ada,  peradventure ;  as  ada  ti  mauieg}  is  it  peradventure  not  good  ? 

haf  a  ?  why  ?  what  for  ?    Porki^  why  (from  Span,  porqui)  is  now  used. 

haftaimano  ?  haf ataimano  ?    how  ?  what  like  ? 

XL  —  Prepositions 

1.  Classes  of  Prepositions.  —  The  Chamorro  has  a  few  primi- 
tive prepositions,  some  of  which  are  used  independently,  others  as 
prefixes,  and  others  as  suffixes.  Like  other  languages  it  contains 
many  compound  prepositions  indicating  time,  place,  or  order,  com- 
posed of  a  noun  and  one  or  two  prepositions ;  as,  *  on  top  of,'  '  inside 

I '  of,'  *  at  the  front  of.' 

2.  Gi.  —  This  preposition  is  the  most  frequent  of  all.  It  has  vari- 
ous shades  of  meaning,  being  used  like  the  Latin  ad  (to)  followed 

i .  by  the  accusative ;  or  in  some  cases  like  the  Latin  apud  or  in  (at) 

followed  by  the  ablative,  and  like  the  English  at  (German  an)  in 
what  may  be  called  the  locative.  When  it  is  followed  by  the 
definite  article  /,  it  combines  with  it,  remaining  unchanged.     When 

j :  followed  by  the  locative  article  iya,  it  forms  the  combination  giya. 

When  followed  by  the  article  si^  used  before  the  names  of  persons, 
it  is  dropped,  and  the  latter  becomes  as, 

i  tasty  the  sea ;  gi  tasi^  to  the  sea,  by  the  sea. 

/  tdnoy  the  earth  ;  gi  tdno,  on  the  earth. 

iangity  heaven,  sky ;  gi  langity  in  heaven. 

lamasuy  table ;  gi  lamasa^  at  the  table. 

iya  hitay  our  house  (Fr.  chez  nous) ;  giya  hitay  at  our  house,  with 

us,  in  our  keeping. 

iya  HagadHay  Agafia ;  giy^  Hagadtiay  at  or  to  Agafia. 

si  Huany  John  ;  as  Huany  to  or  with  John. 

3.  Nu.  —  This  preposition  is  also  very  much  used,  and  its  use 
is  sometimes  difficult  for  a  foreigner  to  understand.  It  may  be 
translated  'with,'  'from,'  'by,'  'in,'  or  'of,'  and  is  used  in  many 
cases  where  in  Latin  the  noun  would  be  put  in  the  ablative  without 
a  preposition.     In  constructions  where,  according  to  the  usual  Eng- 


1  ■ 




safford]  the  CHAMORRO  LANGUAGE   OF  GUAM  313 

lish  form,  the  verb  would  have  a  direct  and  indirect  object,  corres- 
ponding to  the  dative  case  of  the  person  and  the  accusative  of  the 
thing  (*  He  gave  grain  to  the  Athenians '),  the  usage  of  the  Chamorro 
language  corresponds  to  the  Latin  accusative  of  person  and  the 
ablative  of  thing ;  as,  Athenienses  fruinento  doncnit^  *  he  presented 
the  Athenians  with  grain.'     Examples : 

Nae-ham  pdgo  nu  /  agon-mamey  Give  us  today  our  bread,  lit. ,  *  Pre- 
sent us  this  day  with  our  bread. ' 

Puta  i  chandiha  nu  /  sisi^  Cut  the  watermelon  with  the  knife. 

Nafanlibre-ham  nu  /  tailaye^  Deliver-us  from  evil. 

Maddlalag  hao  nu  i  famaguon^  You  were  pursued  by  the  boys. 

Hachahlao  i  kahet  nu  /  akaguefia^  He  caught  the  orange  with  his  left. 

Nalie-yo  nu  /  lachi-ho^  Convince  me  (cause  me  to  see)  of  my  error. 

Hafahague  yd  nu  i paki-Hdy  He  threatened  me  with  his  gun. 

Hafanague  yd  si  Pali  nu  /  gramatikay  The  priest  instructed  me  in 

TisiHayd  maUfa  nu  hamyo,  I  cannot  be  forgetful  of  you. 

In  English  the  usual  forms  of  these  expressions  would  be :  Give 
us  our  bread,  Show  me  my  error,  The  priest  taught  me  grammar, 

4.  Yan.  —  The  primitive  signification  of  this  word  is  that  of 
the  conjunction  *and.*  It  is,  however,  used  as  a  preposition,  signi- 
fying with,  together  with,  in  company  with.  In  the  Chamorro  the 
use  of  this  preposition  is  not  nearly  so  common  as  in  European 
languages.  Thus,  Go  with  him,  is  rendered:  Hanao  enhamyo.  Go 
ye  two  ;  or  Ddlalag  gui.  Follow  him.  With  whom  did  you  come 
hither?  is  rendered:  Hayi  gachochong'-mo  magi}  or.  Who  (was) 
your  companioning  hither  ?  I  will  go  with  father :  Si  tata  gacliong- 
ho  kumanaoy  or.  Father  (is)  my  companion  to  go  (in  going). 

5.  Gine,  or  gini.  —  This  signifies  'from.'  Unlike  the  corres- 
ponding preposition  in  the  Polynesian  dialects,  it  is  quite  distinct 
from  the  directive  particle  (jnagi).  It  is  often  used  as  a  prefix,  as 
Gim-mano  hao}  From- where  (art)  thou  ? — forming  a  verb  which  is 
conjugated  like  an  intransitive ;  thus,  the  plural  of  the  preceding 
compound  is  Ma?i^m'fnano  hamyo  ?  From-where  (are)  ye  ?  Gini- 
Hagat  yo,  from-Agat  (am)  I,  is  conjugated  like  a  verb,  *to-come- 
from-Agat,*  taking  forms  which  correspond  to  the  progressive,  *  I 

3 1 4  AMERICAN  ANTHR  OPOL  O  CIS  T  [n.  s.  ,  7,  1905 

am-come-from-Agating,'  etc.  This  preposition  can  however  be  used 
independently ;  as,  Gini  /  maHaina-ta  as  Adan  yan  Eva^  From  our 
parents  Adam  and  Eve  ;  Ha-nahuyong  gini  /  taya  i  liion  yan  i  tiliian^ 
He-made-come-out  from  the  nothing  the  visible  and  the  invisible. 

6.  Falagy  malag.  —  This  corresponds  in  usage  with  the  preced- 
ing, but  has  the  opposite  significance.  With  a  noun  or  an  adverb 
denoting  direction  it  forms  a  compound  verb,  as  Falag-tate!  (Go) 
to  the  rear !  Malag-tate  i  patgofi,  the  boy  went  to  the  rear.  Falag 
is  used  in  the  imperative,  and  malag  in  the  present  and  past  tenses 
of  the  indicative  mode.     In  the  same  way  we  have : 

falag'tnonay  toward  the  front,  to  the  front,  forward ; 
falag'katatiy  toward  the  east,  to  the  east,  eastward ; 
faiag'luchan,  toward  the  west,  to  the  west,  westward ; 
falag-halomtanoy  toward  the  inland,  to  the  forest  (Samoan  tut  a), 
faiag-tasiy  toward  the  sea,  to  the  sea,  seaward  (Samoan  i  tai),^ 

7.  lyon. —  This  may  be  considered  as  a  phrase  signifying  'prop- 
erty of,'  *  pertaining  to,*  or  *  belonging  to,'  formed  from  the  noun  iyo, 
property,  or  attribute,  and  the  ligation  n,  '  of*  It  has  already  been 
shown,  under  Possessives,  how  independent  possessive  pronouns  are 
formed  from  this  root ;  as,  iyo-ko,  my  or  mine  (property -of-me) ;  iyon- 
mamc,  our  or  ours  (property-of-us).  In  the  same  way  we  have 
iyon  langit,  belonging  to  heaven,  celestial ;  iyo7i  tano,  belonging  to 
earth,  terrestrial ;  iyon  tataho,  belonging  to  my  father,  etc. 

8.  G  e,  or  gai. —  This  may  be  considered  as  a  preposition  signi- 
fying '  with,*  although  it  is  usually  employed  as  a  prefix  to  a  noun 
and  is  translated  as  a  verb,  to  have.  Thus,  gdi-salape  si  Huan^ 
may  be  translated  either  John  has  money,  or  with-money  (is)  John ; 
gai-salape  na  taotao,  may  be  rendered  *  moneyed  man  *;  gdi-gima  hao^ 
thou  hast  a  home,  or  with-a-home-art  thou ;  gdi-payo  yd,  with-an- 
umbrella-am  I,  or  I  have  an  umbrella. 

9.  Tae,  or  tai. —  This  is  the  opposite  of  gdi,  indicating  non- 
possession,  and  may  be  regarded  as  a  preposition,  *  without.*  Thus, 
tdi'Salape  si  Huan,  may  be  translated,  John  has  no  money,  or  with- 
out-money  is  John,  or  moneyless  is  John.     In  the  same  way  we 

^  The  Chamorros  do  not  use  the  expressions  *  landward  *  (f  uta)  and  *  seaward  *  (t 
tai)  to  the  same  extent  as  the  Samoans  and  other  Polynesians.  They  usually  designate 
boundaries,  directions,  sides  of  the  house,  etc.,  by  the  points  of  the  compass. 


have  tdi'tutulwn,  without  beginning ;  tdi-hinekog,  without  end,  end- 
less, infinite  ;  tdi-c/Ui,  without  limit,  boundless  ;  tdi-minapot,  without 
difficulty,  easy ;  tdi-aflao  i  lake,  without  fear  is  the  man,  fearless  is 
the  man. 

10.  Mi  and  e. —  These  may  be  considered  prepositional  prefixes, 
mi  signifying  '  full  of,'  abounding  in,  and  e  signifying  lacking  in,  scant 
of,  poor  in ;  as,  mi-salape,  abounding  in  money,  rich ;  tm-hito,  full 
of  lice  ;  e-hinaso^  lacking  in  understanding,  scant  of  brains. 

11.  Elalalig. —  This  is  an  independent  preposition  signifying 
'  like,'  like  unto  ;  as  kalaHg  giiaho,  like  me  ;  kalahg  patgon,  like  a 

1 2.  Tai. —  This  prefix,  when  used  with  demonstratives,  may  be 
considered  a  preposition,  *  like,*  as  taiguini,  like  this,  thus,  so ; 
taiguenao,  like  that ;  taiguihe,  like  yonder.  Tumafigis-hao  taiguihe  i 
palo,  thou  didst  weep  like  the  rest  yonder  (like  yonder  the  others). 

13.  Compound  Prepositions. — The  following  compound  prepo- 
sitions are  closely  connected  with  corresponding  adverbs  of  place 
and  direction.  They  are  formed  from  roots  which  may  be  consid- 
ered nouns : 

fona^  mona,  front ;  gimena,  in  front  of,  opposite  to,  before. 

tate,  rear  ;  gitdte,  in  rear  of,  back  of,  behind. 

hiilo,  top ;  gihilo,  on  top  of,  above,  upon. 

papa,  bottom ;  gipdpd,  underneath,  below,  under. 

halom,  inside,  interior ;       gihdlom,  inside  of,  within,  in. 
huyong,  outside,  exterior ;  gihiyo7ig,  outside  of,  without,  out  of. 
entalo,  midst,  middle  ;        gi-entalo,  in  the  midst  of,  between,  among. 
agapa,  right  hand  ;  £^'^g<^P<^,  on  the  right   side  of,    on   the 

akagiie,  lefl ;  gi-akague,  on  the  lefl  side  of,  on  the  left  of. 

lagOy  north ;  gUdgo,  on  the  north  of,  north  of,  north 

haya,  south ;  gihdya,  on  the  south  of,  south  of,  south 

katan,  east ;  gikatan,  on  the  east  of,  east  of,  east  from. 

luchan,  west ;  gilichan,  on  the  west  of,  west  of,  west  from. 

14.  Prepositional  Suffixes.  —  In  expressing  an  action  which 
is  directed  to  or  for  some  one  or  something,  instead  of  an  indepen- 

3l6  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

dent  preposition,  a  suffix  is  used,  which  combines  enclidcally  with 
the  verb  in  somewhat  the  same  way  as  the  Latin  prefix  ad  (at)  is 
combined  with  mirari  (to  wonder)  to  form  admirari,  from  which  we 
derive  our  verb  'to  admire/  These  suffixes,  as  we  have  already 
seen  in  connection  with  the  verb,  are  -e,  -ye,  -ge.     Examples : 

told,  to  spit ;  told^,  to  spit  at 

tunog,  to  lower ;  tunogt  si  JLuis,  lower  for  Louis. 

tcdag,  to  look ;  talagty  to  look  at,  to  look  toward. 

iayuyui,  to  pray ;  tayttyutt  yd  si  Yuus,  pray  for  me  to  God. 

sangan,  to  say ;  sarigant,  to  say  to  (some  one). 

adingan,  to  speak  ;  adingatity  to  speak  to,  to  address. 

chule,  chuli,  to  carry ;  ckuliye  yd,  chulie  yd,  carry  for  me. 

sausau,  to  wipe  off;  sausauge  si  nana  i  lamasa  wipe  off  for 

mother  the  table. 

15.  Prepositions  Adopted  from  the  Spanish.  —  On  account 
of  a  misunderstanding  of  the  above  forms  and  constructions  of  a 
similar  nature  the  early  missionaries  introduced  into  the  Chamorro 
the  prepositions  pot  {por),  for ;  and  para,  to,  for,  in  order  to.  They 
also  introduced  the  Spanish  prepositions  antes  de,  despues  de  (after), 
fuera  de  (beyond),  contra  (against),  and  many  others.  In  the  cate- 
chism written  for  the  natives  such  expressions  as  the  following  are 
common : 

para  hamyo,  for  ye  ; 

para  utaka,  in  order  to  get ; 

para  undhanao,  in  order  to  remove  (cause  to  go) ; 

pot  i  tinayuyut,  by  the  mediation,  by  the  praying ; 

pot  i  minaaftao  nu  sasalagtian,  through  the  fear  of  hell ; 

con  todo  i  tninalagofla,  with  all  his-will. 

para  uasii  todo  i  tnanmagas  yan  i  mandikiki  na  isao,  in  order  to 
pardon  all  the  great  and  small  sins. 

XII.  —  Conjunctions 

I .  Classes  of  Conjunctions. —  In  Chamorro  there  are  certain 
words  which  may  be  regarded  as  pure  conjunctions ;  others  may  be 
regarded  as  conjunctive  phrases  formed  by  joining  certain  preposi- 
tions to  demonstratives,  while  others  now  in  use  have  been  adopted 
from  the  Spanish. 


2.  Original  Conjunctions.  — The  original  conjunctions  are : 
ya,  and  (joining  clauses);  laO|  but; 

yan,  and  (joining  words);  sa,  for,  because; 

pat,  or  ;  gin,  if; 

na,  that  (with  present  or  past)  ;  kao,  whether ; 

nu,  that  (with  future);  an,  if,  when  ; 

lii,  nevertheless ;  y*ui,  if,  provided  that. 

3.  Compound  Conjunctions. —  These  are  formed  by  affixing  the 
preposition  mina  (on  account  of)  to  the  demonstratives,  or  the  loca- 
tive particle  nae  (or  nai^  to  simple  conjunctions,  assuming  an 
adverbial  sense  and  joining  a  subordinate  to  a  principal  clause 
in  a  complex  sentence : 

enao-minft,  therefore,  on  that  account ; 

ayu-minft,  therefore,  on  yonder  account ; 

este-minft,*  therefore,  on  this  account ; 

annae  or  anae,  where,  when ;  as  Matae  gi  kiluus  anae  hachuda  i 
hagd-Hay  He  died  on  the  cross,  where  he  shed  his  blood.  Anae  matae  i 
asagua-mo  .  .  .  when  thy  wife  died.  .  . 

ginnae,  ginae,  when,  if  (German  wenn), 

yagin,  if,  provided  that ;  as  Yagin  /  taotao  haguguflii  si  Yuus  .  .  . 
if  man  loves  God when  a  man  loves  God. 

4.  Conjunctive  Phrases  adopted  from  the  Spanish. —  In 
certain  cases  where  the  Chamorro  had  no  exact  expression  to  cor- 
respond with  a  Spanish  idiom,  the  early  missionaries  introduced  the 
Spanish  idiom  itself;  as  the  correlative  asikomo  {asi  comd),  as  .  .  . 
so  ;  masea,  maskesea  {mas  que  sea),  although ;  kontoke  {con  todo 
que),  notwithstanding ;  mientras  ke,  while,  during  the  time  that ; 
antes  ke,  before  the  time  that ;  despues  ke,  after  the  time  that ; 
para  ke,  in  order  that,  so  that ;  pot  ke  {porque)  because  that.' 

Sometimes  there  is  a  combination  of  Spanish  and  Chamorro 
forms,  as  in  such  sentences  as  **  As  pants  the  hart  for  cooling  streams, 
so  longs  my  soul  for  thee,"  the  initial  as  of  which  would  be  rendered 

1  Este  is  adopted  from  the  Spanish  ;  it  has  almost  entirely  superseded  the  original 
ini  of  the  Chamorro. 

2  The  necessity  for  the  use  of  the  letter  k  instead  of  the  Spanish  c  and  qu  has  already 
been  explained  in  speaking  of  the  changes  taking  place  in  the  vowels  of  such  words  as 
kolaty  fence  ;  i  kelat,  the  fence  (from  the  Spanish  corral )f  which  would  have  to  change 
the  initial  letter  c  to  qu  before  e  if  the  Spanish  system  of  orthography  were  followed. 

3l8  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

by  the  Spanish  asikomo,  and  the  correlative  so  by  the  Chamorro 
taiguenao  or  taiguihCy  signifying  *  thus.*  The  expression  *  so  as 
not/  is  rendered  in  Chamorro  para  umunga. 

5.  Interrogatives. —  In  case  of  the  use  of  a  question  in  a  sub- 
ordinate clause  the  interrogative  adverb  is  used ;  as  Nihe  talii  haf  a- 
taimano  uta-nafatdibre  i  anti-ia,  Come  let-us-see  how  we-shall- 
make-free  our-souls. 

6.  Connective  Particles.  —  The  ligations  na  and  -n  have 
already  been  explained  in  treating  of  the  adjective  and  the  noun.* 

XIII.  —  Interjections 

1.  True  Interjections.  — These  are  used  as  exclamations,  de- 
noting strong  emotion.  Some  of  them  have  evidently  been  adopted 
from  the  Spanish : 

Dl,  Behold  !     Look  ! 

Difth&i  Just  look  !     Only  look  ! 

Heiy  Hoe,  Hello  !    Oh  ! 

Uhu  (without  opening  the  lips),  Ah  ! 

Ae  (pain,  or  shock),  Ouch  ! 

Nihe,  Nihi  (exhortation),  Come!  (Lat.  veniU,) 

Ptif  (aversion).  Ugh ! 

He,  Hu,  Pu  (contempt).  Pshaw ! 

2.  Imperatives  used  as  Interjections  : 

Lily  Liftht,  Look  !     Just  look  ! 

Gus6,  Hurry  !     Be  quick  ! 

Sahyao,  Hurry  !     Go  quickly  ! 

Falago,  Hurry  !     Go  !     Run  ! 

L&ttanao,  Begone  !     Get  out !     Go  away  ! 

P&kak&i  Silence  !     Hush  !     Hold  your  tongue  ! 

Adahe  I     Beware  !     Be  careful !     Look  out ! 

Cho  (to  animals)  Whoa  !     Stop  ! 

3.  From  the  Spanish.  —  Expressions  containing  the  names 
Yujis  (Dios),  Hcsus,  Maria,  are  not  held  to  be  profane  in  Cha- 
morro. As  in  the  Spanish,  they  are  frequently  used,  and  on  the 
slightest  provocation : 

^  Am,  Anthr.y  vol.  v,  p.  519;  reprint  p.  36. 


Yuus-maasei  Thanks ! 

Hesus  (joy,  admiration ),  How  beautiful !     How  strange  ! 

Hesus  ke  (contempt).  What  a  miserable  .  .  .  ! 

Asaena  (wonder) ,  Lord  !     Good  gracious ! 

Ohal&  (desire),  I  hope  so !     Would  to  God  ! 

Ai  de  mi  (sorrow),  Alas  for  me  !     Poor  me  ! 

4.  Vocative  suffix  . —  After  nouns  in  the  vocative  case  the 
suffix  lac  is  used ;  as  Tata-lao,  O  father !  Francisco4ao^  O  St. 
Francis ! 


The  Chukchee.  I — Material  Culture.  By  Waldemar  Bogoras. 
Memoir  of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  The  Jesup 
North  Pacific  Expedition,  Vol.  VII.  Leyden  :  E.  J.  Brill.  1904. 
4**,  280  pp.,  maps,  plates,  and  figures. 

The  Jesup  North  Pacific  Expedition,  the  funds  for  which  were  pro- 
vided by  Mr  Morris  K.  Jesup,  President  of  the  American  Museum  of 
Natural  History,  New  York,  and  which  was  organized  and  carried  out 
under  the  direction  of  Prof.  Franz  Boas,  had  for  its  prime  object,  by  a 
careful  and  thorough  study  of  the  primitive  tribes  still  surviving  on  the 
northern  coasts  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  the  elucidation  of  the  great  problem 
of  racial,  linguistic,  and  cultural  connections  between  the  two  continents 
in  primeval  times. 

The  results  of  that  great  undertaking  are  now  steadily  being  pub- 
lished. So  far,  thirteen  comprehensive  issues  on  the  archeology,  linguis- 
tics, and  ethnology  of  the  tribes  of  the  coast  of  North  America,  richly 
illustrated,  have  appeared.  Now  we  have  a  new,  comprehensive  volume 
on  the  most  important  tribe  of  extreme  northeastern  Siberia  —  the  so- 
called  Chukchee.  This  volume  is  by  Mr  W.  Bogoras,  the  well-known 
ethnologist^  who  during  many  years  has  made  extensive  linguistic  and 
anthropological  studies  among  this  tribe  and  its  neighbors ;  and  it  is  to 
his  close  studies  that  we  are  indebted  for  the  discovery  that  the  Chukchee, 
the  Koryak,  and  the  Kamchadal  are  of  the  same  linguistic  stock.  For 
the  solution  of  the  problem  of  the  Jesup  Expedition,  the  close  investiga- 
tion of  the  Chukchee  is  of  the  highest  value. 

The  Chukchee  belong  to  that  mysterious  group  of  North  Asiatic 
tribes  (including  the  Gilyak,  Yukaghir,  Cott,  Yenisei  Ostiak,  and  Aino) 
which  have  been  called  paleoasiatic  by  L.  Schrenck,  and  whose  enig- 
matic trait  is  the  complete  isolation  of  their  languages  among  themselves 
as  well  as  from  the  great  linguistic  stocks  of  Asia.  The  isolated  character 
of  the  Chukchee,  moreover,  as  is  shown  by  Mr  Bogoras  through  his  ex- 
tensive measurements  (of  about  two  hundred  persons)  and  observations, 
is  not  limited  to  their  language.  Like  the  Aino,  the  Chukchee  are  enig- 
matic from  an  anthropological  point  of  view.  Though  having  amalga- 
mated for  many  centuries  with  the  Mongolian  tribes,  they  present  features 
strikingly  different  from  the  Mongolian  type. 



"  Their  eyes  are  straight,  and  frequently  as  large  as  those  of  Caucas- 
ians, and  XhQ plica  occurs  but  rarely  among  them.  Their  hair  is  often  wavy 
or  even  curly.  .  .  .  Fifteen  percent  of  the  Chukchee  of  the  Pacific 
coast  have  dark-brown  or  even  light-brown  hair,  and  beards  are  more 
frequently  seen  among  them  than  among  the  Lamut  or  the  Yakut.*' 

Their  folklore,  which  has  little  in  common  even  with  that  of  the 
Koryak  —  their  immediate  neighbors  and  a  closely  related  tribe  —  af- 
fords additional  significant  testimony  as  to  their  isolated  position. 

To  this  enigmatic  people  Mr  Bogoras  is  to  devote  four  large  volumes, 
treating  of  their  material  culture,  religion,  mythology,  and  social  organi- 
zation, besides  their  linguistics,  which  forms  a  separate  series.  The 
volume  now  before  us  takes  up  the  material  culture  only  (trade,  reindeer 
and  dog  breeding,  hunting,  fishing,  war,  habitation,  food,  manufactures, 
clothing,  games,  etc.),  giving  an  exhaustive  and  highly  scientific  treat- 
ment of  these  topics. 

The  rule  of  modern  ethnology  —  to  describe  every  ethnographical 
fact  or  object  with  the  minute  objectivity  of  the  naturalist,  not  neglecting 
even  the  smallest  detail,  but  considering  each  as  important  —  has  been 
observed  by  the  author  in  the  strictest  manner.  At  the  same  time  he  has 
been  able  to  give  to  his  objective  descriptions  an  animated  and  life-like 
setting  by  numerous  comparisons  and  enlivening  details  which  reflect 
views  of  the  Chukchee  themselves.  These  he  was  able  to  present,  owing 
to  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  language  and  the  habits  of  thought 
of  the  tribe  described,  as  well  as  owing  to  his  comprehensive  under- 
standing of  the  general  problems  of  ethnology.  We  must  await  the 
continuation  of  this  work  before  drawing  all  the  interesting  inferences 
suggested  by  the  present  volume ;  but  it  already  presents,  besides  an  ex- 
haustive picture  of  the  material  life  of  the  tribe  described,  a  great  store 
of  facts  highly  suggestive  for  a  comparison  with  similar  cultures  of  other 
primitive  tribes,  as  well  as  for  general  ethnological  conclusions. 

From  the  first  point  of  view,  the  chapters  devoted  to  reindeer  breed- 
ing and  driving,  the  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  arctic  regions  of 
northern  Europe  and  Siberia,  are  of  great  interest.  As  far  as  we  know, 
this  is  the  first  attempt  at  so  detailed  a  description  of  reindeer-breeding, 
and  it  were  well  if  it  were  followed  by  similar  descriptions  of  the  peculiar 
form  of  breeding  among  other  arctic  tribes.  The  absence,  or  at  least  the 
fragmentary  character,  of  such  information,  is  as  yet  the  main  obstacle 
to  a  solution  of  the  question  as  to  the  origin  and  gradual  spread  of  the 
domestication  of  the  reindeer.  How  important  such  exhaustive  inquiries 
are,  can  be  seen  by  the  difficulties  experienced  by  Mr  Bogoras  himself 
in  discussing  the  question. 

322  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  7,  1905 

The  vast  body  of  data  brought  forward  by  the  author,  including  tra- 
ditions and  survivals  in  modem  life,  suggest  that,  among  the  Chukchee, 
dog-breeding  preceded  reindeer-breeding,  the  latter  being  probably  bor- 
rowed from  theTungus,  the  reindeer  people /ar^jcr^//i?«^^/  but,  strangely 
enough,  the  reindeer-race  of  the  Chukchee,  as  it  seems  to  Mr  B(>goras, 
is  quite  different  from  that  of  the  Lamut,  the  one  of  all  the  Tungus  tribes 
nearest  allied  to  the  Chukchee.     However,  this  question  is  still  an  open 
one,  because,  in  the  present  state  of  our  information  about  racial  differences 
of  the  reindeer  among  all  the  arctic  tribes  of  Asia,  it  is  impossible  to  decide 
whether  the  physical  differences  are  due  to  original  racial  differences  or 
to  mere  differences  in  the  methods  of  breeding  or  using  the  animals.   For 
instance,  the  original,  and  even  now  the  most  usual,  form  of  reindeer 
locomotion  among  the  Tungus  tribes  was  by  riding    with  the  saddle 
fastened  on  the  neck  ;  the  Chukchee  drive  on  sledges.     For  so  slender 
an  animal,  and  one  with  so  little  endurance  as  the  reindeer,  such  differ- 
ent forms  of  treatment  are  factors  that,  in  the  reviewer's  opinion,  are 
capable  of  producing,  in  the  long-run,  physical  differences  that  can  easily 
appear  as  differences  of  race.     Moreover,  as  far  as  the  present  writer's 
experience  goes,  the  Tungus  at  the  present  time  continue  to  increase  their 
herds  by  capturing  wild  animals  and  taming  them  \  but  it  is  not  so  with 
the  Chukchee,  and  this  is  not  an  unimportant  cause  for  producing  physi- 
cal differences  independent  of  original  descent.     As  it  is,  the  fiind  of 
information  about  the  Chukchee  manner  of  reindeer-breeding  is  a  valu- 
able contribution  to  this  question. 

Dog-breeding  is  treated  by  Mr  Bogoras  on  a  still  larger  scale.  Close 
investigation  and  comparison  of  the  methods  of  dog  breeding  and  driving 
among  the  different  peoples  of  Siberia  have  given  the  author  an  oppor* 
tunity  not  only  of  making  an  analysis  of  dog-driving  instructive  in  itself, 
but  also  of  deducing  interesting  inferences  as  to  the  great  cultural  influ- 
ences in  early  times  among  the  most  distant  tribes  of  the  North  Pacific- 
The  profusion  of  minute  details  presented  by  the  author  in  this  chapter, 
although  perhaps  a  little  tiresome  for  the  lay  reader,  are  of  great  value  to 
the  ethnologist.  Everywhere  we  find  old  methods  preserved  among  tribes 
that  for  centuries  have  lost  all  communication  (compare  the  sledges  of 
the  Chukchee  and  Kamchadal),  and  instructive  survivals  that  suggest  ideas 
of  relationship  between  tribes  separated  by  many  thousands  of  miles,  and 
seemingly  without  any  communication  (compare,  for  instance,  the  custon* 
of  the  Chukchee  of  putting  the  corpse,  at  a  funeral,  in  a  riding  position, 
astride,  and  the  usual  manner  of  riding  of  the  Gilyak). 

With  the  same  acuteness  of  observation  and  detail  as  to  nunutise, 


the  author  treats  the  other  departments  of  material  culture,  making  his 
work  a  storehouse  of  facts  highly  suggestive  for  comparison  and  deduction, 
to  which  the  last  volume  of  the  publication  of  the  Expedition,  entitled 
'*  Summary  and  Final  Results,'*  will  be  devoted. 

Of  peculiar  interest  to  the  ethnologist  are  the  chapters  devoted  to 
ornament,  decorations,  hair-dressing,  and  tattooing.  Without  any  attempt 
at  theorizing,  the  author  simply  presents  facts,  and  the  facts  show  that  all 
these  phenomena  are  of  religious  origin.  He  says:  "The  tonsure  and 
fringe  are  resorted  to  whenever  it  is  thought  necessary,  for  superstitious 
reasons,  to  change  one's  appearance  ;  for  instance,  for  protecting  one's 
self  from  the  spirits  of  contagious  diseases,  or  by  a  murderer  to  conceal 
his  identity  from  the  revengeful  soul  of  his  victim"  (page  253). 

''  Childless  women  tattoo  on  both  cheeks  two  lines,  etc.,  and  this  is 
considered  as  one  of  the  charms  against  sterility.  .  .  .  Tattoo-marks  on 
men  are  intended  as  charms  against  spirits"  (pages  254,  256). 

'^Chukchee  men  and  women  embellish  their  persons  with  various 
adornments  of  rudest  fashion,  most  of  which  are  regarded  as  protecting 
charms  or  amulets.  Most  prominent  among  these  are  necklaces.  Some 
of  those  who  have  been  baptized  add  to  them  a  brass  crucifix.  .  .  . 
Middle-aged  men  often  wear  a  kind  of  head-band.  It  is  made  of  a  narrow 
strip  of  leather  adorned  at  intervals  with  a  few  large  beads.  These  orna- 
ments are  also  amulets.  In  olden  times  the  attachments  consisted  of 
small  blocks  of  wood  representing  protecting  spirits,  called  *  wooden 
manikins. '  ^  Similar  manikins  are  also  on  the  breast-bands  of  the 
women.  .  .  .  Many  men  wear  also  ear-ornaments,  generally  by  order  of 
the  sh  ans.  .  .  .  Single  beads  on  long  leather  strings  are  sewed  to  the 
clothe,    serving  at  the  same  time  both  as  charm  and  as  ornament. ' ' 

Tb  ornamental  designs  represent  also,  as  far  as  could  be  learned  from 
the  natives,  figures  of  religious  origin,  as  the  sun,  stars,  mountains,  rivers, 
and  so  on  ;  and  the  same  designs  are  to  be  found  tattooed  on  the  body. 

Attention  should  be  called  to  the  two  introductory  chapters,  contain- 
ing a  discussion  of  the  general  characteristics  of  the  tribe  ;  their  habitat, 
climate,  statistics,  anthropological  peculiarities,  and  lastly  some  consider- 
ations of  former  migrations,  drawn  from  linguistic  and  folkloristic  data, 
all  of  which  lead  to  the  curious  conclusion  of  a  southern  origin  of  the 
Chukchee.  One  tradition,  that  about  the  boa-constrictor,  deserves  par- 
ticular attention,  as  all  kinds  of  snakes  are  wholly  absent  from  the  modem 

^ ''  See  p.  258.  This  is  a  remarkable  fact,  because  wooden  manikins  are  very  com- 
mon all  over  northern  Asia.  See  my  paper  on  the  Inau,  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Rus- 
sian Anthrop.  Soc.,  1905." 

324  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,   1905 

habitat  of  the  Chukchee.  Strange  to  say,  a  similar  tradition  was  found 
by  the  present  writer  among  the  Orochee,  thousands  of  miles  distant  from 
the  Chukchee,  on  the  coast  of  the  Tatar  strait. 

The  volume  is  richly  illustrated  with  maps,  numerous  text  illustra- 
tions, and  plates,  all  bearing  on  and  elucidating  the  minute  descriptions 
of  the  text. 

Before  closing  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  correcting  a  slight  error  due 
to  misinterpretation  of  one  of  Schrenck's  plates.  In  the  chapter  on  dog- 
breeding,  the  author  gives  a  design  of  a  Chukchee  dog-harness,^  a  so- 
called  one-band  "oblique"  harness,  saying  that  "this  form  of  harness 
was  introduced  from  the  south,"  and  adding  that  "  it  is  in  use  among  the 
Amur  tribes,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  description  and  drawings  by 
Schrenck  (II,  plate  xxvi,  figs.  3,  4,  5)."  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  regular 
dog-harness  of  the  Amur  tribes,  that  of  the  Gilyak,  is  quite  different,  its 
peculiar  feature  being  the  absence  of  the  back-band,  the  dogs  pulling  by 
the  neck.  This  is  clearly  seen  from  the  description  in  the  text,  as  well  as 
in  Schrenck* s  plate  (figs.  2,  3)  quoted  by  the  author.  He  has  evidently 
been  misled  by  figs.  4  and  5.  The  upper  band,  which  he  took  for  a 
back-band,  really  serves  for  holding  a  head-decoration  for  the  dog,  used 
on  solemn  occasions. 

Speaking  of  the  senses  of  the  Chukchee,  the  author  says  that  *'  taboo 
against  bringing  into  the  sleeping-room  any  objects  connected  with  the 
hearths  and  households  of  other  families  is  founded  chiefly  upon  their 
unfamiliar  odor,"  referring  to  a  case  of  a  woman  having  fallen  sick 
when  seeing  an  old  Chukchee  wooden  case  brought  by  the  author  from 
another  place.  She  declared  that  "an  unfamiliar  odor  given  off  by  the 
case  made  her  feel  giddy  and  sick  "  (page  39).  I  would  not  try  to  ex- 
plain the  individual  case  cited  by  the  author,  but  I  think  thai  taboos 
connected  with  the  family  or  clan  fires  and  hearths  need  not  be  explained 
in  such  an  unusual  way.  It  would  be  more  rational  to  suppose  that  the 
"  sickness  "  of  the  woman  in  the  alleged  case  was  but  a  nervous  fit  asso- 
ciated with  the  fear  of  violating  a  taboo,  and  that  it  also  was  an  effect  of 
the  taboo,  not  its  cause.  Indeed,  we  know  many  cases  where  men  have 
suddenly  died  after  having  violated  a  taboo.  L.  Sternberg. 

Conferencias  del  Museo  NacionaL     Seed  on  de  Etnologia,    Num.  i.    Los 
Popolocas,     Por  el  Profesor  Dr  N.  Le6x.     Mexico  :  Imprenta  de 
Museo  Nacional.     1905.     8**,  28  pp. 
This  lecture,  delivered  at  the  Mexican  National  Museum  by  Dr  1  .e6n, 

r^sum^s  part  of  the  information  obtained  by  him  during  his  visit  among 

'  See  page  108,  fig.  25,  a. 


the  Popolocas  in  i904-'o5  (the  detailed  monograph  will  appear  in  the 
Annals  of  the  Museum).  After  a  historical  introduction  and  some  notice 
of  the  confusion  concerning  the  use  and  interpretation  of  the  term  popo- 
locay  which  Brinton  once  proposed  to  bar  from  the  ethnic  vocabulary,  the 
author  sketches  briefly  the  ethnology  of  this  linguistic  stock,  whose  pre- 
columbian  habitat  was  the  southern  part  of  the  Tlaxcaltecan  territory. 
To-day  the  area  of  the  Popoloca  tongue  embraces  Azingo  and  Mezontla 
in  the  state  of  Puebla,  and  several  places  in  Oaxaca.  In  Guerrero  the 
Popolocas  are  almost  extinct,  and  such  of  them  as  are  said  to  exist  in 
Vera  Cruz  speak  Mixe.  The  Pupulucas  of  Guatemala  are  of  Cakchi- 
quel  lineage,  and  those  of  Nicaragua  of  Lenca  stock :  with  both  of  these 
the  Mexican  Popolocas  have  been  wrongly  affined  by  various  writers. 
Remnants  of  ancient  idolatry  flourish  among  them  and  witchcraft  is  very 
prevalent.  Indeed,  the  Catholic  priest  is  to  them  "  no  more  than  a  wiz- 
ard endowed  with  a  certain  power,  less,  however,  than  that  of  their  own.  *  * 
Endogamy  is  practised  and  the  religious  rites  of  the  Catholic  church  are 
added  to  by  many  old  heathen  ceremonies.  Snakes  are  much  venerated. 
The  influence  of  woman  in  society  is  great,  and  her  word  and  counsel  con- 
trol all  actions.  The  vocabulary  of  some  2,000  words  obtained  by  Dr 
Le6n  enabled  him,  by  comparison  with  Mixtec  and  Chuchona,  to  prove 
the  relationship  of  these  tongues.  The  physical  characters  of  these 
three  peoples  point  also  to  identity  of  race.  The  so-called  *' Mixtec 
eye  '*  (as  the  author  proposes  to  term  a  phenomenon  which  is  "  neither 
the  *  Mongolian  eye  '  nor  the  teratological  epicanthus '  * )  occurs  in  all 
individuals  of  pure  blood  among  the  Popolocas,  Mixtecs,  and  Chucones. 
The  archeological  remains  in  the  Popoloca  country  corroborate  these 
conclusions:  **The  Popolocas,  Chuchones,  and  Mixtecas  belong  to  the 
same  ethnic  family.'*  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

La  Coleccion  Boggiani  de  Tipos  indlgenas  de  Sudamerica  Central,  Pub- 
licada  por  Robert  Lehmann-Nitsche,  Dr  phil.  et  med.  Buenos 
Aires,  1904.  Casa  Editora  de  R.  Rosauer,  Rivadavia  571.  Suple- 
mento.     Buenos  Aires:   1904. 

As  the  accompanying  brief  catalogue  in  Spanish  and  German  ex- 
plains, this  collection  of  100  photographs  (the  Supplement  adds  14 
more)  of  men,  women,  and  children,  of  various  Indian  tribes  of  central 
South  America,  is  the  posthumous  work  of  Guido  Boggiani,  the  ethnologist, 
who  fell  a  victim  to  some  of  the  savages  of  the  Gran  Chaco  a  year  or 
two  ago.  The  reproductions,  excellently  done,  are  on  cards,  rather 
larger  than  postals,  with  titles  in  Spanish  only ;  the  catalogue  gives  the 

326  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [n.  s.,  7,  1905 

German  translations,  however.     The  tribes  represented  are :  Sanapani, 
i;  Angait6y  3;  Lengua^'s;  belonging  to  the  Maskoi  stock.     Caduveo 
(Mbaya)y  15;  Toba,  i ;  Payagua,  6;  of  the  Guaicurti  stock.     Boior6, 
4.     Chamacoco,  79.     This  makes  altogether  a  most  valuable  album  for 
the  ethnologist  in  easily  usable  form  covering  considerable  variety  of 
aboriginal  life   and  activity,   and  is  a  welcome  addition   to   the   eye- 
data  of  distant  Indian  tribes.     Among  the  most  interesting  pictures  are 
a  Sanapani  Indian  with  tame  parrots,  No.  i ;  a  Mbayi  with  bow  and 
arrow.  No.   13 ;    Indian  holding  a  snake,    Nos.    42-43 ;   Indian  with 
labret.  No.  50  ;  Indian  woman  carrying  infant  in  net,  Nos.  87  and  89  ;  a 
group  of  children,  Nos.   3Sa  and  35B.     There  are  a  number  of  fine 
pictures  of  old  men.     Tattooing  is  well  represented  in  Nos.  16-19,  *'" 
24,  77-81,  85,  86,  93,  94;  and  those  who  argue  for  a  connection  between 
these  South  American  Indians  and  the  Polynesians  may  find  some  conso- 
lation in  the  resemblances  suggested  by  the  tattooed  aborigines  of  the 
Chaco  in  comparison  with  Maori  chiefs,  etc.     Dr  Lehmann-Nitsche  has 
both  performed  a  pious  deed  and  benefited  anthropology  by  editing  this 
collection.  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain. 

Zeitschrift  fur  Demographie  und  Statistik  der  Juden.     Berlin.     4®. 

Under  this  title  a  new  monthly,  devoted  to  the  anthropology  and 
statistics  of  the  Jews,  made  its  appearance  at  the  commencement  of  the 
present  year.  It  is  edited  by  Dr  Arthur  Ruppin,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Bureau  for  Statistics  of  the  Jews  in  Berlin.  Within  the  compass  of 
sixteen  small  quarto  pages,  of  which  each  number  is  composed,  a  large 
amount  of  readable  matter  and  interesting  information  is  compressed, 
and,  although  it  has  to  do  with  the  anthropological,  sociological,  and 
economic  features  of  a  special  people,  the  tone  and  tenor  of  the  journal 
are  entirely  objective,  sine  ira  et  studio^  neither  polemical  nor  apologetic. 

The  table  of  contents  of  the  first  two  numbers  will  convey  an  idea  of 
the  richness  and  variety  of  the  subject-matter.  Thus,  the  January  num- 
ber contains  (i)  under  the  heading  *  *  Abhandlungen  * '  :  Contribution 
to  the  Physical  Anthropology  of  the  Jews,  by  Prof.  F.  v.  I^uschan ;  Mar- 
riages between  Jews  and  Christians  in  Copenhagen  during  1 880-1 903, 
by  Julius  Salomon  ;  Criminality  among  Christians  and  Jews  in  Germany 
during  1899-1902,  by  Dr  A.  Ruppin.  (2)  Under  the  heading  **Sta- 
tistisches  Archiv** :  Changes  in  the  Local  Distribution  of  the  Jews  in 
Germany  since  187 1  ;  The  Jewish  Population  of  WUrttenberg ;  Mixed 
Marriages  in  Hamburg ;  Education  in  Prussia  j  The  Number  of  Foreigners 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Saxony ;  Statistics  of  Vocations  in  Austria  on  the 


Basis  of  the  Census  of  1900 ;  Mixed  Marriages  in  Buda-Pesth ;  The  Jews 
in  Italy  according  to  the  Census  of  1901 ;  Immigration  into  the  United 
States ;  The  Jews  in  British  India.  In  the  February  issue  appear :  ( i ) 
The  Conception  of  the  Jews  of  their  being  a  Chosen  People  and  its  Bio- 
logical Significance,  by  Curt  Michaelis ;  The  Pan-Jewish  Labor  Union 
in  Russia,  Poland,  and  Lithuania,  by  Esther  Schneerson ;  (2;  Age  Sta- 
tistics of  Christians  and  Jews  in  Hamburg ;  Criminality  among  the  Jews 
in  the  Netherlands;  Cities  in  Germany  with  more  than  1,000  Jewish 
Inhabitants;  Results  of  the  Census  of  1900  in  Serbia;  The  Jews  of  the 
Oasis  Mzab  ;  The  Vernacular  of  the  Jews  in  Austria  ;  Census  of  1901  in 
New  South  Wales ;  The  Jewish  Colonies  in  India. 

L  M.  Casanowicz. 

Romanische  MeisfererzdhUr^  unter  Mitwirkung  .  .  .  Herausgegeben  von 
Dr  Friedrich  S.  Krauss.  I  Band.  Die  Hundert  alien  Erzdh- 
lungen,  Deutsch  von  Jakob  Ulrich.  Leipzig:  Deutsche  Ver- 
lagsactiengesellschaft,  1905.     8^,  i~l,  1-141  pp. 

This  volume  by  Professor  Ulrich,  of  Ziirich,  is  the  first  of  a  proposed 
series  of  "Romanic  Master  Raconteurs,"  put  into  German  under  the 
editorial  supervision  of  Dr  Krauss  of  Vienna,  aided  by  some  twenty 
collaborators  from  among  the  leading  literary  critics  of  the  principal 
German  university  towns.  It  is  dedicated  to  Ancona,  of  "  Cento 
Novelle  Antiche,"  from  which  it  takes  its  name.  The  series,  to  consist 
of  a  number  of  small  volumes  to  appear  at  the  rate  of  six  or  eight  per 
year,  is  intended  to  embody  all  that  has  endured  as  worth  preserving  of 
the  countless  short  tales,  midway  between  folklore  and  epic,  that  passed 
current  among  the  Romanic  nations,  particularly  France  and  Italy,  in 
the  Medieval  period  down  to  about  the  close  of  the  Xlllth  century. 
Many  of  these  were  of  Hindu,  Arab,  or  other  Oriental  origin,  brought 
back  by  returning  Crusaders  and  adapted  to  European  ideas  by  knights 
and  minnesingers.  They  are  of  all  sorts,  from  Bible  parables  and 
miracle  stories  to  the  originals  on  which  our  best-known  humorists  have 
built  their  reputations.  In  construction  they  are  all  built  on  the  same 
model  —  short,  simple,  and  direct,  as  was  necessary  to  appeal  to  illiterate 
auditors,  who  wished  to  be  amused  or  lightly  instructed,  without  too  long 
a  strain  on  their  intellects.  They  are  the  prose  counterpart  of  the 
ancient  ballad,  and  the  delight  which  the  work  affords  to  one  brought  up 
in  the  European  tradition  is  akin  to  that  with  which  in  mature  age  we  turn 
over  the  pages  of  the  old  fourth  reader  of  our  childhood.  Each  volume 
contains  a  critical  introduction  by  the  translator,  with  an  appendix  of 
literary  and  historical  notes  for  each  story.  James  Moonev. 

Conducted  by  Dr  Alexander  F.  Chamberlain 

[Note. — Authors,  especially  those  whose  articles  appear  id  jonnials  uid  other 
serials  oot  eotirel]'  devoted  to  anthropology,  will  greatly  aid  this  departiDeDt  of  the 
American  AnlArofiilogist  by  seadiog  direct  to  Dr  A.  F.  Chamberlain,  Clark  University, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  U.  S.  A.,  reprints  or  copies  of  such  studies  as  they  may  desire 
to  hare  noticed  in  these  pages.  —  Editor.] 


Andri  LBfiTre.  (R.  de  1'  £c.  d'Anthr. 
de  Paris,  1904,  XIV,  383-96,  portrait. ) 
Memorial  addresses  by  MM.  D'Echerac, 
Thuli*.  Deniker,  Delbet,  Hen-*,  on  the 
life,  character,  aod  woiks  of  the  dis- 
tinguished Freoch  anthropologist.  His 
chief  publicHtioQs  were  on  Religion  and 
mythologies,  Man  through  the  ages, 
Myths  and  religioni,  Races  and  lan- 
guages, Slavs  and  Teutons,  Ancient  Italy, 
etc.  By  his  will  he  left  to  the  ^le 
d'Anthropoloeie  "  my  head  —  face,  cra- 
nium and  brain, —  and  more,  if  useful." 

Balfmu  (H, )  The  relationship  of  mu- 
scums  to  the  study  of  anthropology.  (J. 
Anth.  Inst.,Lond.,  1904,  xxxiv,  10-10.) 
Argues  for  individuatiialion,  varitty,  and 


1  type    I 

have  larger  beads  and  are  darker- haired 
ihna  the  reformatory  and  industrial 
school  boys.  London -bom  boys  are 
oftener  darker-eyed,  darker- haired,  and 
Bloat  (A.)  Questions  de  technique  c^pfa- 
alomitrique  d'apris  M.  Bertillon.  (An- 
nte  Psychol.,  Paris,  1903  [1904],  x, 
139-40- )  From  measurement  oi  104 
subjects  it  was  found  that  in  38  there 
was  no  diifereoce  in  length  of  head 
when  measured  from  the  glabella  and 
from  tfae  root  of  the  nose  ;  io  29  the 
first  diameter  was  less,  in  37  greater. 
The  individual  differences  are  greater 
with  the  greater  excess  of  the  gUbcllar 

fast  disappearing.  Great  Britain  needs 
a  National  Museum  and  "  Folk- Mu- 
seum," and  special  muEcums  lo  illustrate 
special  subjects  (environment,  etc.) 

Baschi  (A.)  Intomo  ai  presunti  ritratti 
di  Andrea  de  Sarin.  (A.  p.  I'Antrop., 
Firenie,  1904,  XXXlv,  301-13,  pi.). 
Discusses  from  an  anatomical  point  of 
view  the  six  portraits  of  Andrea  del 
Sarto,  alleged  10  be  in  existence.  From 
his  physiognomic  analysis  Dr  B.  con- 
cludes that  the  portraits  in  question  rep-  I 
resent  at  least  three  different  individuals  ;  . 
which  is  Andrea  is  still  doubtful.  | 

Beddoa  (J.)  The  somatology  of  eight  I 
hundred  boys  in  training  for  the  Royal  . 
Navy.  (J.  Anthr.  Inst.,  Lond.,  1904,  | 
xxxiv,  92-99. )  Details  of  color  obser-  j 
vatioDS  of  Soo  boys  1 6-1 7  years  of  age, 
and  head -measurements  of  300  compared  < 
with  E6  reformatory  school  and  123  , 
other  boys  of  like  ages.     The  navy  boys   [ 

Bl£al(M.)  Andr«Ulirre.  (Rdel'^c 
d'  Anthr.  de  Paris,  1905,  xv,  i-3.) 
Brief  appreciation  of  life  and  works. 
Among  other  literary  efforts,  Leftvre, 
the  anthropologist,  published  two  vol- 
umes of  poems  pantheistic  in  sentiment 
and  classic  in  style  and  form.  He  was 
also  the  author  of  a  translation  of  Ln- 

DBlTame(J.)  La  vie  sociale.  (R.  Philos., 
Paris,  1904,  Lviii,  583-601.)  The  au- 
thor does  not  accept  the  theory  that  social 
phenomena  are  a  mere  prelongaHon  of 
biological  phenomena.  Many  compar- 
isons of  this  order  are  superficial  and  ex- 
terior. Human  changes  are  due  to  in- 
dividual minds,  but  science  alone  cannot 
create  civiliialion.  Moral  ideas,  indi- 
vidual eneigies  escaping  scientific  for- 
mula are  also  necessary. 

Duff  (R.  A.)  Proverbial  morality.  (Int 
J.  Ethics,  Phila.,  1904,  xiv,  172-9.) 
From  a  consideration  of  proverbs  or 
maxims  concerning  human  conduct,  etc, 
D.  concludes  tbat  ■'  if  the  ideal  of  con- 




duct  which  most  popular  maxims  present 
is  not  of  very  high  type,  it  is  at  least  a 
many-sided  and  self-corrective  one." 
For  most  of  the  popular  maxims  another 
one  of  opposite  import  exists.  The  an- 
tagonbms,  uncertainties,  and  contradic- 
tions of  life  are  well  expressed. 

Oiuffrida-Russeri  (V.)  Le  ossificazioni 
di  spazi  suturali  e  i  parietali  divisi. 
(Mon.  Zool.  Ital.,  Firenze,  1904,  xv, 
172-8,  4  fgs. )  Treats  of  ossifications  of 
sutural  spaces  in  relation  to  divided 
parietals.  G.  holds  that  inter-central 
membranous  spaces  can  independently 
ossify.  Divided  parietals  may  be  real 
and  pseudo,  one  part  of  the  so-called 
**  divided  parietal ''  being  really  an  inde- 
pendent ossification  in  the  sutural  space. 

— —  II  canale  infrasquamoso  di  Gruber  e 
altre  particolarit^  roorfologiche  nella 
regione  temporale,  canale  interstiziale 
e  processo  ensiforme.  (Ibid.,  298- 
303*  I  fg«)  Describes  the  occurrence 
of  Gruber's  canal  in  two  European 
(Roman  Apulian)  male  skulls  out  of 
1,300  examined.  It  did  not  occur  once 
in  400  Papuan  skulls,  and  the  only 
other  example  was  in  an  infantile  Peru- 
vian skull.  The  occurrence  of  the  ensi- 
form  process  is  noted  in  four  Peruvian 
skulls.  In  the  Italian  skulls  when  it  oc- 
curs (ra.  I  :  350)  it  is  not  so  typical. 

Gli    pweudo-parietali    tripartiti   del 

Frasseto.  (Ibid.,  1905,  xvi,  64-70.) 
Critique  of  article  by  Frassetto  in  same 
periodical  for  Dec.,  1904.  G.  considers 
that  the  cases  of  2^ja  and  Fusari,  Ranke, 
and  the  Egyptian  skull  of  the  Paris  Mu- 
seum cited  by  F.,  can  be  interpreted 
otherwise  than  as  divided  parietals,  and 
attributes  to  him  '*an  extraordinary  facil- 
ity for  seeing  divided  parietals."  The 
theory  of  the  ossification  of  the  periparie- 
tal  sutural  spaces  is  advocated  by  G. 

L'indice     tibio-femorale  e  I'indice 

radio-omerale  (A.  di  Anat.  edi  Embr., 
Firenze,  1904,  ill,  546-65.)  The  con- 
clusions of  this  interesting  paper  are  that, 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Tarufli,  macro- 
somia  (gianthood)  does  not  alter  the  re- 
spective proportions  of  femur  and  tibia  ; 
nor  does  microsomia  (pygmism)  alter 
them  according  to  any  fixed  law. 
The  radio-humeral  index  is  higher  in 
male,  and  not  in  females  (as  Calori 
maintained ) ;  the  greater  development 
of  the  humerus  in  giants,  relatively  to 
the  radius,  is  not  proved.  Taruffi's 
*<  law  ",  that  low  stature  is  accompanied 

by  an  augmentation  of  radial  length,  is 
disproved.  The  great  majority  of  the 
lower  races  have  high  anti-brachial  in- 
dices, independent  of  stature. 

——  Un  cranio  acrocefalico.  (A.d.  Soc. 
Rom.  di  Antrop.,  1905,  xi,  extr.,  pp. 
1-17,  2  fgs.)  Describes  with  measure- 
ments an  acrocephalic  skull  belonging  to 
an  individual  ca,  8  years  of  age,  and  dis- 
cusses the  general  subject  (views  of  Top> 
inard  and  Hanotte, —  for  the  latter  aero- 
cephaly  and  oxycephaly  are  synony- 
mous). The  precocious  closure  of  a 
great  part  of  the  coronal  and  of  the  an- 
terior part  of  the  sagittal  suture  is  the 
cause  of  the  excessive  reaction  causing 
the  peculiar  form  of  the  skull,  its  prog- 
nathism, etc.  The  capacity  *is  1,330 
ccm.,  the  cephalic  index  96.7.  The  par- 
ietal bosses  are  asymmetrical. 

Partecipazione  della  donna  al  pro- 

gresso.  (Riv.  Pop.,  Napoli,  1904,  estr., 
10  pp. )  Discusses  rdle  of  women  in 
human  progress  in  ancient  and  modem 
times.  In  the  Homeric  age  and  corre- 
sponding epochs  elsewhere  woman  repre- 
sented a  progressive  element ;  man  was 
priest  and  warrior  and  conservative. 
Woman's  conservatism  to-day  is  retro- 
gression ;  she  has  been  mechanized  by 
religion,  etc.,  and  civilization  has  lost 
infinitely  much.  Woman  must  be 
allowed  again  to  infuse  into  human  cul- 
ture her  grace  and  gentleness,  by  acquir- 
ing a  clearer  intellect  and  a  deeper  sin> 
cerity.  Woman  ceases  to  study  before 
she  is  twenty  ;  what  would  man  do  if  he 
were  in  like  status?  Matrimony  and 
child-birth  are,  after  all,  episodes,  not 
all  of  life. 

de  la  Grasserie  (R. )  De  1' expression  de 
I'id^e  de  la  sexuality  dans  le  langage. 
(R.  Philos.,  Paris,  1904,  LVIII,  225- 
46. )  Author  holds  that  sexual  gender  is 
the  slowest  and  latest  of  several  strata  to 
appear.  Gender  appeared  long  before 
sexuality  was  recognized  in  thb  category  ; 
biotic  and  logistic  preceded  sexual 

Greenwood  (M.)  A  first  study  of  the 
weight,  variability,  and  correlation  of  the 
human  viscera,  with  special  reference  to 
the  healthy  and  diseased  heart.  (Bio- 
metrika,  Cambr.,  1904,  ill,  63-83.) 
Gives  statistics  of  weight,  variability, 
correlation,  etc.,  of  heart,  liver,  spleen, 
and  kidneys,  based  on  1,382  cases  from 
general  hospital  population  and  from  358 
to  413  cases  of  healthy  hearts.     Sp>ecial 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

diseases  and  general  want  of  health  both 
tend  to  increase  variability  and  reduce 
correlation.  Heart-kidney  correlation  is 
highest.  In  health  heart-weight  in- 
creases with  age,  but  the  healthy  hear- 
is  much  smaller  than  the  heart  in  diseaset 
The  weight  of  the  average  healthy  hear, 
has  been  underestimated. 

de  Helguero  ( F. )  Determinazione  della 
grandezza  e  della  forma  degli  organismi 
in  somatometria.  (A.  d.  Soc.  Rom.  di 
Antrop.,  1905,  XI,  17-26.)  Emphasizes 
importance  and  distinction  of  size  (mass) 
and  form  of  organisms.  Stature  seems 
to  be  the  best  index  of  size,  all  organ- 
isms being  reduced  to  a  common  stature 
of  1000  units,  and  the  somatic  coefficient 
being  determined.  The  value  of  the 
relation  between  brain-weight  and  body- 
weight  is  somewhat  doubtful.  In  woman 
the  brain-weight  is,  relative  to  the  body- 
mass,  greater  than  in  man.  Indices  are 
not  generally  independent  of  the  abso- 
lute masses  of  organism. 

Hellmich  (H.)  Der  Gdtze'sche  Bdsch- 
ungsmesser.  (Z.  f.  Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904, 
XXXVI,  885-90,  3  fgs.)  Gives  results 
of  practical  experience  with  the  Gdtze 
scarp-measure.  See  American  Anthro- 
pologist, 1904,  N.  s.,  VI,  554. 

Hery6  (G.)  Le  journal  de  voyage  de 
Relian.  (R.  d.  1'  fee.  d'  Anthr.  de  Paris, 
1904,  XIV,  415-22.)  Gives  extracts  on 
maritime  superstitions  (use  of  powdered 
shark  brain  as  medicine),  the  Hottentots 
(*<  their  language  resembles  more  the 
cry  of  a  turkey  than  the  voice  of  man  "  ), 
manners  of  the  Europeans  at  Batavia  in 
Java  (they  keep  slave  mistresses,  selling 
them  when  tired),  the  Chinese  in  Java 
(a  << Chinese  question"  existed  then  as 
now),  poisoning  by  female  slaves 
abandoned  by  their  European  paramours, 
the  Chinese  of  Canton  (industries,  reli- 
gion, medicine,  etc. ),  the  orangutang 
(called  "a  wild  man'*),  etc.  from  a  Ms. 
of  the  1 8th  century  (1754)  by  a  ship's 
surgeon  named  Relian,  of  Geneva. 

ten  Kate  (H.)  Die  blauen  Geburtsflecke. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1905,  Lxxxvii, 
53-8. )  Discusses  the  occurrence  of 
**  blue  birth-marks  "  (Mongolian  spots) 
in  Asia,  particularly  Japan  and  China, 
Indonesia  (they  are  not  unknown  among 
the  Papuans),  America  (Mayas,  Bra- 
zilian Indians,  etc. ),  whites  of  Europe, 
etc.  Dr  ten  Kate  concludes  that  the 
evidence  in  hand  indicates  that  these 
"blue  spots"  are  an  isomorphism  (in 

the  sense  of  Lehmann-Nitsche),  and 
**  occur  with  different  intensity  and  fre- 
quency in  all  human  races."  Folk-lore 
in  Japan  attributes  them  to  coitus  during 
pregnancy;  in  parts  of  China  to  '*tbe 
slap  of  a  fairy,"  the  mark  of  the  king  of 
the  lower  world,  etc.;  in  Java  to  the 
**  lick  "  of  dwarf-like  spirits,  the  lick  of 
a  snake,  etc. 

Lamieri  ( Vittoria )  Folk-lore  et  pedagogia. 
(R.  di  Psicol.  Appl.,  Bologna,  1905,  i, 
26-31.)  Author  describes  a  game  of 
proverbs  introduced  by  her  into  the 
school  for  the  feeble-minded  at  Bologna 
and  the  good  results  therefrom. 

Lapicque  (L. )  Sur  I'emploi  d'une  toise 
horizontale  en  campagne ;  experience 
faite  dans  le  Sud  de  I'lnde.  (Bull.  Soc 
d' Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  v«  s.,  v,  337- 
40. )  Describes  a  measure  for  taking  the 
length  (height)  lying,  etc.,  of  human 
subjects,  used  by  the  author  in  southern 
India.  The  principle  of  the  apparatus 
was  suggested  by  Papillault.  L.  finds 
the  difference  between  the  height  stand- 
ing and  the  length  lying  to  be  about 
2  cm. 

Lejeune  (C. )  La  communion.  (Ibid., 
404-11.)  Discusses  various  theories 
(Lefivre,  Reinach,  Maury)  concerning 
the  origin  of  communion  as  practised  by 
the  Christian  churches,  etc.  For  L.  the 
Catholic  ceremony  is  a  survival  from  the 
cannibalism  of  remote  ages  —  anthropo- 
theophagy.  The  author  looks  upon 
Catholicism  as  the  greatest  danger  of 
the  future. 

YOn  Lendenfeld  ( R. )  Bemerkungen  ttber 
die  Bedeutung  der  Riickbildung  fiir  die 
Anpassung.  (A.  f.  Rassen-  u.  Ges.- 
Biol.,  Berlin,  1904,  I,  793-7.)  Dis- 
cusses the  significance  of  regression  for 
adaptation.  Regression  of  unused  parts 
is  not  retrogression  but  progression,  for 
it  increases  the  regression  of  the  whole 
organism.  To  get  rid  of  the  superfluous 
is  an  advantage,  —  to  accomplish  the 
most,  with  the  least  expenditure.  Nega- 
tive variation  leads  to  the  regression  of 
what  is  unused,  superfluous,  unpro- 

MacDougall  (R.)  The  significance  of  the 
human  hand  in  the  evolution  of  mind. 
(Amer.  J.  Psych.,  Worcester,  1905, 
XVI,  232-42. )  General  discussion.  M. 
holds  that  there  is  *'an  intimate  connec- 
tion between  the  features  of  the  hand 
and  the  soul  of  man,"  that  its  individu- 




ality  is  "no  less  characteristic  than  that 
of  the  human  face/'  and  that  "in  its 
features  and  capabilities  is  symbolized  all 
that  man  has  achieved  in  his  long  up- 
ward march  from  the  primeval  ooze.'* 

Mahoadaau  (P.  G. )  Poudre  de  crftne. 
(R.  de  r6c.  d'Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904, 
XIV,  332. )  Note  on  a  recii>e  of  powder 
made  from  the  skull  of  one  who  has  died 
a  violent  death,  given  in  a  botanical  and 

?harmaceutical  dictionary   published  in 
'aris  in  17 16. 

Kann  (R. )  Facial  expression.  (Intern. 
Quart.,  N.  Y.,  1905,  xi,  148-62.) 
General  discussion.  Education  and  inher- 
itance constantly  increase  the  differences 
between  adults.  The  infantile  and  adult 
faces  among  civilized  peoples  are  farther 
apart  than  among  savages.  Aristocratic 
and  socially-selected  classes  have  greater 
social  expressiveness.  The  contrasts 
between  the  faces  of  men  and  women  are 
greater  among  civilized  than  among  sav- 
age peoples. 

Kanouyrier  (L. )  L' individuality  de  T an- 
thropologic. (R.  de  rfec.  d*  Anthr.  de 
Paris,  1904,  XIV,  397-410.)  Address 
at  St  Louis  Exposition,  September  23, 
1904.  General  discussion  of  the  indi- 
vidualization of  anthropology  as  a  dis- 
tinct science.  Anthropology  is  con- 
cerned with  anatomical,  physiological, 
psychological,  and  sociological  differ- 
ences, and  the  connection  of  these  with 
one  another  is  not  to  be  forgotten.  The 
practical  organization  of  the  science  is  of 
great  importance.  The  theoretic  recog- 
nition of  its  individuality  in  the  minds 
of  all  anthropologists  dominates  all  other 

Mantegazza  (P. )  Primee  linee  di  psicolo- 
gia  positiva.  (A.  p.  1'  Anthr.,  Firenze, 
1904,  XXXIV,  143-82,  193-241.)  Sec- 
tions xxv-xxxii,  treating  of  inferior 
intelligences,  psychic  processes  in  hu- 
man societies,  pathology  of  thought, 
higher  forms  of  human  endowment, 
memory,  imagination  and  fancy,  speech 
and  gesture  in  races  of  man,  ethical 
character  of  human  thought  (every 
thought  of  weak  brains  is  low),  etc. 
Memory  increases  with  hierarchy  of 
races.  In  biology  and  psychology  1 00 
=  100  is  of  more  importance  than  2  =  2. 
Invita  Minerva  applies  to  muscular 

MinakoY  (P.  A.)  O  pos£d£nii  volos. 
(Russk.  Antrop.  Zhum.,  Moskva,  1903, 

NO.  2,  1-12,  2  pi. )  Treats  of  the  grow- 
ing gray  of  the  hair.  M.  opposes  Met- 
chnikov's  pigmentophagi  theory  —  the 
pigmentophagi  are  really  pigmentophors 
of  Riehl,  Kdlliker,  etc. 

de  Mortillet  (A.)  Les  tumulus.  (R.  de 
1*  fee.  d'  Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  xiv, 
247-62,  6  fgs. )  Treats  of  names,  num- 
ber (exceeds  3000  in  France  —  infinitely 
more  have  been  destroyed  without  re- 
cord) ;  classification  (true  tumuli  or  torn- 
belles ;  pseudo-tumuli :  mottes^  buttes^ 
etc. ) ;  buttes  due  to  mineral  exploitation  ; 
murgers  or  more  or  less  modem  funeral 
cairns,  also  callied  pierriers ;  tombelles 
or  sepulchral  tumuli  of  earth  (barrows); 
neolithic  tumuli,  etc.  De  M.  holds  that, 
except  those  buried  directly  in  the 
ground,  all  dolmens  were  covered  by 

MottfL.  F.)  The  Round  Table.  (Pubs. 
Moa.  Lang.  Assoc.  Amer.,  1905, 
XX,  231-64.)  Treats  chiefly  of  the 
Arthurian  "  Round  Table  "  as  a  courtly 
festival  celebrated  on  some  great  feast 
day.  Author  seeks  to  show  that  "all 
the  known  features  of  Arthur's  Round 
Table  are  found  in  primitive  agricultural 
celebrations,"  the  basis  being  Celtic 

Nioolle  (C.)  Reproduction  exp6rimentale 
de  la  Idpre  chez  le  singe.  (C.-R.  Acad, 
d.  Sci.,  Paris,  1905,  CXL,  539-42.) 
Describes  the  inoculation  of  a  female 
Macacus  sinensis  with  leprosy  from  a 
human  being.  Other  related  experi- 
ments are  in  progress  at  the  Pasteur 

Poarl  (R. )  A  notable  advance  in  the 
theory  of  correlation.  (Science,  N.  Y., 
*905»  N»  s.,  XXI,  32-5.)  Calls  atten- 
tion to  the  importance  of  Pearson's 
recent  memoir  On  the  theory  of  contin- 
gency and  its  relation  to  association  and 
normal  correlation  (London,  1 904,  pp. 
1-35)  in  widening  the  range  of  prob- 
lems and  material  which  can  be  effiect- 
ively  handled  by  biometric  methods. 

Pi^trement  (C.  A.)  Les  races che valines 
dans  les  temps  et  dans  I'espace.  ( Bull. 
Soc.  d' Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  v«  s,  v, 
412-36.)  Discussion  and  critique  of 
Zaborowski's  recent  article  Le  cheval 
domestique  en  Europe  et  les  Protaryens 
(C.-R.  Ass.  frang.  A.  d.  Sci.,  1903, 
845-62.)  Z.  is  in  error  in  applying 
the  term  large  ( grand )  to  the  Asiatic 
race  of   Sanson   and   to  the    Assyrian 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

horses  and  those  of  the  Parthenon.  Nor 
were  the  horses  bestridden  by  Cesar's 
Teutons  so  small  as  Z.  thinks.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  any  race  of  horses 
has  grown  larger  before  the  19th  cen- 
tury (at  this  epoch,  improvements  of 
the  soil  and  climate  and  domestication 
with  better  and  more  abundant  food 
have  combined  to  improve  the  breed). 
P.  thinks  that  the  [>eninsular  Arabs  of 
the  time  of  Mahomet  already  possessed 
what  might  be  called  a  breed  of 

Pittaluga  ( Rosetta)  Su  un  caso  di  ossa 
wormiane  etmo-lacrimali  e  del  palato 
duro.  (A.  d.  Soc.  Rom.  di  Antrop., 
1905,  XI,  52-5,  2  figs.)  Treats  of  two 
small  ethmo-lacrimal  wormian  bones  and 
two  large  wormian  bones  in  the  hard 
palate  of  a  female  skull  (from  Siena) 
belonging  to  a  person  not  more  than  15 
years  of  age.  Facial  asymmetry  and 
dental  anomalies  were  also  present. 
Rachitic  influence  is  suggested. 

Preuss  (T. )  Der  Ursprung  der  Religion 
und  Kunst.  I.  Der  Zauber  in  Kdrper- 
ofihungen.     (Globus,  Bmschwg,    1904, 

Lxxxvi,  321-7,  355-63,  375-9,  388-92, 
10  figs. )  Treats  of  the  **  magic ' '  of  the 
bodily  openings  in  connection  with  the 
origin  of  religion  and  art :  Magic  song 
of  animals  (^.  ^^  grasshopper  as  bringer 
of  heat, — animals  thus  become  deities), 
magic  of  defecation  (among  Aztecs,  etc., 
excreta  and  urine  in  rites  and  cere- 
monies), magic  of  cohabitation  (Peru- 
vian and  Mexican  ceremonies  for  the 
"renewing"  of  nature,  sexual  orgies  of 
gods  and  men),  magic  of  breath  (breath- 
ing into  mouth  of  woman  as  necessary  as 
as  injectio  seminis  for  completion  of 
child),  magic  of  animal  dances  (men 
imitate  animals  and  increase  power) — 
these  are  matters  of  magic,  not  mere 
representations  of  scenes  and  ideas  ( this 
occurs  after  the  dances  have  become 
secular,  or  at  a  higher  stage  of  develop- 
ment). The  conception  of  a  magic 
power  or  orenda  in  the  whole  of  man 
was  preceded  by  the  idea  of  the 
"magic"  of  separate  portions  of  the 
body  and  of  fixed  acts.  Personal  magic 
began  with  the  belief  that  out  of  the 
openings  of  the  body  came  magic  powers 
and  magic  stuff — out  of  the  nose  breath  ; 
out  of  the  mouth  breath,  voice,  spittle, 
and  other  excreta  out  of  the  anus,  penis, 
and  genital  organs.  The  magic  of  man 
is  the  origin  of  religion  and  of  art. 

R.  (J.)  Bin  Oberkiefer  ;mit  flberzflhligen 
Zfthnen.  (Corr.-Bl.  d.  deutschen  Ges. 
f.  Anthr.,  Mttnchen,  1905,  xxxv,  57, 
I  fig.)  The  supernumerary  teeth  grew 
after  the  wisdom  teeth  in  the  twentieth 

Rhumbler  (L.)  Klaatsch's  und  Schoeten- 
sacks  Theorien  iiber  Abstanmiung  und 
Urheimat  des  Menschengeschlechts.  (A. 
f.  Rassen-  u.  Ges.-  Biol.,  Berlin,  1904, 
79S-808.)  Critical  discussion  of  Kla- 
atsch's  theory  of  the  separation  of  the 
human  stock  branch  and  the  anthropoid- 
stock  branch  at  the  period  of  ^e  mam- 
mal, or  ^t  primatoidy  pre-simian  ances- 
try of  man,  and  the  argument  of  Schoeten- 
sack  that  Australia  was  the  scene  of  the 
origin  of  mankind,  —  here  the  natural 
environment  was  especially  favorable  to 
the  development  of  such  a  being.  R. 
considers  both  hypotheses  untenable. 
The  discovery  of  fossil  human  remains, 
etc.,  in  Australia  must  occur  before 
Schoetensack's  theory  can  have  a  status. 

Salmon  (P.)  Influence  du  sexe  sur  le 
dessin.  (Bull.  Soc.  d' Anthr.  de  Paris, 
1904,  \^  s,  V,  332-7.)  Dr  S.  holds 
that  drawing  is  homosexual  and  of  the 
corresponding  sex,  —  it  is  easier  for  a 
girl  to  draw  a  woman,  for  a  boy  to  draw 
a  man.  The  personal  equation  is  large 
even  in  famous  artists.  There  are 
"natural  drawings"  and  "influenced 
drawings."  The  esthetic  sense  hardly 
appears,  even  with  education,  before  the 
thirteenth  year.  There  exists  in  man 
an  innate  tendency  to  draw.  Drawing 
is  precocious  in  the  race  and  in  the  indi- 

Shaler  (N.  S. )  Earth  and  man:  an 
economic  forecast.  (Intern.  Quart.,  N. 
Y.,  1905,  X,  227-39.)  According  to 
S.,  "  the  genus  homo  is  one  of  those  ex- 
ceptional groups,  of  which  there  are 
many,  which  have  a  peculiar  capacity  for 
withstanding  those  influences  which  bring 
about  the  death  of  organic  groups." 
Man's  intellectual  quality  exempts  him 
from  calamities  and  accidents  of  extinc- 
tion and  "he  is  not  to  pmss  from  the 
earth  in  all  foreseeable  time,  but  is  to 
master  it  and  himself  for  ages  of  far- 
reaching  endeavor." 

Slaughter  (J.  W.)  Music  and  religion: 
a  psychological  rivalry.  (Intern.  J. 
Ethics,  Phila.,  1905,  xv,  352-61.) 
According  to  the  author,  "  music  ana 
religion  are  rivals  for  the  same  claims  in 




hnman  nature,  and  so  long  as  music  oc- 
cupies its  present  place  in  the  general 
consciousness,  we  can  look  for  no  wide- 
spread revival  in  religion." 

Stoops  (J.  D. )  Three  stages  in  individual 
development  (Ibid.,  1904,  xiv,  81- 
90.^  Author  seeks  to  show  that  in  the 
individual,  and  correspondingly  also  in 
society,  there  exist  three  developmental 
stages  :  organization  ;  negative,  exclusive 
self^consciousness ;  reorganization  be- 
tween growing  sense  of  self  and  deeper 

Stratx  (C.  H.)  Das  Kind  als  Erzieher. 
(Vrtljhrs.  f.  Kdrp.  Erzhg.,  Wien,  1905, 
I,  17-22,  I  fg. )  We  should  not  only 
educate  children  but  we  ought  also  to 
let  them  educate  us  —  especially  in  the 
light  of  mens  sana  in  corpore  sano. 
The  child  must  not  be  deprived  of  its 
natural  and  healthy  instinct  tor  nakedness 
and  its  expression. 

Stravch  {Hf')  Ueber  eine  Methode  far- 
biger  Konservierung  frischer  Leichen- 
teile  fUr  die  Zwecke  der  somatischen 
Anthropologic.     (Z.    f.    Ethn.,   Berlin, 

1904,  XXXVI,  671-5.)  Gives  author's 
experience  with  the  Littlejohn  wet 
method  of  preserving  fresh  parts  of  the 
body,  which  he  highly  approves.  A 
woman's  head  has  been  preserved  by 
this  method  since  Nov.,  1903.  The 
realism  of  the  specimens  is  remarkable. 

Stfickelberg  (E.  A.)  Ueber  Pergament- 
bilder.     (Schwz.  A.  f.  Volksk.,  Ziirich, 

1905,  VIII,  1-15,  4  pi.,  5  fg.)  Treats 
of  the  so-called  **  parchment  pictures," 
of  which  the  author  has  seen  some 
10,000  (at  the  Second  International 
Congress  of  the  History  of  Religions  at 
B&le),  or  memorial  pictures  for  pilgrims 
and  devotees,  of  saints,  etc.  The  pic- 
tures themselves,  their  origin,  use,  etc., 
are  discussed,  also  the  inscriptions  on 
them.  Their  flourishing  period  was  the 
time  of  the  barok  and  rococo  style  and 
they  were  made  in  monasteries,  etc.,  as 
e.  g.,  at  Einsiedeln.  These  A^/tj^/i  are 
still  sometimes  presented  to  children  or 
put  into  coffins,  or  hung  on  chamber 

Symington  (J.)  John  Grattan's  crani- 
ometer  and  craniometric  methods.  (J. 
Anat.  and  Phys.,  Lond.,  1904,  xxxviii, 
259-74,  2  pi.)  Describes,  from  G.'s 
article  in  the  67f/^r  Journal  of  Arche- 
ology for  1853,  an  apparatus  for  tracing 
on  paper  the  curves  of  skulls,  the 
methods  used,  etc. 

Tenchini  (L.)  Di  un  canale  perforante 
arterioso  ( infra-parietate)  nella  volta 
cranica  dell'  uomoadulto.  (Mon.  Zool. 
Ital.,  Firenze,  1904,  xv,  loi-io,  i  fg. ) 
This  phenomenon  of  arrest  occurred 
three  times  in  430  skulls  of  criminals 
and  in  120  normal  skulls  investigated  by 
the  author. 

Terman  (L.  M. )  A  study  in  precocity 
and  prematuration.  ( Amer.  J.  of  Psych. , 
Worcester,  1905,  xvi,  145-83. )  Treats 
of  infancy,  education  and  prematuration, 
over -pressure,  criminal  and  religious 
and  sexual  precocity,  precocity  and  un- 
balance, nervousness,  etc.  There  are 
race-precocity,  individual  precocity,  and 
'*  prematuration  "  (the  result  of  outside 

ToYO  (C. )  Le  forme  del  cranio  nello  svi- 
luppo  fetale.  (A.  d.  Soc.  Rom.  di 
Antrop.,  1905,  XI,  27-44.)  Gives 
results  of  examination  by  Sergi's  method 
of  86  Piedmontese  fetal  skulls  (second 
month  3,  third  4,  fourth  5,  fifth  ii, 
sixth  9,  seventh  7,  eighth  5,  ninth  1 1, 
term  31).  Of  these  skulls  37  were 
pentagonoid,  22  ellipsoid,  20  ovoid. 
Before  the  seventh  month  96.9  %  are 
ellipsoid-ovoid,  after  that  period  74.5  % 
pentagonoid.  Normally,  therefore,  the 
fetal  skull  assumes  from  the  seventh 
month  of  intra-uterine  life  a  pentagonal 
form  ;  before  this  comes  a  distinct  period 
with  an  ellipsoid -ovoid  form.  The  pen- 
tagonal form  in  adult  skull  is  probably  a 
fetal  residuum.  Cephalic  indices  are 

VolkOY  (Th.)  Variations  squelettiques 
du  pied  chez  les  primates  et  dans  les 
races  humaines.  (Bull.  Soc.  d'  Anthr. 
de  Paris,  1903,  \'«  s.,  iv,  632-708  ; 
1904,  v,  1-50,  201-331,  57  fgs.,  172 
tables.)  Detailed  and  valuable  mono- 
graph based  on  the  study  of  some  200 
human  subjects  (43  Amerinds),  57  an- 
thropoids, monkeys,  etc.,  and  24  other 
animals.  The  European  foot  is  the 
result  of  the  very  slow  and  gradual 
transformation  of  the  foot  of  a  climbing 
ancestor,  the  transitory  forms  of  which 
still  occur  in  the  flat  foot  of  the  fetus 
and  of  modem  savages.  The  arch  of 
the  foot  is  the  most  essential  anthropo- 
logical character,  and  the  index  of  curve, 
or  relation  between  the  height  and  the 
length  of  the  foot,  is  an  important  datum. 
Very  important  also  are  the  foot  of  the 
new-bom  and  the  so-called  supemumer- 
ary  bones.     In  the  Hylobates  and   the 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

gorilla  in  part  occur  the  beginnings  of 
adaptation  to  the  upright  position  and 
bipedal  progression. 

Vram  (U.  G. )  L'indice  alveolare  inferiore. 
(A.  d.  Soc.  Rom.  di  Antr.,  1905,  xi, 
49-51.)  Gives  the  results  of  measure- 
ments of  the  prognathism  of  the  jaw  in 
34  Bolognese  (males  17),  13  Fuegians 
(males  8l,  and  6  Milanese  skulls,  accord- 
ing to  the  relation  of  the  intergonial- 
alveolar  line  to  the  intergonial  pogonon 
(TOrOk).  An  index  below  103  indicates 
a  prognathic  chin,  above  103  a  prog- 
nathic alveolus  and  a  retreating  chin. 
Here  the  relation  of  two  linear  measure- 
ments is  substituted  for  the  measuration 
of  an  angle. 

Un  quarto  molare  in  un  cranio  di  un 

Cercocebus.  (Ibid.,  47-48,  i  fg. ) 
Brief  description  of  a  fourth  molar  in 
the  skull  of  a  macaque  from  Sumatra, 
— very  small,  as  was  the  fourth  molar  in 
a  human  skull  recorded  by  V. 

Waldeyer  (H.)  Os  tibiale  externum 
Pfitzner.  (Z.  f.  Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904, 
XXXVI,  881-2.)  Brief  note  on  four 
cases  of  this  variation,  one  on  both 

WMtelaw  (C.  E.)  The  origin  and  de- 
velopment of  the  H  ighland  di  rk.  ( Trans. 
Glasgow  Archeol.  Soc.,  1905,  N.  s.,  v, 
32-42,  3  pi.).  Author  distinguishes 
four  types,  developed  from  the  form  of 
**  the  simple  dagger  knife  in  use  over 
western  Europe  from  the  14th  to  the 
1 6th  centuries  inclusive."  As  a  distinc- 
tive weapon  the  Highland  dirk  does  not 
seem  to  exist  earlier  than  the  17th  cen- 
tury, although  at  that  time  the  **  univer- 
sal type  "  of  dagger  knife  was  then  in 
use.  W.  believes  that  **  the  existence 
of  Celtic  ornament  on  weapons  of  the 
17th  and  i8th  centuries  was  a  revival 
rather  than  a  survival." 

Wilder  (H.  H.)  Duplicate  twins  and 
double  monsters.  (Amer.  J.  Anat.,  N. 
Y.,  1904,  III,  387-472,  II  fgs.,  2  pi.) 
Treats  of  multiple  births  and  their  rela- 
tionship to  composite  monsters,  intra- 
uterine relationships  in  twin  gestations, 
triplets  and  other  multiple  births,  dupli- 
cates among  lower  animals,  relation  of 
duplicate  twins  to  double  monsters,  clas- 
sified list  of  double  monsters  (diploplagi, 
autosite  and  parasite),  origin  of  compo- 
site monsters  (recent  theories,  etc.), 
configuration  of  the  friction-skin  ( palms 
and  soles)  in  twins  and  triplets,  physical 
measurements  of  duplicate  twins  (four 

sets).  Good  bibliography  (pp.  465- 
472).  Among  the  conclusions  reached 
in  this  valuable  monograph  are  these : 
Twins  are  either  duplicate  (invariably 
of  same  sex —  <<the  result  of  the  total 
separation  of  the  first  two  blastomeres 
of  a  single  egg)  or  fraternal  (of  same  or 
different  sex — <<  resulting  firom  the  si- 
multaneous ripening  and  consequent  fer- 
tilization of  two  separate  eggs  " ).  Da- 
plicate  twins  usually  ''resemble  each 
other  to  the  point  of  confusion"  ;  fra- 
ternal twins  may  or  may  not  resemble 
each  other.  Symmetrical  double  mon- 
sters (diploplagi)  are  closely  related  to 
duplicate  twins ;  unequal  double  mon- 
sters (autosite  and  parasite)  are  due  to 
"the  secondary  fusion  of  two  embr3ros." 
Twins  show  greater  differences  fipom 
each  other  in  the  soft  than  in  the  skeletal 


Abercrombie  (J.)  A  method  of  arrang- 
ing British  bronze-age  ceramics  in  chron- 
ological order.  (Trans.  Glasgow  Arch- 
eol. Soc.,  1905,  N.  s.,  V,  54-60.)  Author 
argues  that  *'the  beaker  is  the  oldest 
bronze-age  type  in  Britain,  and  came 
from  the  continent."  Paper  appeared 
in  full  in  J.  Anthr,  Inst.^  London, 
1903,  XXXII,  373-97.  See  American 
Anthropologist^  *903>  N.  s.,  V,  560. 

Adler  (B.)  Die  deutsche  Kolonie  Rie- 
bensdorf  im  Gouvemement  Woronesh. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1905,  Lxxxvii,  21- 
27»  37-44>  15  fgs-.  plan.)  Interesting 
account  of  the  German  colony  of  Rie- 
bensdorf  in  the  Government  of  Voronej 
(founded  in  the  latter  part  of  the  1 8th 
century  by  immigrants  from  Sulzfeld, 
near  Heilbronn)  and  its  people.  The 
language  is  Swabian  with  a  few  Little 
Russian  loan-words.  The  colony  orig- 
inally numbered  209  souls  ;  the  popula- 
tion in  1902  was  1,192,  practically  sta- 
tionary since  1881.  The  people  have 
retained  their  Protestantism,  thrift,  and 
industry.  Agriculture  and  cattle-breed- 
ing are  the  bases  of  material  culture. 
Government  interference  (law  of  1871) 
gave  the  colony  a  blow  from  which  it 
never  recovered. 

Ammon  (O.)  Die  Bewohner  der  Halli- 
gen.  (A.  f.  Rassen-  u.  Ges.-Biol.,  Ber- 
lin, 1904,  I,  84-98.)  Critical  r^sum^ 
and  discussion  of  Waldenburg's  recent 
work  Das  isocephaU  blonde  RassentU- 
mtnt  unter  Hallif^riesen  und  jUdiscken 
Taubstummen  (Berlin,    1 902,  pp.  46). 




W.  attributed  the  frequent  occurrence  of 
isocephaly  to  hereditary  taint  in  both 
cases.  A.  explains  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs in  the  Frisian  islands  by  references 
to  his  theory  of  the  emigration  of  the 

Anderson  ( L-  F. )  The  Anglo-Saxon  scop. 
(Univ.  of  Toronto  Stud.,  Philol.  Ser., 
^903»  If  ^-45* )  Author  concludes  that 
*' professional  singers  existed  among  the 
Anglo-Saxons  as  well  as  among  the  other 
Germanic  races  of  the  6th,  7th  and  9th 
centuries.**  The  scop  was  warrior,  poet, 
sage,  teacher,  historian. 

Bardon  (L.)  et  Bovyssonie  (J.  et  A.) 
Monographic  de  la  grotte  de  Noailles, 
Corr^ze.  (R.  de  I'fec.  d'Anthr.  de 
Paris,  1904,  XIV,  283-94,  8  fgs. )  De- 
scribes the  **Cher  Serre  "  grotto  near 
Noailles,  condition  and  contents, — arch- 
eological  strata,  flints,  piercers  and  bor- 
ers, nuclei  and  flakers,  etc.  The  "new 
type**  of  borer  was  common  here.  The 
fauna  and  implements  of  the  cave  attach 
it  to  the  Solutrean-Magdalenian  epoch. 
There  are  analogies  with  Brassempouy 
and  Sordes  especially.  One  carving  was 
found.  The  number  of  non-retouched 
flints  was  great. ! 

Bartels  (P.)  Ueber  Schftdel der  Steinzeit 
und  der  friihen  Bronzezeit  aus  der  Um- 
gegend  von  Wurms  a.  Rhein.  (Z.  f. 
Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904,  xxxvi,  891-7, 
2  flgs. )  Gives  account  of  examination 
of  some  50  skulls  in  the  Paulusmuseum, 
from  the  stone  age  and  the  early  bronze 
age  in  the  neighborhood  of  Wurms. 
Two  bronze-age  types  and  two  stone-age 
types  are  distinguished. 

Baudouin  (M.)  Presentations  des  docu- 
ments relatifs  aux  coutumes  des  Ma- 
ralchens  du  pays  de  Mont,  Vendue. 
(Bull.  Soc.  d'Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  v« 
s.»  V,  390.)  Notes  on  two  series  of 
photographs  representing  various  phases 
of  "maraichinage,'*  a  **maralchin** 
wedding,  "raaralchin**  dances,  etc. 
See  American  Anthropologist ^  1905,  N. 
S.,  VII,  140. 

Borobro  y  Dias  (P.)  Les  colonies  sco- 
laires  ou  colonies  de  vacances  &  Saragosse, 
Espagne.  (Int.  Arch.  f.  Schulhyg., 
Leipzig,  1905,  I,  101-4. )  Gives  anthro- 
pometric data,  weight,  height,  chest- 
girth,  strength  of  hand,  etc.,  of  20  boys 
belonging  to  a  "vacation  colony**  from 
Saragossa,  aged  7-13  years. 

Brecht  (Z>r)  Ueber  die  Eolithen  von 
Biere.  ( Z.  f.  Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904,  xxxvi, 
750-2.^  Brief  notes  in  addition  to  Dr 
Hahne  s  account  of  the  discovery  of 
"eoliths**  at  Biere,  Saxony.  The 
original  flnder  seems  to  have  been 
August  Rebe,  a  teacher. 

Bruce  (J.)  Report  and  investigations  upon 
the  Langbank  pile-dwelling.  (Trans. 
Glasgow  Archeol.  Soc.,  1905,  N.  s.,  v, 
43-8,  4  pi. )  Treats  briefly  position  and 
construction,  objects  of  shale  (one  show- 
ing human  face),  shell,  stone,  bone  (a 
highly  ornamented  comb)  and  horn, 
bronze  fibula,  etc. 

Bryce  (T.  H. )  Report  on  animal  bones 
from  Langbank  pile  dwelling.  (Ibid., 
49-51,  2  pi.)  Bones  of  oxen  (chiefly), 
deer,  pig,  goat,  sheep  were  found.  The 
remains  correspond  with  those  found  at 
other  Scotch  pile  dwellings.  The  ox  is 
the  Bos  albifrons  or  Celtic  short-horn, 
the  pre- Roman  domestic  spedes.  One 
sheep  presents  characters  not  found  in 
any  existing  variety. 

On  certain  points  in  Scottish  ethnol- 
ogy. (Scott.  Hist.  Rev.,  Glasgow, 
1905,  II,  275-86  II  figs.)  Treats  of 
chambered  cairns,  their  contents  and 
human  remains  Author  holds  that 
when  the  east  of  Scotland  was  occupied 
by  an  Eur- Asian  (Ripley*s  "Alpine**) 
people,  the  west  was  inhabited  by  an 
Iberian  tribe  whose  customs  and  culture 
have  certain  characteristic  features.  The 
Eur-Asians  brought  with  them  the 
beaker^  —  i\ie/ood  vessel  was  apparently 
native.  There  took  place  "  a  degenera- 
tion in  situ  of  the  Iberian  before  the 
Eur- Asian  t3rpe  of  custom  and  culture.** 

Brydall  ( R. )  Notes  of  incised  and  sculp- 
tured stones  at  ( i )  Luss  ;  ( 2 )  Inch 
Cailleach,  Loch  Lomond  ;  and  ^3)  at 
Glendaruel  in  Argyleshire.  (Trans. 
Glasgow  Archeol.  Soc.,  1905,  N.  s.,  v, 
23-31,  7  pi. )  Describes  the  stone  effigy 
of  St  Kessog(?)  at  Luss  found  in  a 
cairn,  and  a  "hog-backed**  stone  and 
other  relics  from  the  churchyard  ;  cross- 
stones  from  Inch  Cailleach  ;  and  several 
carved  stones  from  the  churchyard  of 
Kilmodan,  district  of  Glendaruel. 

Inscribed    mottoes,    etc.,    on    arms 

and  armor.  (Ibid.,  1-22.)  Gives 
numerous  inscriptions  from  Scandinavian, 
Old  English,  French,  Scotch,  German, 
Spanish,  and  Oriental  weapons,  armor, 
powder-flasks,   etc.      Such   inscriptions 



[N.  s.,  7i  1905 

consist  of  magic  themes,  weapon-names, 
sacred  words,  monograms  and  devices, 
patriotic  sentiments,  historical  references, 
political  mottos  and  legends,  famous 
names,  marks,  names  and  monograms  of 
makers  and  places  of  manufacture.  The 
inscribing  of  swords  and  knives  (Corsica, 
Sicily)  is  not  yet  extinct. 

Capitan  (A.)  L'homme  et  lemammouth 
k  r^poquequatemaire  sur  I'emplacement 
de  la  rue  de  Rennes.  (C.-R.  Acad.  d. 
Sci.,  Paris,  1905,  CXL,  168-9.)  From 
examination  of  the  region  in  question  the 
conclusion  is  reached  that  "  at  the  period 
of  the  deposition  of  the  lower  Quaternary 
gravels,  man,  elephant,  rhinoceros  lived 
in  the  valley  of  the  Seine,  on  the  very 
site  of  the  modem  dty  of  Paris." 

Capitan  (A. ),  Breuil  (PAbbi),  ^/ Ampou- 
lange  (M. )  Une  nouvelle  grotte  pr6- 
historique  k  parois  gravies.  (R.  de  1' 
fee.  d'  Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  xiv,  320-5, 
4  fgs. )  Describes  grotto  of  Gr^ze  in 
Dordogne  discovered  in  1904  (the 
eleventh  so  far  known),  its  contents, 
engravings,  etc.  The  Gr^ze  grotto  seems 
to  put  an  end  to  questions  as  to  the  au- 
thenticity of  these  mural  pictures,  since 
the  sand  and  clay  accumulation  had  long 
covered  them  up  and  indeed  preserved 
the  few  now  existing  —  the  cave  was 
once  full  of  such  mural  engravings  of 
bisons,  horses,  deer,  etc.  Their  rudeness 
also  indicates  their  antiquity.  The  bison 
figure,  though  profile,  has  both  horns 
represented.  Flints  and  bones  were  also 

Capitan  (A.),  Breuil  f/'-4/^<5<»),^/Peyrony 
( M. )  Une  nouvelle  grotte  ^  parois 
grav6es,  LaCal6vie,  Dordogne.  (Ibid., 
379-81,  2  fgs.)  Brief  account  of  the 
grotto  with  decorated  walls  at  La  Cal^vie 
(the  figures  are  of  horses)  in  the  Dor- 
dogne. The  engravings  belong  to  the 
same  series  as  do  those  of  the  other 
caves  in  this  region,  particularly  the 
figures  of  Pair  non  Pair. 

Deecke  (W. )  Zur  Eolithenfrage  auf  RU- 
gen  und  Bomholm.  (Mitt.  d.  Naturw. 
Ver.  zu  Greifswald,  1905,  xxxvi,  i-ii.) 
On  geological  grounds  the  author  con- 
cludes that  the  so-called  eoliths  on  the 
islands  of  Riigen  and  Bomholm  are  post- 

Deniker  (J. )  Les  Bulgares  et  les  Mac^- 
doniens.  Note  compl^mentaire  k  la 
communication  du  Dr  Wateff.  (Bull. 
Soc.  d' Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  \'«  s.,  v, 

459-66,  map.)     Discnsses  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  cephalic  index  in  Balgmria 
and  Macedonia,  according  to  the  investi- 
gations of  WatefT,  Pittai^  etc     In  the 
region    north  of   the   Balkans   brachy- 
cephaly  predominates,  in  the  south  doli- 
chocephaly.     Western  Rumelia  is  espe- 
cially dolichocephalic     The  indices  for 
women  follow  about  the  same  coarse  as 
for  men.     In  the  discussion  M.  Atgier 
attributed    the    brachycephaly    of    the 
north  to  a  Celto-Slav  and  the  dolicho- 
cephaly  of   the  south    to  an   "  Ibero- 
Pelasgic"  element. 

Finn  ( Hr, )  Ueber  neuere  Ausgrabungen 
in  Skandinavien.  (Z.  f.  Ethn.,  Berlin, 
1904,  XXXVI,  668-70.)  Notes  on  a 
bridge  of  the  early  stone  age  near  N&st- 
ved  on  the  island  of  Seeland,  a  find  (ca, 
400  A.  D. )  of  various  metal  objects  from 
Finnestorp,  Westgotland,  urn-graves 
(8th  cent.  a.  d.  )  at  Alsten  near  Stock- 
holm, a  chisel  and  two  axes  of  stone  of 
the  Lapp  stone  age  (** Arctic**  stone 
age)  from  Lillsund  in  Swedish  Norr- 
land,  and  the  richly  carved  Viking  ship 
of  TSnsberg  —  a  **  national  treasure.'* 

Funde  (Die)  im  Maglemose  und  ihre 
Zeitliche  pr&historische  Stellung.  (Glo- 
bus, Bmschwg.,  1904,  Lxxxvi,  363-4.) 
R^sum^s  Sarauw's  account  in  the  Aar- 
boger  for  Nordisk  Oldkyndighid^  ^^Z* 
of  the  important  discovery  at  Magel- 
mose  on  the  west  coast  of  the  island  of 
Seeland  of  a  large  number  of  stone  im- 
plements, tools  of  bone  and  horn,  etc, 
indicating  a  ''station"  belonging  to  the 
earliest  neolithic  period,  or  p)erhaps  the 
period  of  transition  between  the  paleo- 
lithic and  the  neolithic  p)eriods. 

Giglioli  ( E.  H. )  Pietre  adoperate  per  la 
pesca.  (A.  p.  I'Antrop.,  Firenze,  1904, 
xxxiv,  315--6.)  Brief  account  of  the 
mogigy  or  net-stones,  in  use  on  the  Italian 
lakes,  identical  with  those  of  the  Ameri- 
can Indians,  Pacific  islanders,  etc. 

Giuff rida-Ruggeri  ( V. )  Terzo  contributo 
all'  antropologia  fisica  dei  Siculi  eneo- 
lithici  Grotto  della  Chiusilla,  alle  Ma- 
donie  presso  Isnello  circ.  di  Cefald.  ( A. 
d.  Soc.  Rom.  di  Antr.,  1905,  xi,  58- 
103,  I  pi.,  4  fgs.)  Gives  detailed  de- 
scription, with  tables,  of  the  measure- 
ments of  12  skulls,  9  femurs,  16  tibia,  8 
humeri,  5  radii,  several  sacrums  and  a 
number  of  fragmentary  bones,  etc.,  from 
the  burial  grotto  of  Chiusilla.  The  pot- 
tery and  other  industrial  remains  are  now 
in   the  Failla-Tedaldi  collection.      The 




prevailing  cnmial  form  is  the  cuneate 
ellipnoid.  The  average  capacity  of  14 
skulls  is  1477.6  ccm.,  the  cephalic  form 
for  13  male  skulls  is  dolicho-mesato  ce- 
phalic. The  estimated  stature  for  males 
is  1,686  mm.,  for  females  1,590.  These 
rather  tall  eneolithic  people  may  be  the 
ancestors  of  the  tall  Sicilian  element  of 
to-day,  related  to  the  race  of  Cro-Mag- 
non, the  "Berbers,**  and  the  "littoral 
type  *'  of  Deniker,  all  one  and  the  same 
thing.  Apparently  a  tall  type  has  ex- 
isted in  Sicily  since  eneolithic  times. 

Goldstein  ( F. )  Die  Malthusische  Theorie 
und  die  Bevdlkerung  Deutschlands. 
(Globus,  Bmschwg.,  1905,  Lxxxvii, 
46-50.)  Author  considers  "social  over- 
population** the  menace,  not  "Malthu- 
sian  over-population**  —  the  first  has 
been  present  in  Germany  for  some  time 
and  is  becoming  more  and  more  oppress- 
ive. Not  lack  of  food  but  excess  of 
work,  overfilling  of  occupations,  is  the 
real  trouble. 

GorganoYic-Kramberger  ( K. )  Der  pali- 
olische  Mensch  una  seine  Zeitgenossen 
aus  dem  Diluvium  von  Krapina  in  Kro- 
atien.     ( Mitt.  d.  Anthr.  Ges.  in  Wien, 

1904,  XXXIV,  187-99,  3  pi.,  9  fgs.) 
Supplementary  pap>er.  Describes  re- 
mains found  by  Dr  G.-K.'s  assistant, 
S.  Ostermann,  in  1902.  The  finds  in- 
clude some  400  bones  of  animals,  the 
lower  jaw  of  a  seven-year-old  child, 
some  teeth  of  children  and  adults  (in  all 
32),  a  few  skull  fragments  (one  showing 
a  marked  tuber  parietale)^  and  portions 
of  humeri  and  claviculae  of  two  typ>es. 
The  author  finds  two  varieties  of  men 
(the  presence  of  the  second  due  to  some 
irruption  of  a  foreign  horde)  of  the  same 
old  diluvial  species  Homo  primigcnitis  to 
be  represented  at  Krapina. 

Gustafsons  (G.)  Ueber  das  Schiff  von 
Tdnsberg.  (Z.  f.  Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904, 
XXXVI,  670-1.)  Brief  description  of 
the  highly  ornamented  Viking  ship  found 
near  TSnsberg,  Norway.  It  is  orna- 
mented with  animal  figures  in  the  Norse 
style,  in  relief.  The  boat  was  used  as  a 

Halbfass  (/^^. )  Der  Einflusz  des  Gen' 
fersees  auf  die  Bevdlkerungsverteilung  in 
seiner  Umgebung.    (Globus,  Bmschwg., 

1905,  LXXXVII,  34.)  Brief  r6sum6  of 
the  section  in  Prof.  A.  Forel's  Le  L^man 
treating  of  the  influence  of  the  Lake  of 
Geneva  on  the  distribution  of  population. 

The  riparian  zone  has  great  attractive 
power, — ^the  lake  is  a  source  of  food, 
and  land-attacks  are  more  easily  repelled. 
Other  factors,  geographic,  climatic  and 
meteorologic,  have  also  been  at  work  to 
favor  this  zone  against  country  behind  it. 

Handschin  (C.  H.)  Das  Sprichwort  bei 
Hans  Sachs.  I.  Teil:  Verzeichnis  der 
SprichwOrtem.  (Bull.  Univ.  Wise, 
Phil.  Lit.  ser.,  1904,  Iii,  1-153.)  Lists 
alphabetically  under  key-words  the  prov- 
erbs and  cognate  expressions  in  Hans 
Sachs.  Rare  in  the  art-epic  of  Knight- 
hood-times ( in  Iwein  only  42  ;  in  Par- 
zival,  37 ;  in  the  Wigalois  60),  proverbs 
abound  in  the  folk-poetry  of  the  1 6th 

Handtmann  (E.^  Brettchenweberei.  (Z. 
f.  Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904,  xxxvi,  748, 
749. )  Brief  notes  on  weaving-bcMU-ds 
lately  or  now  in  use  in  various  places  in 
northern  Germany. 

Heennaiice  (T.  W.)  Excavations  in  Cor- 
inth in  1904.  Preliminary  report.  (J. 
Amer.  Arch.,  Norwood,  Mass.,  I904f 
II  s.,  VIII,  433-41,  2  pi.,  I  fig.)  De- 
scribes the  new  stoa  near  the  old  temple 
of  Apollo,  and  certain  pieces  of  sculp- 
ture, etc.,  found. 

Hery6  ( G. )  Les  Alsaciens  sous  le  rapport 
moral  et  intellectuel.  (R.  de  I'^c. 
d' Anthr.  de  Paris,  1904,  xiv,  295- 
319.)  First  part  of  ethnological  study. 
Among  the  marked  characteristics  of  the 
Alsatians  are  good-nature,  honesty,  and 
industry,  but  they  are  lacking  in  vivacity 
and  initiative,  considerably  addicted  to 
drunkenness,  brave,  gay,  with  a  good 
humor.  Their  habits  and  customs  are 
patriarchal,  simple,  and  conservative, 
with  much  survival  of  superstition  and 
popular  rites  and  ideas  which  have  af- 
fected the  Christianity  of  the  country. 
"  Reversions  '*  have  been  common 
through  the  ages  and  sectarian  spirit  has 
been  fierce. 

La  colonic  allemande  du  Klingenthal. 

(Ibid.,  331-332. )  R^sum^s  the  account 
of  this  German  colony  (founded  in  1830, 
by  reason  of  the  manufacture  of  side- 
arms  )  in  Alsace  given  by  P.  A.  Helmer 
in  the  Retme  d^  Alsace  for  1903. 

Le  Morvan  en  1794.     (Ibid.,  1905, 

XV,  35-6.)  Gives  extracts  on  the 
"lourds  paysans  du  Morvan*^  their 
habits  and  customs,  from  a  book  of  recol- 
lections, etc.,  of  the  revolutionary  com- 



[N.  s.,  7,  1905 

mitteesof  I793~95>  published  at  Paris  in 
1830,  by  M.  G.  Audiger. 

Hovtaay  (F. )  Trois  nouveaux  polissoirs. 
(Ibid..  1904,  XIV,  326-30,  2  figs.) 
Describes  rocks  used  for  polishing  stone 
implements,  as  the  holes  and  ** pits'* 
indicate  at  Chissay  in  Loir-et-Cher,  and 
La  CrimailUre,  Monthon-sur-Cher. 
Many  similar  "polishers"  have  doubt- 
less disappeared,  leaving  but  few  to 
represent  prehistoric  times. 

Kaindl  ( R. )  Neuere  Arbeiten  zur  Vdlk- 
erkunde,  Vdlkerbeschreibung  und  Volks- 
kunde  von  Galizien,  Russisch-Polen  und 
der  Ukraine.  (Globus,  Bmschwg., 
1904,  Lxxxvi,  315-18,  330-3.  4  fgs.) 
Notes  the  recent  (1902-03)  literature 
on  the  prehistory,  ethnology,  ethnog- 
raphy, folk-lore,  etc.,  of  Galicia,  Rus- 
sian Poland,  and  the  Ukraine,  contained 
in  the  publications  of  the  Cracow  Acad- 
emy of  Sciences,  the  folk-lore  journal 
Ludf  issued  by  the  Lemberg  society, 
the  Tchevtchensko  society  of  Lemberg, 
etc.,  among  which  are  included  very 
important  works  by  Fedorowski  on  the 
White  Russians ;  Kolessa  on  Galician- 
Ruthenian  folk-songs ;  Gnatiuk  on  Gali- 
cian-Ruthenian  folk-tales  (2  vols.); 
Franko  on  old  Russian  folk-tales,  etc. 
R^sum^s  are  also  given  of  recent  works 
by  Majewski,  Ketrynski,  Niederle,  Tal- 
ko-Hryncewicz,  etc.,  on  Slavic  ethnology, 
Olszewski  on  the  ethnology  and  history 
of  the  heart,  Windakiewicz  on  the 
ancient  Polish  folk-drama,  etc.  Suchie- 
wicz's  work  on  the  Huzuls  is  also  note- 

Koroley  (S.  A. )  Astrachanskie  Kalmyki. 
(Russk.  Antrop.  Zhum.,  Moskva,  1903, 
No.  I,  22-47,  4  fgs.,  3  diagr.).  Gives 
results  of  observation  and  measurement 
of  200  Kalmucks  of  both  sexes  and 
various  ages.  K.  compmres  the  Kal- 
mucks with  their  Asiatic  relatives  the 
Torgots,  —  the  effect  of  the  European 
environment  of  ca.  130  years  is  seen, 
but  the  basal  race  characters  remain. 
Of  93  males  between  the  ages  of  21  and 
65  years,  56.99  %  had  a  stature  between 
1576  and  1675  mm.  The  average  ceph- 
alic index  of  96  males  of  like  ages  was 

Larson  (L.  M. )  The  king's  household 
in  England  before  the  Norman  conquest. 
(Bull.  Univ.  Wise.,  Hist,  ser.,  1904,  I, 
55-204.)  A  good,  well -documented 
account,  with  index,  of  the  old  English 
court,  its  constitution,  officials,  etc 

Lissauer  (A.)  Erster  Bericht  Uber  die 
T&tigkeit  der  von  der  Deutschen  an- 
thropologischen  Gesellschaft  gew&hlten 
Kommission  flir  pr&historische  Typen- 
karten.  (Z.  f.  Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904, 
XXXVI,  537-607,  62  fgs.,  3  maps.) 
This  valuable  first  report  of  the  com- 
mittee of  the  German  Anthropological 
Society  on  prehistoric  type-maps  presents 
distribution  maps  of  flat  and  rimmed 
bronze  axes,  oar  and  disk  head  needles, 
and  wheel  head  needles,  for  the  German 
empire,  with  indications  where  speci- 
mens are  now  preserved  and  references 
to  literature.  The  rimmed  bronze  axe 
has  the  following  varieties :  Armorican 
type,  North  German,  South  German, 
Siucon,  ''nicked,"  long-stemmed.  East 
Baltic.  Transition  forms  are  very  num- 
erous. L.  wishes  to  ban  the  word  Celt 
and  use  only  Axt  (axe).  The  Armori- 
can type  is  the  simplest,  the  East  Bal- 
tic very  limited  in  occurrence.  The  oar 
needle  has  4,  the  disk  needle  2  types,  — 
there  is  also  an  East  Baltic  type  of  the 
disk  needle  with  flat  ribbon -spiral  head. 
Of  the  wheel  needle  there  are  4  tyi>es 
(earless.  Upper  Rhenish  with  one  eye. 
Central  German  with  two  and  four  ears, 
Hanoverian  with  three  ears).  L.  op- 
poses the  idea  that  the  wheel  needles 
were  developed  from  the  disk  needles. 
Long  after  the  bronze  age,  in  the 
Roman  imperial  period,  the  use  of  wheel 
needles  appears  again  in  Livonia,  etc. 

MehlU  (C. )  Die  neuen  Ausgrabungen 
im  neolithischen  Dorfe  Wallbdhl  bei 
Neustadt  a  d.  H.  und  ihre  Bedeutung 
fiir  die  Kulturgeschichte.  (Globus, 
Bmschwg,  1905,  LXXXVI  I,  128-34,  27 
fgs.)  Describes  the  important  recent 
neolithic  finds  at  Wallbdhl  in  1904, 
seeming  to  indicate  the  existence  of  a 
village  (22  huts  have  been  noted),  a 
new  fact  for  Bavaria  and  the  Palatinate. 
The  most  interesting  objects  are  ceramic 
objects,  amulets,  idols,  beads,  flints,  etc. 
This  find  establishes  a  settled  population 
in  this  region  at  ca,  2000  B.  c,  with 
trade  relations  with  western  Switzerland, 
northern  Italy,  the  Danube  country,  and 
the  shores  of  the  /Egean.  Curious  is 
the  m  on  a  pottery- fragment. 

Meier  ( S. )  Volkstiimliches  aus  dem  Frei- 
und  Kelleramt.  (Schwz.  A.  f.  Vlksk., 
Zurich,  1905,  VIII,  32-51.)  This  fifth 
section  treats  of  folklore  and  folk -cus- 
tom connected  with  the  various  saints* 
days,  etc.,  of  the  year  (St.  Martin's,  St. 




Nicholas*,  Christmas  with  its  choral  sing- 
ing, St.  John's,  St.  Silvester's  and  its 
songs  of  which  specimens  are  given,  New 
Year,  The  Three  Kings  and  the  star 
songs,  St.  Anthony's  Week,  Candlemas, 
St.  Blasius',  St.  Agatha's,  « dirty 
Thursday,"  Lent). 

Meianer  {Dr)  Ueber  Danewerk  und 
Hedeby  Ein  Riickblick  auf  vormittelal- 
terliche  Befestigungen.  (Z.  f.  Ethn., 
Berlin,  1904,  xxxvi,  675-97.)  Dis- 
cusses the  pre-medieval  fortifications, 
Danewerke,  etc.,  about  Hedeby  near 
Schleswig,  which  once  guarded  the  ap- 
proach to  the  Jutish  peninsula  ( Krumm- 
wall,  Danewerk,  Hohburg,  Osterwall, 
attributed  to  the  Danish  King  Godfrey, 
ca,  808  A.  D. ). 

Melville  (R.  D.)  The  use  and  form  of 
judicial  torture  in  England  and  Scotland. 
(Scott.  Hist.  Rev.,  Glasgow,  1905,  11, 
225-48,  28  fgs. )  Treats  briefly  of  thumb- 
screws, **pilniewinkies,"  the  rack, 
branks,  stocks,  jougs,  anklets,  heads- 
man's axe,  repentance  stool,  '*the 
maiden,"  etc.  In  Scotland,  contrary  to 
legal  theory  (not  practice)  in  England, 
judicial  torture  seems  to  have  been 

Montessori  (Maria).  Sui  caratteri  antro- 
pometrici  in  relazione  alle  gerarchie  in- 
telletuali  dei  fanciulli  nelle  scuoli.  (A. 
per  I'Antrop.,  Firenze,  1904,  xxxiv, 
243-97. )  Detailed  results  of  measure- 
ments, (weight,  height,  finger-reach, 
chest-girth,  cranial,  facial)  of  105  pupils 
( as  to  intellectual  development :  mediocre 
30,  worse  40,  better  35)  in  the  ele- 
mentary schools  of  Rome.  The  meas- 
urements for  each  individual  are  given  in 
the  tables  also  the  same  details  for  23 
best  pupils  and  23  backward  pupils.  The 
more  intelligent  pupils  were  found  to 
have  a  greater  development  of  the  head 
and  better  of  the  face.  The  two  classes 
( more  and  less  intelligent)  as  determined 
by  the  teachers  showed  chiefly  physiolog- 
ical differences,  which  tended  to  vanish 
(accentuating  the  cranial  differences  in 
favor  of  the  more  intelligent)  when  Dr 
M.  arranged  the  two  series.  Better  de- 
velopment of  head  would  seem  to  pre- 
vail among  the  well-to-do  and  the  more 
intelligent.  One  problem  has  to  do 
with  the  intelligence,  another  with  nu- 

Nerong  (O.  C. )  Haus-  und  Viehmarken 
auf der  Insel  Fdhr.  (Globus,  Brnschwg., 
1904,  Lxxxvi,  353-5,  3  fgs. )  Describes 

house  and  cattle  marks  on  the  island  of 
Fdhr,  belonging  to  the  17th  and  i8th  cen- 
uries — their  age  is  ca.  400-500  or  600 
years.  There  are  also  duck-marks  (boring 
the  web-skin,  etc.).  The  cattle  are 
marked  by  snipping  the  ears.  The 
house-marks  are  used  on  all  sorts  of  uten- 
sils, tools,  etc.  House-marks  were  some- 
times engraved  on  seals. 

Ochsner  (J.)  VolkstUmliches  aus  Einsie- 
deln  und  Umgebung.  (Schwz.  A.  f. 
Vlksk.,  Zurich,  1904,  viii,  296-315.) 
Gives  from  MS.  of  Jakob  Ochsner  ( 1798- 
1871)  ca.  1867-1871  items  of  folk-lore 
and  folk-custom  from  the  region  of  Ein- 
siedeln,  concerning  spirits  and  gnomes, 
animals,  insects,  plants,  witches,  zusam- 
menschdlUn  (a  sort  of  cAarivari), 
**  Kindlestein,"  exorcism,  EUister  fire, 

Oesten  (G.)  Ueber  die  bisherigen  Ar- 
beiten  der  Rethra-Kommission.  (Z.  f. 
Ethn.,  Berlin,  1904,  xxxvi,  758-64,  3 
fgs. )  Gives  account  of  recent  excava- 
tions in  the  Liep>e  region.  Author  finds 
evidence  of  Slav  settlement. 

Oliphant  (J.)  The  mariage  de  conve- 
nance  in  France.  (Intern.  J.  Ethics, 
Phila.,  1905,  XV,  189-98.)  The  mar- 
iage de  convenance  is  an  historical  con- 
vention and  has  an  ex  post  facto  defence, 
outlined  here.  It  is  materialistic  in  or- 
igin and  effect  The  convent-education 
of  girls  enabled  it  to  continue,  but  free 
intercourse  of  young  people  has  not  yet 
that  completeness  which  will  abolish  it. 

Ottolenghi  (S.)  La  nuova  *'cartella  bio- 
grafica  dei  pregiudicati "  adottata  nell' 
amministrazione  di  P.  S.  (A.  d.  Soc. 
Rom.  di  Antrop.,  1905,  xi,  104-29.) 
Reproduces,  with  explanatory  notes  and 
instructions  for  observ